Schlaglicht Israel Nr. 08/12 Aktuelles aus israelischen Tageszeitungen 30. April – 15. Mai 2012 1. Nationale Einheitsregierung Israel hatte sich bereits auf Neuwahlen Anfang September eingestellt, da überraschten Premierminister Benjamin Netanyahu und Shaul Mofaz, Vorsitzender der größten Oppositionspartei Kadima, mit der Ankündigung, dass Kadima der Regierungskoalition beitreten wird und der Bildung einer nationalen Einheitsregierung. Damit verfügt Netanyahu nun über eine Mehrheit von 94 von 120 Sitzen in der Knesset, so viele kein Premierminister zuvor. Mofaz erhielt das Amt des Vize-Premiers, verfügt aber über kein eigenes Ressort. Neuwahlen hätten allen Voraussagen nach deutliche Verluste für Kadima bedeutet. Netanyahu, king of Israel „By st riking the kind of deal he struck with Shaul Mofaz of Kadima, the deal of his life, the prime minister has put himself out of the reach of his party's right wing, out of the reach of Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman's machinations, out of the reach of Shas' extortions, and out of the reach of U.S. President Barack Obama. He has also buried Yair Lapid, who must now go back and have a hard think about his next move. Netanyahu is also out of the reach of(...) the opposition, which together makes up no more than 25 Knesset mandates. That's not even enough MKs to force Netanyahu to appear at a Knesset hearing to defend his government's policies. Without any real opposition to his government, and without a quarrelsome coalition to worry about, Netanyahu has put himself beyond anyone's reach. He has, in essence, become Israel's king, the supreme leader.(...) no Israeli prime minister has been a supreme leader before.“ IHY, Amir Mizroch, 8.5.2012 Lapid and Yachimovich are the losers „On the personal level, Mofaz is the big winner in this move. He has given Kadima another balloon of oxygen.(...) he is their indisputable king.(…) Neta nyahu has succeeded in getting out of elections that he didn't really want and to neutralize Labor and Lapid, his future rivals. Netanyahu is now all powerful in the Knesset. There is an opposition of less than 30 MKs – a majority that even David Ben Gurion never enjoyed. Even if social protesters take to the streets in the summer, they won't be heard in the Knesset.(…) We have got s tronger and learned he said at today's press conference. Bibi from the mid 90s is not the Netanyahu of 2012. Labor party chairperson MK Shelly Yachimovich(...) is also a big loser from the national unity government. She becomes leader of the opposition with just 26 MKs.“ GLO, Lilach Weissman, 8.5.2012 Israel’s disgraceful alliance „While for Netanyahu the PR damage is a slight blow, in Mofaz’s case we are dealing with a freefall into a mountain. Who would dare believe the man who just crushed what was left of his integrity for a single ministerial post without portfolio and the postponement of his electoral demise?(...) What significance would any agenda to ever be presented by Mofaz or members of the unclear party that drags behind him hold? Yet this is not only about Kadima. If there is one thing that Israelis can learn from the new, disgraceful alliance between Netanyahu and Mofaz, it is this: We must sober up from our centrist dream.(…) many Israelis fantasize about(and then vote for) a nice political Center that would aim to secure everything without shaking up anything or angering anyone. Yet the successful scheme early Tuesday is the ultimate proof of the infeasibility of this imaginary notion of “Center.” JED, Ziv Lenchner, 8.5.2012 1

Netanyahu-Mofaz unity deal provides a great opportunity for Israel „His new partnership with Kadima chairman Shaul Mofaz frees Netanyahu of pressure from the extreme right and strengthens the government's moderate wing. Now, all the excuses about how"Netanyahu can't" no longer exist. Netanyahu can and must carry out the High Court's decisions, evacuate Migron and Ulpana, and resume talks with the Palestinians with no evasions and no superfluous preconditions. This must be his goal over the next 18 months. If he instead wastes his time on threats of war with Iran or empty moves to change the system of government and draft the ultra-Orthodox and Arabs into civilian national service, Netanyahu will waste the enormous political opportunity that his agreement with Kadima has given him.“ HAA, Editorial, 9.5.2012 Like Ariel Sharon, Netanyahu has been pushed to the center „Finally we have a government representing the Israeli majority, a government that no niche party can extort. Finally we have a government with a clear Zionist majority.(…) the Sharonization of Be njamin Netanyahu began.(…) Kadima in its current form will fade away, the Haredi and far-right parties will weaken, and Yair Lapid will post numerous status updates on Facebook. But the political establishment is moving to the center, and with any luck it will move closer to a two-state solution. As always, it all comes down to Netanyahu. If this was just a way to hold on for another year as prime minister, his political career is finished. But if he ushers in genuine change, the world will be in the palm of his hand. No more excuses. He is beholden to none, at the head of the broadest government ever. Starting today, he has all the responsibility.