A N A LY S I S PEACE AND SECURITY RESPONDING TO EU SECURITY AND DEFENCE CHALLENGES A Social Democratic Perspective Gregorio Staglianò January 2025 In the face of growing strate­ gic uncertainty, Europe must rethink its security and de­ fense policies, considering the diverse priorities of its mem­ ber states as well as strategic partners outside the EU. For social democrats, this moment represents both a challenge and an opportunity to steer the EU towards re­ form and renewed relevance on the global stage. Progres­ sive forces must reclaim the security agenda, reframing security not only in military terms but also in terms of human security, democracy, rule of law and freedom. From a social democratic perspective, it is essential to redefine resilience as the ability to withstand not only military threats, but also social, economic and envi­ ronmental crises. PEACE AND SECURITY RESPONDING TO EU SECURITY AND DEFENCE CHALLENGES A Social Democratic Perspective Content INTRODUCTION 2 STRUGGLING FOR THE GLOBAL ORDER: THE EU’S CHALLENGES 2 THE SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC RESPONSE TO EU CHALLENGES 3 REFORMING EU SECURITY AND DEFENSE: KEY PRIORITIES FOR SOCIAL DEMOCRATS 6 CONCLUSIONS 6 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – RESPONDING TO EU SECURITY AND DEFENCE CHALLENGES INTRODUCTION The last three years turned out to be one of the biggest tests for European resilience, peace and cooperation in re­ cent history. The return of war in Europe with Russia’s un­ provoked invasion of Ukraine as well as major geopolitical shifts have strained the EU’s ability to promote its values and defend its interests. Hamas’ terror attack on Israel and the unprecedented Israeli response it triggered, leading to severe humanitarian suffering and displacement, the risk of escalation with Iran and the collapse of the Assad re­ gime in Syria have additionally jeopardized the fragile equi­ librium in the Middle East and fuels polarization within Western societies. The real-life scenario of a growing influ­ ence of right-wing nationalist forces in the EU and a US that may no longer remain a reliable ally after Donal Trump’s re-election to the White House dramatically un­ derlines the volatility of the EU’s current security and de­ fense architecture. Against this backdrop, the European Union is forced to act more united than ever while the more hostile environment requires it to increase its capaci­ ty and willingness to act, strengthen its resilience and en­ sure solidarity and mutual assistance. Only as it acts as a strong and coherent political actor will the EU manage to uphold its values and principles, assume more responsibili­ ty for the security of its citizens and support the global rules-based order, as well as human security. The aim of this paper is to propose a draft common agenda for Euro­ pean social democratic forces, offering a progressive per­ spective on defense and security issues in European poli­ tics. These issues, crucial for the future of the European Union, can and should be addressed through the principles of social justice, multilateralism, and solidarity, ensuring that European progressive forces play an active role in shaping a balanced and forward-looking security agenda. STRUGGLING FOR THE GLOBAL ORDER: THE EU’S CHALLENGES AHEAD In recent decades, the European Union(EU) has prospered thanks to a stable and favorable global environment, buy­ ing cheap products especially from China, procuring af­ fordable energy from Russia, and above all outsourcing its security costs to the United States. Solid international norms, reliable allies and functioning multilateral institu­ tions did the rest, facilitating cooperation and ensuring se­ curity and stability for years. In this environment, the EU, with its multilateral and intergovernmental nature, has managed to grow and strengthen. Today, however, the scenario has changed radically. The ambiguous relation­ ship with China, the historically low ties with Russia, and the uncertainty surrounding the new Trump presidency in the United States pose deep and radical questions. From being a pivotal actor in the Western world, the EU risks falling into the twilight zone, overwhelmed by global dis­ order. The EU faces existential challenges not only internation­ ally, but also domestically. Internationally, the war in Ukraine threatens to jeopardize the political and military unity of the Union itself, due to divisions among mem­ ber states over military and economic support for the government in Kiev to counter Moscow’s invasion. In the Middle East, the war between Israel and Hamas, cou­ pled with the recent collapse of Assad’s regime in Syria, risks triggering a domino effect that could potentially re­ shape the region, with significant repercussions for Eu­ rope in terms of humanitarian impact, security, and sta­ bility. The fast-developing emerging countries of the ‘BRICS’ group(Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, United Arab Emirates, Ethiopia, Iran) are ques­ tioning the Western model of development, including the European one, by imagining an alternative global trade and financial system, not based on the dollar, in which in essence the West is no longer the main pivot. Against the backdrop of this“global disorder,” the Unit­ ed States and China are increasingly competing asser­ tively for global technological and military leadership, pushing Europe to rethink its horizons and consider new challenges in terms of defense and