REFLECTIVE ESSAY Chido Nyaruwata and Memory Kadau Feminist Organising in Zimbabwe Trends, Challenges and Opportunities Zimbabwe Office

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Contents Summary..............................................................................................................................4 1. Our Roots of Defiance, Practices and Diverse Pathways.......................................5 2. Governance and Sustainability...................................................................................8 3. Repoliticising Zimbabwean Feminist Organising..................................................10 4. Pathways for Reimagining Zimbabwe’s Feminist Futures...................................11 References.........................................................................................................................12 Feminist Organising in Zimbabwe 3

Summary "Change is going to come. But we remind ourselves that change is not microwaveable – change has to be baked or roasted – microwaving ain’t going to do it"- Everjoice J. Win. This reflective essay discusses the complexities and intersecting struggles of Zimbabwe’s feminist movement. As part of producing this essay, data was gathered through an online survey completed by feminist organisers and interviews with key stakeholders, providing insights into Zimbabwe’s feminist organising history, contemporary trends and opportunities. Zimbabwe and indeed much of the world are experiencing a rollback on gender equality with persistent attacks on feminist movements. Now, more than ever, there is a need to build resilience and strengthen the feminist movement. Zimbabwe’s feminist organisers exist in a state of permanent triage. Constantly stretched between the immediacy of state repression, the bureaucracy of donor compliance, and the urgency of community needs. Rejecting the mainstream(male) discourse on‘shrinking civic space’ this article argues that for women human rights defenders, political activists and leaders, sex workers, LGBTQ+ communities and grassroots women, civic space is never truly open. Instead, feminists have historically organised from the margins, sustaining movements through solidarity, care, and radical action. This essay emerges at a pivotal moment for Africa and Zimbabwe’s feminist movement. A time marked by the profound loss of feminists: some have withdrawn due to trauma or burn-out, complex legal restrictions, and declining Official Development Assistance(ODA) 1 . These challenges have not only undermined feminist organising but also eroded the stamina and collective capacity of those still fighting for gender-just futures. However, such challenges also call for a radical shift in perspective and a reorganisation of the system because the agenda for social justice remains urgent and is needed now more than ever. 1 OECD(2025), Cuts in official development assistance: OECD projections for 2025 and the near term. https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/re ports/2025/06/cuts-in-official-development-assistance_e161f0c5/8c530629-en.pdf 4 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung e.V.

1. Our Roots of Defiance, Practices and Diverse Pathways In Zimbabwe, feminist organising is distinct from other forms of activism because it prioritises both the process and the outcome. Feminist organising is not just about what we achieve, but about how we work together, ensuring the movement embodies the freedom it fights for. It tells a story of resilience, defiance, and innovation. It started long before donor-funded NGO and stretches back to the colonial era, when women gathered in clubs, burial societies, and church groups to resist the colonial state and claim dignity in daily life. These spaces, which were often underestimated, were sites of feminist consciousness even before the word"feminism" was widely used in Zimbabwe. This essay argues that what may seem like"adapting" to a shrinking civic space is actually an act of defiance. The feminist movement is not dying; it is evolving. The story of feminism in Zimbabwe is one of constant reinvention in the face of hostility and repression. As previously stated, the roots of feminist organising go back to pre- and post-colonial times, and to the liberation struggle(1966-79), where women fought not only for independence but also for gender equality. Groups like the Zimbabwe Women’s Bureau(ZWB) founded in 1978, the Women’s Action Group(WAG) founded in 1983, and the Musasa Project founded 1988 focused on issues such as domestic violence and reproductive justice. In the 1980s and 1990s, there was a rise in feminist activism, but it came with challenges from patriarchy, suspicion from the state, and the sidelining of women’s voices in politics. Many organisers faced harassment and arrests. Despite this, they laid the foundation for lasting institutions such as Women and Law in Southern Africa(WLSA) founded in 1989, the Women and AIDS Support Network(WASN) also founded in 1989, the Zimbabwe Women Resource Centre Network(ZWRCN) founded