Fourthly, in each country, a specific political power relationship was at the root of the establishment of the electoral commission. The importance and dimension of the electoral commission shows to a very large extent these political power relationships. The demands for a strong electoral have had more chance of succeeding in countries where the pressure of the opposition is strong than in countries where this has rather proved to be weak. In the final analysis, in the light of a combination of the advantages which the different commissions present, some indications may be provided on what could be an example of an electoral commission which combines all advantages. With regards to the appointment of members, the general option should tend towards the diversification of the authorities to appoint members of the commissions(Ghana, Nigeria, Benin). The appointment of all the members by only the president of the country (as it is the case in Senegal) is certainly the least approach to adopt. As far as the profile of the members are concerned, the option should be the definition of the intellectual and professional profile of members(as it is the case in Senegal) so that not just anyone will find himself or herself as a member of an electoral commission. Regarding the terms of office, the desirable option to ensure the effectiveness and continuity of the work of the commissions appears to be the permanence of the body. This is the option agreed upon by most of the commissions. Even Benin appears to be tending toward the same. With regards to prerogatives, the study has shown that the success cases are generally recorded in countries(Benin, Ghana) where the electoral commissions have prerogatives which extend to the entire electoral process. On the other hand, countries where the 94