security. All these in­ terstate challenges are further exacerbated by global transnational issues, such as climate change and the on­ going digitalization of societies, which require coordi­ nated responses based on international cooperation rather than competition, challenging the EU’s ability to survive, adapt to the present, and find new tools to work effectively with its partners. Internally, the EU faces its own set of disruptions. Populist and Eurosceptic parties have gained greater influence, ad­ vocating for less European integration and fueling social fragmentation in their respective countries. The rise of populism has been exacerbated by governance difficulties and a paralysis in the EU’s decision-making process. The leadership vacuum currently being experienced by the po­ litical class has allowed Eurosceptics to further strengthen their arguments, creating a growing distance between Eu­ ropean citizens and Brussels. In addition, the political diffi­ culties faced by institutional European parties in forming stable majorities that can counter populist forces have hin­ dered the EU’s ability to function in a coordinated manner, particularly in crucial areas such as defense, foreign policy, and security. To navigate this shifting geopolitical landscape and avoid marginalization, the EU must redefine its place in the world. No longer can it rely on outdated assumptions or external guarantees of security and prosperity. The EU must carve out a distinct European approach to global en­ gagement, one that embraces flexibility, innovation, and resilience. By strengthening alliances based on shared val­ ues and principles— without compromising them— the Union can position itself as a confident and independent global actor. Success in this endeavor depends on the EU’s ability to adapt to new challenges, build strategic partnerships, and assert its relevance in an increasingly multipolar world. Only by reinventing itself can Europe se­ cure its prosperity and influence amid the chaos of the 21st century. 2 The social-democratic response to EU challenges THE SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC RESPONSE TO EU CHALLENGES DEFINING EUROPE’S INTEREST IN THE EMERGENT GLOBAL MULTIPOLARITY These crises demand not only a cohesive European re­ sponse but also a profound cultural and political shift within the Union. Addressing the challenges of a multipo­ lar world, rising populism, and transnational threats re­ quires the EU to move beyond technocratic solutions and embrace a renewed vision of shared purpose. This is where social democratic forces have a critical role to play. Historically, social democracy has championed the princi­ ples of solidarity, equity, and internationalism—values that align closely with the ideals of a unified and resilient Europe. At a time when fractures threaten both the EU’s internal cohesion and its global relevance, social demo­ crats must lead the charge in redefining the Union’s ap­ proach. This means advocating for policies that prioritize social investment, environmental sustainability, and dem­ ocratic accountability while resisting the pull of narrow nationalism or complacent neoliberalism. Yet in today’s world, marred by wars and geopolitical instability, this re­ newal cannot ignore the urgent need for Europe to do much more in terms of defense and security. The war in Ukraine, ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, and the global arms race underscore how vulnerable the EU re­ mains without a robust, coordinated defense strategy. A Europe that aims to be a global actor must not only pro­ mote peace but also be capable of defending its interests and values in a world on fire. To effectively tackle these challenges and steer the European Union toward a resil­ ient and influential future, social democratic forces must focus on four key areas where decisive action is both nec­ essary and achievable. First, social democrats must articulate a clear vision for defining Europe’s interests in the emerging multipolar world, charting a course that reconciles fundamental val­ ues with pragmatic needs. Second, they must renew their commitment to strengthening Europe’s security and defense capabilities, ensuring that EU policies are robust and future-proof in an increasingly volatile global envi­ ronment. Third, given the uncertain state of transatlantic relations— particularly in light of recent electoral out­ comes— social democrats must lead efforts to reshape Europe’s partnership with the United States, fostering a relationship that remains strong while advancing Eu­ rope’s strategic autonomy. Finally, they must work to rec­ oncile social and security policy objectives, striking a bal­ ance that upholds security without undermining social cohesion, and avoiding the simplistic“guns versus but­ ter” trade-off. These four priorities will determine Europe’s future role on the global stage and the credibility of social democrat­ ic forces in shaping a progressive vision for Europe. They represent a crucial opportunity for social democracy to rise to the challenges of the present and seize the oppor­ tunities that lie ahead. In a world marked by systemic rivalries and geopolitical un­ certainty, Europe must assert a clear and strategic role to secure its interests and values. European social democrats are in a unique position to lead this transformation, redefin­ ing the European interest through a vision that combines pragmatism, creativity and an unwavering commitment to