in 1990, and the Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe(WCoZ) founded in 1999. Over the years, feminists in Zimbabwe have won important victories. Laws and policies such as the Sex Disqualification Act(1980), the Domestic Violence Act (2006), the 2013 Constitution, National Gender Policies, and the Women’s Quota System in Parliament and Local Government(2013) have advanced women’s rights. Harmful gender norms remain strong, but stories of progress are also growing, supported by networks, coalitions and forums. However, not every woman calls herself a feminist. Yet many community groups and individuals are carrying out feminist values and work in practice. Women in savings clubs, faith-based groups such as ruwadzano/manayano, and informal traders fighting for fair treatment are all advancing gender justice. A grandmother in Gwanda running a savings club for young widows, or a queer youth in Harare creating safe online spaces, are as much feminist organisers as are directors of established NGOs. Their work demonstrates that feminism in Zimbabwe is not a single, uniform identity, but a broad and diverse movement rooted in everyday struggles. Across thematic areas, feminists, whether in women’s rights organisations, trade unions, academia, political parties, or faith-based spaces, believe that feminist organising is central to ensuring that women’s and girls’ dignity, voices, and participation is fully recognised within broader struggles for social justice. Women in labour movements fight for fair wages, maternity protection, and safety from harassment, reminding us that‘labour rights are women’s rights’. Informal traders, most of whom are women, organise themselves through savings groups and collective bargaining, building resilience in plain sight even when others choose to overlook it. In politics, some women leaders in councils, parliament, and political parties face harassment and exclusion but still push for gender equality. The Zimbabwe Gender Commission’s study 2 [2014] on the 2023 elections revealed that 92.4% of parliamentary candidates experienced violence from actors within their own political party and opposition political parties. Their work shows the contradiction between constitutional promises of gender equality and the reality of deep-seated patriarchy. However, even when isolated, some of these women create openings for accountability and representation that now benefit whole communities. Faith-based feminists organise within churches, mosques, and religious groups, often challenging harmful teachings on child marriage, sexuality, and women’s leadership. Acknowledging that some of the biggest perpetrators of gender inequality reside within these institutions, they continue to resist. In these institutions, resisting is demonstrated through interpreting sacred texts to affirm 2  Zimbabwe Gender Commission(2024).‘National Study on Violence Against Women in Politics.’ Harare Feminist Organising in Zimbabwe 5

women’s dignity, agency and leadership. While this organising is less visible, it is powerful. It shows that feminism is alive in pews, pulpits, and prayer groups as much as in boardrooms or NGO offices. Taken together, these histories and practices show the diversity of Zimbabwean feminism. It lives in grassroots clubs, unions, parliaments, NGOs, and churches. Zimbabwe’s feminist movement is not one story but many woven from different generations, sectors, and struggles, all working toward the same goal of freedom and equality. 1.1 Shrinking Space for Whom? Reframing the Narrative from the Margins Feminists acknowledged the shrinking civic space, noting that their work has long been constrained by restrictive laws, elite exclusion, donor restrictions, and funding cuts, now compounded by digital surveillance, censorship, and online bullying. Women human rights defenders and grassroots activists remain the least protected, often targeted by both state and non-state actors. At the same time, feminist organisers from poor, rural and grassroot communities are consistently locked out of decision making spaces. This warranted a critical interrogation of the dominant framing of a"shrinking civic space" in Zimbabwe. Feminist organisers argue that the civic space has existed as a maledominated and centric space, where civic interests, ranging from political participation to economic justice and human rights, are defined through a narrow lens. Rejecting the mainstream(male) discourse of"shrinking civic space", women human rights defenders, political activists and leaders, sex workers, LGBTQ+ communities, and grassroots women argue that the civic space has never truly been safe or enabling for them. The language of"shrinking" assumes an accessible democratic space where all citizens’ interests are represented. Unfortunately, this does not reflect the lived realities of feminist organisers on the peripheries of formal civil society. As stated by a feminist organiser, “What I’m saying might be controversial, but for the first time, people in the civic space are learning how hard it is to organise as a queer person in Zimbabwe. 