“ HAA, Ari Shavit, 9.5.2012 Israel's political stink bomb „Just like Ehud Barak before him, Mofaz performed a selfish, stinky scheme that allowed him to detach himself once and for all from this pesky notion of "elected public servant" and turn himself into a Netanyahu servant.(…) Shaul Mofaz jo ined the new Israeli politics(...): The one that would sell its mother, his mother, my mother and your mother – and then the father, the kids and the pets if there are any – for another 30 minutes in their post. It's all about being there for the sake of being there.(…) B ecause of these kinds of ploys, we feel that we lost our politicians, that they lost us, and that all of us lost the chance for the kind of politics that has any substantive, practical, or principled meaning; the kind of politics that can make a difference. But hey, we got a unity government! Government chairs for everyone! All the rest can just stay in place, or better yet, shove it.“ JED, Raanan Shaked, 9.5.2012 He sold his soul to a liar „Like Faust(...) Kadima chairman Shaul Mofaz sold his soul to a“liar,” as he had repeatedly called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in exchange for keeping his party alive for at least 14 more months and rescuing himself from political oblivion.(...) It’s not clear what exactly they decided − but beyond the tricks, the shticks and the dirty politics there may be a few positive things: 1. The election will not be brought forward. 2. Kadima, which was expected to crash in an early election, will have an opportunity to recover. 3. Bibi will have a majority that will theoretically enable him to move toward an agreement with the Palestinian Authority and an agreement over sharing the national burden equally without surrendering to the ultra- Orthodox. So what’s the punch line?, my editor will ask. My answer: So far, disgust.“ HAA, Yoel Marcus, 11.5.2012 2. Wehrpflicht für ultra-Orthodoxe Eines der zentralen Projekte der alten wie der, nach dem Kadima-Beitritt, erweiterten Regierungskoalition von Benjamin Netanyahu bleibt die vom Obersten Gericht angemahnte Neuregelung, was die Pflicht zum Armee-Dienst auch von ultra-orthodoxen Juden betrifft. Wenn sie sich voll dem Studium der Thora widmen wollen, sind die„Haredim“ d erzeit von dieser allgemeinen Pflicht ausgenommen. Innerhalb der israelischen Gesellschaft wird seit Jahren immer wieder verlangt, dass die Haredim ebenso wie alle anderen Wehrpflichtigen diesen Armeedienst schon aus Gründen der Gleichheit leisten müssen. Auch deshalb, weil sie fast ausnahmslos staatliche Leistungen beziehen, um ihren und den Lebensunterhalt ihrer überdurchschnittlich kinderreichen Familien zu bestreiten. Israel needs fewer haredim „The correct question is not how to draft the haredim and draw them into the job market, but rather, what should be done in order to minimize their rate within Israeli society. Once the haredi population declines, the gravity of the issue of enlisting them to the army would decline as well.(...) without a quick change in current trends, all hope will be lost in the coming years for the Hebrew state in its Zionist version. The haredim shall win.(…) Hasn’t the time come to openly say what we feel? Haredi society educates people to be parasites and cultivates poverty. In2

deed, it is the most powerful agent of spreading ignorance, prejudice and all sorts of other nonsense. It is an enemy of the sciences, shuns the arts, disparages the rule of the people, hates women and exploits them. It despises those who are different, regardless of whether they are foreigners or members of our own people. The strengthening of haredi society is a guarantee for weakening Israeli society to the point of ultimate defeat. Hence, the intellectual effort dedicated to the issue of IDF enlistment should be dedicated to the great challenge: Shrinking the ranks of the haredim.“ JED, Yaron London, 7.5.2012 The army debate's missing link „The Likud must not get dragged into populist di scourse about the haredim. The Likud is a liberal movement, but it is a conservative liberalism that has never divorced itself from religious tradition or the spiritual world of yeshivas.(…) One can debate the proportions, ideas, and lifestyle, but there is certainly agreement about the importance of religious tradition and its relevance to life in Israel. It is the duty of every decent person who seeks to discuss haredi enlistment to start by asking what place Torah holds in Israeli society. Any discussion with this starting point will find attentive ears among the haredi population – even when it comes to the issue of enlistment.“ IHY, Dror Eydar, 8.5.2012 Privileged to serve nation „Many other non-Jewish Israelis are in fact exempt from serving, and thereby from sharing the burden of protecting the home country that affords them so many privileges, a high standard of living and freedoms that they would never dream of anywhere else in the Middle East. They, too, should share the responsibility of protecting this land from Shiite Islamic fundamentalists in Lebanon and Iran, who would treat them(the Sunni Muslims of Israel) no better than they would treat the Jews, if they succeeded in overrunning this country.