democratic principles. To remain relevant, Europe must act cohesively and strategically, especially in the face of the US-China dualism and an emerging multipolar order. For too long, security has been a conservative forces do­ main. Social democrats must reclaim the security agenda by addressing security in its full scope—not just military spend­ ing, but also economic resilience, technological independ­ ence, social development, freedom, and democracy. The pandemic and ongoing crises show that security is multi-di­ mensional; addressing threats requires a comprehensive ap­ proach. It is essential to communicate this clearly to citizens, highlighting the interconnectedness of defense and social stability. Social democrats should also reinvigorate the con­ cept of conditionality in foreign relations, linking aid, trade agreements, and cooperation to respect for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. This will strengthen the EU’s normative influence and ensure partnerships are built on shared principles, not short-term interests. The core question for progressist forces must be: what are we fighting for? A clear answer to this will allow social democrats to rebuild trust with disillusioned citizens, espe­ cially those who no longer vote. Once this vision is defined, it will be possible to articulate a European patriotism root­ ed in solidarity, equality, and human rights. This vision can counter nationalist narratives and promote a sense of col­ lective European identity. In a world where authoritarian powers challenge the liber­ al order, Europe must resolutely defend democracy and multilateralism. Social democrats face the task of redefin­ ing the EU’s role in the international arena. Europe’s suc­ cess will depend on its ability to innovate and respond to multiple crises simultaneously. Social democrats must lead this rethinking, channeling diverse voices into a unified, strategic vision that prioritizes collective action, security, and solidarity. The challenge is not simply to balance de­ fense and welfare spending but to present defense as an integral part of the broader social contract. Security must encompass not only military deterrence but also economic stability, democratic resilience, and social protection. By aligning defense investments with social cohesion, social democrats can ensure that Europe remains a beacon of de­ mocracy, justice, and peace in the new world order. But the EU must not only defend its values: it has to also pro­ ject them internationally. Values, guarantees, tools, ideas, and reputation cannot be exported without strong Euro­ pean leadership endowed with a clear vision for the future. This leadership must chart a course that ensures a prosper­ ous future for the EU and its partners. Rather than creating 3 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – RESPONDING TO EU SECURITY AND DEFENCE CHALLENGES new institutions or mechanisms, the focus should be on strengthening and reforming the existing ones. The EU’s treaties provide a solid foundation, but they require up­ dates to address current realities. Social democrats must press for reforms, applying pressure on Member States that fail to respect the rule of law. This is a critical exercise if the EU is to remain relevant and credible on the interna­ tional stage. FUTURE-PROOFING EU SECURITY AND DEFENSE POLICIES Challenges on the horizon share a common factor: they loudly call for the EU to shift its posture and redefine its se­ curity and defense policies. It is time for the EU to take con­ crete steps to acquire greater military capabilities to defend its own interests, even outside its continental borders, but the challenges are various. First, social-democrats have to recognize that the“Europe­ anization” of the EU’s military capabilities will not happen in the short term, so an incremental path must be found to progressively move towards that goal. For this to happen, the decision-making mechanisms – such as the veto – must change and express a clear political will. A political will that, to date, has been entirely absent from the Member States, as seen in the case of the EU Battlegroups. These multinational military units, created to rapidly respond to international crises with about 1,500 soldiers and ready to be deployed within 5–10 days for crisis management, peacekeeping, and humanitarian interventions in conflict or unstable regions, have never been used. Although they were conceived in 2004 and formally established in 2005 as part of the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) with the goal of giving the EU a quick and autono­ mous tool to respond to international crises while also con­ tributing to strengthening the EU’s collective defense ca­ pacity, the Battlegroups, which could have been the start­ ing point for a proto-European army, are perhaps the clear­ est example of a missed opportunity in EU defense. De­ spite their creation and operational readiness, the main reasons for their non-use include high costs, ambiguity in their mandate, interoperability issues, and the availability of alternatives – such as UN peacekeepers or NATO forces. But ultimately, the lack of political consensus around their deployment has been the principal obstacle. The EU re­ quires unanimous agreement among its 27 Member States to deploy a Battlegroup. This high level of consensus is al­ ways difficult to achieve, particularly because the foreign policy priorities of Member States differ, and not all always agree