Chapter 3 and institutional arrangements shamelessly to correspond to their needs(Arditi, 2003). This definition does not presume that populists only manifest themselves once they have access to political power, with the means to sideline institutional procedures. Rather, the argument here is that, populists can be found both in government and in opposition. More critically, the defining issue with populism and populist rhetoric in Ghana has been its initial usage to:(a) gain political power; and(b) secure continued popular support once power has been attained. Thus, whether they are in government or opposition, there is a sense in which populist politicians eventually exhibit impatience with formal decision-making processes. Through such displays of impatience, political leaders tend to invoke their trademark, populist distrust of elites as a sweeping device to override institutional constraints on their action(Arditi, 2003:19). The worldview of populist politicians can be divided into us and them. Them usually relates to those who oppose'our' views and actions, and therefore become the enemy of us and perpetrate injustices against us. This presupposes that the privileged few in society or those political, social and economic beliefs and status are at variance with those representing us would usually be classified as them while the underdogs and underprivileged would be us. The populist, therefore, exploits and takes advantage of particular political discourses which are often based on the twin pillars of resentment: anger and injustice– perceived or real(Meny and Surel, 2002:12) to perpetrate, propel and sustain themselves into power. Thus, an emphasis on the notion of'the people' is always central to populist discourse that tends to be permeated with the celebration of'the good, wise and simple people and the rejection of the corrupt, incompetent 65