(…) Israel is the homeland and holy land for the entire Jewish people, and the center of our nation. Protecting this land and people is an obligation for every Jew, no matter where he happens to live.(...) Every Jew should be called to fulfill his obligation to protect his land and his people, regardless of where in the world he lives.(…) we will need to continue to wear uniforms and fight battles against those who wish us dead. As long as that is the case, every able body(regardless of race, religion or geographical location) in Israel should have to give his share.“ JED, David Ha'ivri, 9.5.2012 The Tal Law: The tip of the iceberg „Everyone is aware of the existential threat Iran’s nuclear program represents, but we would be foolish to ignore the internal threat to our future represented by the haredi(ultra- Orthodox) community’s lack of integration into Israeli life and socie ty.(…) It is a crisis that threatens the security of the nation and the health of the army and it is a moral crisis that undermines the principle of morality and of equality upon which any decent society is built and could lead an in ternal revolt that will tear Israel apart.(…) But it is not only army service that is problematic. An equal threat is posed by the very basic concept of an entire society in which work is frowned upon and in which children are deprived of an education that would prepare them for the ability to make a living. (…) The growth of the haredi community indicates that they may indeed become a majority of the population. Can any society tolerate a situation in which that sizable a sector does not work and must – in one way or another – be supported by the rest of the population? Netanyahu has shown that he can stand up to Iran. Can he now stand up to the haredim and to their representatives in the Knesset and in his coalition? That will be the true test of his lead ership.“ JPO, Reuven Hammer, 13.5.2012 Israel must draft Haredim, Arabs into IDF „There's no denying it: Correcting a situation where massive exemptions from military service have been given to ultra-Orthodox young men for many years poses seemingly insoluble problems. Common sense dictates that the correction will have to be carried out gradually.(...) Does this mean an additional element of discrimination should be introduced by offering ultra-Orthodox young men the opportunity to choose national service instead of military service, an option that is not offered other young men being drafted into the military? Whatever measures are taken to correct a long-existing inequality, that inequality should not be compounded by legalizing it. All of Israel's citizens are equal. So why is the uproar over exemptions from military service focused only on ultra-Orthodox Jews? An even larger number of Moslem and Christian Arab citizens do not participate in the defense of the country as do most Jewish and all Druze citizens.(...) It is sometimes suggested that you cannot expect Israel's Arab citizens to participate in the defense of this country against its Arab enemies.(...) As if Arabs were not fighting Arabs all over the Middle East. As if the Israel Defense Forces' Druze soldiers are not among the its best, and forgetting that the Bedouin infantry battalion is doing an excellent job in the south.(And forgetting, too, that the Iranian ayatol3

lahs who threaten Israel with extinction are not Arabs.) As if Israel's Arab citizens should be granted all the rights of citizenship without taking on all the citizen's obligations.(...)The goal must be universal military service. It can be reached gradually, but not by legalizing inequality.“ HAA, Moshe Arens, 15.5.2012 The IDF wants you – or does it? „The idea that the Israel’s draft is universal and that everyone except the ultra-Orthodox serves is a myth. A recent study by the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies shows that nearly 25 percent of draft-age men never enlist. And another 18% of the men leave the service before their term is up. Forty percent of women do not enlist. The ultra-Orthodox are not the only ones not serving. Reserve service is even less universal. Barely 4% of eligible Israelis serve their month(more precisely, 26 days) each year. Does this mean the IDF is in trouble? On the contrary.(...) Another government committee determined that the army was already being selective in whom it accepted and what to do with them, and differentiated on the basis of sex, academic background and other factors. So the debate about drafting the ultra-Orthodox is not about Israeli security, it is about social equality. And with all due respect for the issue of social equality, the army exists to protect Israel, not to make social policy. A better solution than embittering people by forcing them to serve while actually reducing Israeli security and paying more to do so – would be to pay a normal wage to the dedicated soldiers the IDF already has. This would encourage the army to use its soldiers more effectively and remove the stigma of their being called“freierim.” It would remove a point of conte ntion in Israeli society and allow more people to join the country’s workforce. It would also show that most Israelis want to serve even without being threatened.