on when and where to intervene. This connects directly to the second challenge: the differ­ ent threat perceptions among Member States and their public opinions. This peculiar situation poses a not incon­ siderable theoretical and cultural challenge in the field of security for European progressives: diverse geographical, historical, economic, and political factors complicate the formulation of a common European response. Eastern and Northern European states, such as Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, and Sweden, naturally perceive Russia as the primary threat to their security, especially after the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. This has led many of these coun­ tries to call for greater NATO military presence in the re­ gion to reinforce their defense. Western and Southern Eu­ ropean states, like France, Spain, Italy, and Greece, instead see terrorism and instability in the Mediterranean as their primary threats. This reflects their direct experience with jihadist terrorist attacks and the geographic proximity to unstable regions such as North Africa and the Middle East. Central European countries, like Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic, and Hungary, are heavily focused on en­ ergy and infrastructure security due to their traditional re­ liance on Russian gas and oil supplies, making energy se­ curity a top priority, especially after the war in Ukraine and the sanctions imposed on Russia. Southeastern European countries, such as Bulgaria, Romania, and the Western Balkans, see stability in the Balkans and migration as cru­ cial security concerns. Adding to this, the United King­ dom, following Brexit, has maintained a global approach to security threats, with a strong focus on cybersecurity, terrorism, and climate change. London has also increased its focus on the Chinese threat, particularly regarding technological and digital security. This divergence in threat perceptions poses a significant obstacle to formulating common security and defense policies at the European level. The EU, already struggling to balance national inter­ ests in various fields, faces an even more complex chal­ lenge in the area of security. The priority that some states assign to the Russian threat, for example, does not always align with the concerns of other countries that view terror­ ism or migration crises as the most pressing challenges. This fragmentation of threats makes it difficult to develop shared and coherent strategies in terms of defense spend­ ing, resource allocation, and cooperation among Member States. Without a unified strategic vision, the EU risks re­ maining vulnerable to external threats and less effective in responding to international crises, while global actors like Russia, China, and the United States pursue more cohesive and assertive policies. It is clear that without structural re­ forms, the future of European security and defense policy will not be simple. The third challenge for progressives is to convince citizens, related parties and societies that the only way forward in the field of security is to build step-by-step structures for a true common defense project. France and Germany, for example, have launched the Main Ground Combat Sys­ tem(MGCS), a new tank project that began officially in 2018 and is intended to become the standard platform for most European armies by 2040. Italy, the United King­ dom, and Japan, on the other hand, launched a project in 2022 to develop a sixth-generation stealth fighter, known as the Global Combat Air Program(GCAP), which aims to produce the first aircraft by 2035. These projects could represent the embryonic phase of interoperable weapons systems but must be placed within the context of deep in­ dustrial reforms that move towards the creation of a com­ mon European defense industry. This industry must keep 4 The social-democratic response to EU challenges pace with new technologies and their sophistication, par­ ticularly in the fields of cybersecurity and Artificial Intelli­ gence. In other words, social democrats face an epochal chal­ lenge because they must prove to be more credible than right-wing parties on security issues. Progressive forces in Europe, which have never made security policies a priority, must now strive to convince their citizens that there is a good reason to discuss defense and increase spending in this sector, as the future of the EU itself is at stake. The tools and mechanisms are already in place, but there needs to be clear political will to avoid delays that could under­ mine the EU’s ability to defend itself, even“alone” if fu­ ture transatlantic relations become compromised or unre­ liable. And this is not about aiming to replace NATO. While developing its defense capabilities, the EU should not du­ plicate or substitute the central role that NATO plays in col­ lective protection and transatlantic security. Rather, it is about developing defense capabilities that complement NATO, not substitute it. The EU should focus on areas where NATO is not present or less active, such as peace­ keeping missions, crisis management, or internal security. The distinction of“roles” must remain and, in fact, be­ come even clearer. NATO should remain the primary or­ ganization for collective defense against conventional mil­ itary threats, especially from Russia, while the EU can play an important role in other areas, such as cybersecurity, border defense, and unconventional threats, such as hy­ brid threats