3 " Elder feminists reveal that, “Zimbabwe’s civic space for women has always been closed. Yes, now we do have the language of naming it,'shrinking'". 4 Feminists have historically organised from the margins, sustaining movements through solidarity economies, care, and radical actions. In this moment, it’s important to strengthen existing spaces of collective action. For example, Women and Land Zimbabwe has developed feminist agroecology and ecofeminist curricula for villagelevel study circles within the Rural Women’s Assembly. Drawing on Shona cultural practices such as"chisi", a day when people refrain from working the fields, the members facilitate collective gatherings for grassroots women to reflect, learn, and strategise. These gatherings create feminist learning spaces where grassroots women discuss issues ranging from land rights and agricultural production to mikando/umgalelo(savings groups). As one feminist organiser explained, these gatherings not only equip women with knowledge for advocacy and campaigns but also strengthen solidarity, care, and collective power within their communities. From these study circles, women have emerged as rural councillors, members of natural resource governance teams, school development committee members and church leaders. Another feminist from the Institute for Young Women Development reflected on organising around the lived realities of women in different wards across Mashonaland Central through an initiative"madzimai varikusona", as sewing clubs emerged as sites of feminist political education. Organisers recalled how, when placed under police surveillance, they told the male officer supervising their gathering that they were discussing women’s reproductive organs. This excuse allowed them to continue undisturbed. By subverting patriarchal scrutiny in this way, they transformed the domestic realm of sewing into a political classroom, equipping women with tools to analyse and resist systemic oppression. Women who participated in these sewing clubs emerged as leaders in areas ranging from ward development, health and water committees, to paralegals in traditional courts. The initiative’s impact was such that the Chaminuka Rural District Council, Bindura Rural District, and Bindura Municipality formally mandated that young women must be included in all local council meetings. Another space for expanding the perspective of civil society and feminist organising is the church. As one organiser noted, the widespread presence of churches across Zimbabwe positions them to serve as temporary safe houses for survivors of gender-based violence(GBV). This feminist cited examples from Buhera and Nyanga where churches were part of local referral pathways, with some priests trained as counsellors and supported by their spouses to provide care to survivors. One organiser observed that church calendars and gatherings, such as "mubatanidzwa wemadzimai"(women’s fellowship), can be strategic platforms for feminist consciousness-raising in non-traditional feminist spaces. Building on this, campaigns such as"No Longer Silent", during the"16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence" anchored in the bible verse Isaiah 62:1, have 3  Respondent 1, August 2025. 4  Respondent 2, August 2025. 6 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung e.V.

framed biblical texts as sites for justice and accountability. Within this campaign, churches committed to speaking out against violations experienced by women and girls, producing sermons and bible-study materials to encourage congregations to act as their"sisters’ keepers" 1.2 Ever-Shrinking Funds and Resources Feminist organisers across generations rejected the patriarchal narrative that today’s restrictions are somehow new. The funding squeeze didn’t start with the United States Agency for International Development(USAID) cuts in 2015. It’s part of a longer trend of declining Official Development Aid(ODA). UN Women 5 (2025) noted a global drop in gender-focused aid from 45% to 42% over just a few years. In Zimbabwe, the donor aid withdrawals such as USAID’s huge million dollar cut, have decimated services, including GBV shelters and Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR) programmes. Some feminist organisations have either had to let go of team members or reduce wages to stay afloat. To respond to this reality, some organisations are shifting toward social entrepreneurship, launching co-operatives and craft businesses, to fund their work independently. Others have also noted the partnerships with businesses as a means towards diversification and solidifying collaboration. In some cases, promising initiatives and inter-organisational collaborations have come to a complete standstill. As a feminist organiser observed, "Since the beginning of the year, we haven’t had youth-led organisations reach out to collaborate on events or programming." 