“ JPO, Zev Golan, 14.5.2012 3 . Ex-Geheimdienstchef wirft Netanyahu Irreführung vor Yuval Diskin, ehemaliger Chef des israelischen Inland-Geheimdienstes Shin Bet, hat Premierminister Netanyahu und Verteidigungsminister Barak bei einer öffentlichen Veranstaltung u.a. vorgeworfen, die israelische Öffentlichkeit über die tatsächliche Notwendigkeit eines präventiven Angriffs auf Iran zu täuschen. Zudem sagte Diskin, Netanyahu und Barak seien nicht befähigt, einen solchen Angriff überhaupt zu führen und dass sie aus„messi a nischen“ Motiven heraus handeln würden. Im März hatte bereits der ehemalige Chef des Auslandsgeheimdienstes Mossad, Meir Dagan, die Spitzen der Regierung öffentlich vor einem Angriff auf den Iran gewarnt. Israel should listen to former Shin Bet chief Diskin „What Diskin says is extremely important.(…) there is great significance in his words:"Forget about the stories they're selling you that Abu Mazen[Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas] doesn't want to talk. They're not talking to the Palestinians because this government has no interest in talking to the Palestinians." Diskin's comments peel off the government's mask – that's it's constantly striving for peace but coming up against opposition from the other side. Diskin's remark about the Arabs of Israel_„Israel“ has become more and more racist in the past 15 years"- is also worrisome when uttered by the former Shin Bet chief. His warnings on these two issues(…) are a call for an immediate change in the Netanyahu-Barak government's policies. This is especially the case because Barak last year forecast a heap of trouble with the Palestinians("a tsunami" ). Even though this hasn't proved true, a crisis will occur in good time. Even though Diskin wasn't much more than an observer during the Iran discussions, his impression of the decision-making process carries great weight.(...) If his impression is accurate – and the burden of refuting it is on the targets of his criticism – we mustn't put the fate of the nation in the hands of such leaders, in both war and peace. Usually it's the Shin Bet that eavesdrops on others. This time, the people should give a listen.“ HAA, Editorial, 30.4.2012 Debating Diskin „T he most distasteful and undemocratic response to Diskin’s(...) outspokenness has been a legislative initiative that, if passed, would severely restrict the open debate and criticism that characterizes Israeli political discourse. Dubbed the“Dagan Law,” the legislative initiative would prevent former security officials from making public comments on matters related to their field of expertise without authorization from the Defense Ministry.(…) But in actuality, stifling the free exchange of ideas and criticism among those most qualified to express these ideas and criticism is the real danger to Israel’s security. After all, it was precisely the lack of independent thinking in the military establishment that created a collective misconception and led to Israel’s unpr eparedness for the Yom Kippur War. Indeed, what makes robustly democratic, open societies so much stronger than their autocratic counterparts is their ability to exercise self-criticism, learn from mistakes and choose leaders in light of conclusions reached 4

through open debate. If Dagan and Diskin, based on their deep familiarity with our military capabilities and high-level decision-making process, believe that it would be unwise for Israel to single-handedly attack Iran or that not enough is being done to advance peace with the Palestinians, not only should they have the right to say so; they have a moral obligation. If critics of Dagan and Diskin think the two have given away national secrets, then they should call for them to be tried for espionage in accordance with the law. And if they think Dagan’s and Diskin’s analyses are wrong, then they should explain why. But the attempt to use legislation to silence men with many merits and priceless experience is unfair, undemocratic and dangerous.“ JPO, Editorial, 30.4.2012 Israel is stuck between Diskin and Netanyahu „Not that I don't believe Diskin. It seems quite clear to me that Netanyahu and Barak, together and individually, feel like the messiah. They might not call themselves by that name, but they feel it. And this, by the way, actually has a direct connection with where they live – isolated, cut off from the public, from"ordinary" people, in elitist homes – and must certainly contribute to the feeling that they are the chosen ones. But what should we do with this? The sad truth is that there's nothing we can do with it. We are helplessly caught between the fear that Netanyahu is drumming into us, of a holocaust perpetrated against us by Iran, and the fear that Diskin and Dagan are drumming into us, of a holocaust perpetrated against us b y Netanyahu.