and disinformation. The goal, for social dem­ ocrats, has to be to strengthen the EU’s defense capabili­ ties without weakening the transatlantic bond with the United States and other NATO partners and to Achieve greater strategic autonomy. RESHAPING TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS The transatlantic relationship was a cornerstone of postWorld War II geopolitics. However, its foundations have eroded as security challenges have shifted beyond Europe, American expectations have gone unmet, and Europe has struggled to balance its contributions, especially in de­ fense. The reelection of Trump, who could not be more distant from Biden’s affinity for Europe, raises profound doubts about the durability and future of the relationship between the EU and the United States.. With diminished US support for European defense and growing focus on Asia and the Indo-Pacific, Europe may no longer be a pri­ ority for Washington. This shift raises doubts about the US commitment to NATO, the war in Ukraine, and the rulesbased international order, fueling calls for European strate­ gic autonomy. While transatlantic cooperation remains vi­ tal—evidenced by solidarity during Russia’s war on Ukraine—Europe still relies on the US and NATO for secu­ rity. The gap between Europe’s defense aspirations and its capabilities is stark, underscoring the need for a cohesive European defense policy. Social democrats have the re­ sponsibility to overcome the fragmentation of EU defense systems and strengthen its role within NATO. A renewed European commitment to NATO could redefine the Alli­ ance’s purpose, balancing Cold War-era containment with modern crisis management. Europe’s strengths in reducing violence and addressing human rights violations could of­ fer NATO new approaches to security and peacekeeping and secure EU a new role in maintaining global security. To revitalize the alliance, both sides must commit to shared values, a common political agenda, and innovative solu­ tions. This requires addressing generational challenges, de­ fending democracies, and tackling the leadership crisis af­ fecting both Europe and the US. A reduced US role could create a leadership vacuum, but also offering the EU an op­ portunity to reshape transatlantic relations. Europe must align its interests with those of the US, showing it can con­ tribute to global stability. But to lead effectively, the EU needs clearer decision-making processes and consensus among Member States. Ambiguities in addressing international crises, such as dif­ fering responses to Ukraine and Gaza, must be resolved. Social democrats have a moral obligation to rebuild trans­ atlantic relations on principles of democracy, human rights, and international security. Social democrats, long champi­ ons of internationalism, must ensure that shared interests and values guide cooperation. The credibility of Europe and the global liberal order is at stake. Europe must prove it is a reliable partner and a capable global actor, ready to stand on its own if necessary, while maintaining strong transatlantic ties. RECONCILING SOCIAL AND SECURITY POLICY REQUIREMENTS Bridging the gap in defense capabilities—ranging from in­ frastructure to modern equipment—requires large-scale investments. These costs will inevitably impact the finan­ cial planning of both individual EU countries and the Un­ ion as a whole, intensifying the debate over resource allo­ cation. For social democrats, this presents a complex challenge: how to sustain increased defense spending without com­ promising the core values of equality and social cohesion that define their political vision. The solution lies in a stra­ tegic approach where defense and social needs are com­ plementary, not opposing. The most important aspect of this debate is avoiding the trap of a binary“guns versus butter” logic. This outdated dichotomy—where spending on defense is seen as a trade-off against social welfare— should be rejected. Instead, a political vision is needed in which defense investments are integrated into a broader strategy that also strengthens social infrastructure, en­ hancing the overall resilience of European societies. The “guns versus butter” logic creates a false choice between military security and social welfare. Social democrats have to undertake a more integrated approach that recognize that national security and social welfare are interconnect­ ed, and together, they can provide a stronger foundation for long-term stability. 5 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – RESPONDING TO EU SECURITY AND DEFENCE CHALLENGES Integrating defense investments into a framework that al­ so strengthens social infrastructure means creating a sys­ tem that supports citizens during both international crises and daily life. For example, investing in civil protection and crisis management programs that involve citizens or creat­ ing digital defense infrastructures that safeguard commu­ nity rights and security can ensure that security benefits society as a whole. This vision extends beyond just strength­ ening the military; it promotes a resilience built not only on military deterrence but also on the strength of democratic institutions, digital defense education, and a high standard of welfare. A practical example of this approach could be the formation of a voluntary civil defense framework, where citizens are trained in emergency management and civil protection, or the incorporation of digital education in schools to raise awareness of online risks. In this way, resil­ ience becomes a collective effort, making defense a shared responsibility between the state and the citizens, rather than being reduced to a budgetary or ideological debate. Social democratic policies must therefore provide reassur­ ance about defense investments, while also clearly explain­ ing how these investments will strengthen domestic wel­ fare and security. REFORMING EU SECURITY AND DEFENSE: KEY PRIORITIES FOR SOCIAL DEMOCRATS In light of increasing geopolitical instability and shifting global dynamics, the EU must reassess its security and de­ fense policies. Social democrats have a unique opportunity to lead this transformation, ensuring that Europe adapts to new challenges while staying true to its values. The follow­ ing key points outline the crucial areas where progressives can reshape the EU’s security approach: – Adapting security and defense policies: in the face of growing strategic uncertainty, social democrats must rethink EU’s security and defense policies. This involves considering not only the diverse priorities of EU mem­ ber states but also fostering stronger ties with strategic partners outside the Union. The EU must build a more cohesive and flexible framework that aligns with the evolving global order. economic, and environmental crises. Strengthening re­ silience in this comprehensive sense means prioritizing the protection of citizens, the reinforcement of demo­ cratic values, and the prevention of crises that could undermine Europe’s long-term stability. These proposals represent a framework for a progressive, inclusive, and forward-looking EU security and defense policy. Social democrats can lead the change by champion­ ing a vision of security that is not only about defense against external threats but also about safeguarding the values and institutions that define Europe. CONCLUSIONS In recent years, the EU has rediscovered that freedom and democracy are not abstract ideals but concrete forces that still resonate with people. This was reaffirmed both by the COVID-19 pandemic, which highlighted the importance of solidarity, and by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which reaffirmed the enduring appeal of democracy. But freedom cannot exist without security. European social democrats are called upon to lead the debate in reconcil­ ing these two concepts, protecting values and rights while addressing citizens’ legitimate security concerns. This means advocating for increased defense spending, not as an end in itself, but as a means to safeguard the space of freedom across Europe. The challenge is immense: the world has changed, and the EU must adapt. Social demo­ crats are uniquely positioned to lead this process, promot­ ing cooperation and reforming the security system with a multilateral approach, without falling into the trap of con­ frontation. It is crucial to propose an innovative approach that integrates security and social justice, developing a vi­ sion of“progressive sovereignty” that addresses global challenges and strengthens European democracy on the global stage. In the face of adversity, social democrats must remember that the future is not something to be en­ dured, but something that can and must be shaped with hope and determination. – Reclaiming the security agenda: for social demo­ crats, this moment represents both a challenge and an opportunity to steer the EU towards reform. Progres­ sives must take the lead in redefining security, moving away from a purely military focus. Security should be viewed in a broader context, incorporating human se­ curity, the defense of democracy, the rule of law, and the promotion of freedom. By doing so, social demo­ crats can offer a vision of security that resonates with European citizens and responds to the complexities of the modern world. – Redefining resilience: from a social democratic per­ spective, resilience should be understood as the ability to withstand not just military threats, but also social, 6 Imprint ABOUT THE AUTHOR IMPRINT Gregorio Staglianò is a researcher dealing with cyberse­ curity and international relations, and the relationship be­ tween technology and power. He is currently a PhD stu­ dent in Political Science at the University of Roma Tre. Stag­ lianò collaborates with numerous specialized journals, think tanks and various media, such as TV and radio. Publisher: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung e. V. 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Publications by the FES may not be used for electioneering purposes. © 2025 www.fes.de/bibliothek/fes-publikationen RESPONDING TO EU SECURITY AND DEFENCE CHALLENGES A Social Democratic Perspective In the face of growing strategic uncer­ tainty, Europe must rethink its security and defense policies, considering the di­ verse priorities of its member states as well as strategic partners outside the EU. For social democrats, this moment re­ presents both a challenge and an op­ portunity to steer the EU towards re­ form and renewed relevance on the glo­ bal stage. Progressive forces must rec­ laim the security agenda, reframing se­ curity not only in military terms but also in terms of human security, democracy, rule of law and freedom. From a social democratic perspective, it is essential to redefine resilience as the ability to withstand not only military threats, but also social, economic and environmental crises. Further informationen on the topic can be found here: italia.fes.de