“ HAA, Merav Michaeli, 30.4.2012 Iran, The New York Times and Yuval Diskin „There is nothing new about Israeli generals and spy chiefs suddenly sounding like pacifist Peace Nowniks the minute they retire from their positions. Nor is it novel for hysteria to ensue when this happens. After all, if counter-terrorism specialists with inside info are telling us the score, we have to believe that they know what they’re talking about, right? Wrong. They are unemployed guys, ones who couldn’t talk about their work beforehand, looking for their next gig. This usually means politics. And in the Israeli political system, they can be catapulted into realistic slots on party lists if they play their cards right. Nobody provides better capital for left-wing parties than former military or security honchos. Proof of this lies in the huge amount of publicity Diskin has been receiving for his remarks.“ IHY, Ruthie Blum, 1.5.2012 Diskin’s(and Dagan’s) messianism „There is one thing Diskin got right, even though he grossly exploited the issue: Those who feel they must act on behalf of Jewish destiny must show, through their lifestyles and public conduct, that they are worthy of carrying this heavy burden and are not taking the name of Jewish destiny in vain. Quite a few Israelis feel uncomfortable about the way in which Netanyahu and Barak are leading the country. They are right to attribute historic(so-called"messianic") significance to the Iranian threat, but the way in which they are running the country and the problematic examples they set take away from the overall trust that leaders must earn when there is a possibility they will have to lead the country into a fateful war. There is no need to return to the era in which the country's leaders were shepherds or"lowly, and riding upon an ass." But especially when we face tribulations of supreme historical importance, we do need our leaders to be shepherds of a sort, whom the people trust and follow. They must be able to integrate their leadership skills with personal and public courage, and the capacity to do things well and have an accurate understanding of reality – one that is not influenced by populism.“ HAA, Israel Harel, 3.5.2012 4. Medienquerschnitt Die Vielfalt der in Israel relevanten Themen kann in einem Medienspiegel nicht umfassend wiedergegeben werden. Um den deutschen LeserInnen dennoch einen Einblick in das breite Themenspektrum, das in den Medien behandelt wird, zu gewähren, veröffentlichen wir in dieser Schlaglichtausgabe wieder eine kleine Auswahl an weiteren Themen, die in den vergangenen zwei Wochen die israelische Gesellschaft bewegten. Über Tzipi Livni, die nach dem Verlust des Parteivorsitzes von Kadima ihr Knesset-Mandat niedergelegt hat: Livni's litany of failures „Ousted Kadima chairwoman Tzipi Livni(...) leaves behind a bland, uneventful political career with barely any accomplish ments to speak of.(…) By trying to keep“politically clean,” by promising“a different politics without cynicism,” Livni r emained politically ineffectual. Only after Olmert was forced to resign did she inherit the mantle of leadership. She didn't take it from him – it, like much of her political career, was handed to her.(...) Livni's inexperience and naivete cost her the prime minister's office.(…) In the three years since her failed bid for power, Livni 5

has failed to keep Kadima united, vibrant and relevant. Above all, her failure to respond in time to last summer’s socio- economic protest sealed her fate. (…) She failed to make peace with Shaul Mofaz, she failed to coax Yair Lapid into Kadima, or even into an alliance with Kadima, and she failed to inspire the nation by coming up with something, anything, new. (…) Three year s after inheriting the party from Ehud Olmert, who inherited it from Ariel Sharon, Tzipi Livni was unceremoniously shown the door. The only thing surprising about any of this is the surprise at her demise by those who didn’t know her. But those of us who have followed her career closely are not so surprised.“ IHY, Amir Mizroch, 1.5.2012 See you later, Tzipi Livni „There is no great abundance of figures on the I sraeli political scene who demonstrate loyalty to their principles. Livni was such a person. Let us hope that, as she stated, this is not the end of her public service.(...) She(...) was an utter failure in the critical post of leader of the official opposition in Israel. In the process, she created a situation in which the political scene was bereft of a serious and meaningful alternative to the government. And for this, among other things, she was punished by being defeated by Mofaz. Livni deeply believes in the possibility of coming to a peace agreement with the Palestinians. In this respect, too, she became a rare breed in these parts. Not many other Israeli politicians share her faith.(...) One must hope that she finds an appropriate framework in which to continue her fight to reach such an agreement, despite the prevailing loss of faith in a p eace accord.(…) Even if she has resigned from the current Knesset, she should continue to play a significant public role, whether in the next Knesset or in some other framework, whether through Kadima or through another party. Today the time has come to bid Livni good-bye and – yes – see you later.“ HAA, Editorial, 2.5.2012 Über den Versuch der israelischen Regierung, den vom Obersten Gericht angeordneten Teil-Abbruch von Häusern eines umstrittenen Außenpostens in der Westbank, Ulpana, zu verhindern, indem ein Gesetz ihn nachträglich legalisiert. Ulpana is neither an outpost nor illegal „In this case, one could ask whether Israel’s justice system is acting democratically in the purist sense of the word. The court's ruling is to knock down buildings housing 30 families who for years believed they were living on land that was legal ly purchased.(…) It is widely assumed in this country that the Supreme Court is the ultimate protector of democracy, while the residents of Judea and Samaria trample the rule of law. We should know better than to stereotype. And the details of this particular case do not lend themselves to such easy conclusions. Let’s use the Ulpana case as an opportunity to re-evaluate the policies of adjudicating Jewish land ownership in Jude a and Samaria. At the very least, let’s recognize that the ruling to destroy the Ulpana homes is not as just as many believe.“ IHY, Alex Traiman, 6.5.2012 Another bleak chapter in the history of Israeli democracy „Benjamin Netanyahu's government wrote ano ther bleak chapter in the history of Israeli democracy yesterday. The High Court of Justice denied the state's request to reopen the hearing on demolishing the houses in Beit El's Ulpana neighborhood. It gave the state 60 days to dismantle these buildings in the West Bank settlement. The government had requested this move to let it update its outpost policy. "Every time a policy is reexamined, will the state ask that we open a hearing that has already been ruled on?" High Court President Asher Grunis wondered aloud on Sunday. His answer:"A policy change is not sufficient grounds for reopening finalized proceedings." The justices' comments should echo in every Israeli home. In a country that respects the rule of law and the court's rulings, High Court justices don't have to remind top law-enforcement officials that it is inconceivable to disrespect the country's top court.(…) Justice Salim Joubran expressed his frustration with the state's turning such extraordinary requests into a matter of routine.(…) Whi le in the Migron affair the state asked merely for a delay in carrying out the ruling, this time it asked for a revocation of the ruling and a relaunching of court proceedings. The request was based on the warped argument that the ruling was incompatible with the state's policy. There is no need to guess how the state would respond to an individual's or a company's request that the court relaunch proceedings on a ruling it had already issued, just so the individual or company could reshape policy.“ HAA, Editorial, 8.5.2012 Über den seit Mitte April andauernden Hungerstreik palästinensischer Gefängnisinsassen , die verbesserte Haftbedingungen fordern: Submit to the strikers „The hunger strike is the latest rock in the avalanche of largely nonviolent flotillas,"fly-ins" and marches that Palestinians and their supporters have organized, to great success, in the last several years. 6

(…) The hunger strike, and its ever-widening circle of participants, has already achieved a lot for the Palestinian national struggle, primarily regarding administrative detention. Israel recently released Islamic Jihad activist Khader Adnan, who refused to eat for 67 days while he was being held in administrative detention for four months. Hana Shalabi, who went on a 30-day hunger strike while under administrative detention, has been released and deported to the Gaza Strip for three years.(…) The State of Israel cannot allow Bilal Diab and Thaer Halahla to die of hunger. It does not have the moral legitimacy to do so. The State of Israel must submit one more time to a just and nonviolent struggle. It must release Diab and Halahla and put an end to the unacceptable practice of administrative detenti on.“ HAA, Shay Fogelman, 7.12.2012 Legitimate grievance or political stunt? „The false dichotomy that Israel is faced with is the assumption that simply because Palestinians are protesting, their claims must be legitimate. But are they? In 2011, Ma’ariv reported that prisoner Haytham Battat was regularly updating his Facebook page and that another prisoner had posted photos of lavish meals. Prisoners had cellphones and seemed to enjoy a“lavish” lifestyle. The fact that some Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails are subject to solitary confinement is also not exceptional. Many Jewish prisoners are placed in solitary confinement(...) That some Palestinian prisoners have been punished by this method of imprisonment is not remarkable, in the Israeli or international context. Israel must realize that it gains little by negotiating with the striking prisoners. Too many concessions to these strikers will encourage this method of “r e sistance.” JPO, Editorial, 13.5.2012 Medien: HAA= Haaretz JED= Jedioth Ahronoth JPO= Jerusalem Post IHY= Israel HaYom GLO= Globes AS= Arutz Sheva Veröffentlicht am: 20. Mai 2012 Verantwortlich: Dr. Ralf Hexel, Leiter der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Israel Redaktion: Helene Kortländer, Andrea König Homepage: www.fes.org.il Email: fes@fes.org.il 7