6 While reduced ODA affects operational capacities, it also exposes longstanding hierarchies within the civic space itself. For many feminist and grassroots actors, navigating funding precarity has long been the norm, not the exception. They lean on mutual aid, grassroots solidarity, and now, income-generating ventures. Reflections show that the feminist movement has achieved transformative work with few or no resources because of the current local, regional and international funding politics. A feminist organiser summarised that, "Vanamukoma(older boys) have always held the purse and accessed more funds. Now they are even doing feminist work and use intersectionality’ as a buzzword for more resources." 7 Feminist language, actions and ideas have become mainstream. While this visibility might suggest progress, it also raises difficult questions. Institutions often co-opt feminist work, claiming to champion it while hiding behind little transparency and offering no real accountability to the communities they say they serve. Another challenge is that mainstream feminist discourse often sidelines rural communities. In order to address this, feminist organisers stressed the need to scale up alternative resourcing rooted in community care, including women-led philanthropy, faith-based women’s groups, micro-savings clubs, feminist banks, diaspora giving, and online crowdfunding. They also emphasised mentorship, social entrepreneurship, and ensuring women’s wealth and resources flow back into feminist movements to revive organic participation and strengthen collective autonomy in the face of limited direct funding. Contractions and questions from the movement The issue of money also provokes heated reflections such as where is the money, and who decides how it is used? Generational inequality in resource access is stark: older feminists often sit on boards and manage donor relationships, while younger feminists remain the unpaid or underpaid"foot soldiers" of the movement. A feminist stated"We carry the placards, but never the cheque books." 8 This inequity not only undermines sustainability but also erodes trust across generations. Feminists are questioning the contradictions within their own spaces. How do NGOs that preach feminist values treat their own staff? How can feminist organisations dismantle patriarchy externally while replicating hierarchies internally? The movement is realising that the feminist struggle needs to be both outward-facing and inwardlooking. 5  UN Women(2025).‘At a Breaking Point: The Impact of Foreign Aid Cuts on Women’s Organisations in Humanitarian Crises Worldwide’. New York: UN Women 6 Respondent 3, August 2025. 7  Respondent 4, August 2025. 8 Respondent 5, August 2025. Feminist Organising in Zimbabwe 7

2. Governance and Sustainability Leadership struggles between secretariats and boards, along with burn-out from relentless activism, have led to attrition in the feminist movement. Internal divisions further weaken this, as competition over resources and visibility undermines solidarity. To reclaim its power, the movement must recentre grassroots organising, strengthen feminist consciousness and forge unified strategies that transcend organisational rivalries. A critical reflection on the state of institutional feminism reveals an urgent need to build structures that are not overly dependent on individual founders or directors. Intentional intergenerational and intersectional solidarity has proved to be one key strategy to strengthen the movement. For example, established feminist organisations, such as the Women’s Action Group, have created co-working spaces to support emerging and financially constrained organisations. In a capitalist society, women’s underpaid labour sustains entire economies, which raises the stakes of feminist organising. Feminist organisers absorb the financial, emotional, and personal costs of keeping the movement alive, leaving them little time or energy to challenge the very systems that exhaust, under-resource, and threaten their resistance. The movement needs such acts of solidarity to share knowledge and resources. However, there is a need to recognise exclusionary practices within the movement, and rather than tokenistic mentorship models, what is needed are feminist infrastructures that honour different perspectives, political histories, and organising strategies. One feminist organiser stressed that we must weave intergenerational collaboration into the way we work. They articulated,"If we’re going to sustain the work and the success, we must also sustain all the generations. It has to be intentional." 9 There is also growing awareness of the need to reject exploitative donor conditions, such as reimbursement models that drain already limited resources. There is also a need to negotiate for budget allocations to healing work, as some organisations deal with trauma-based work, yet are not"provided with counselling or medical services to support them." 10 This is summed up well by a feminist organiser that stated,"Sustainability means owning the means of resistance," 11 underscoring the urgency of financial and organisational autonomy. The Private and Voluntary Organisation Amendment Act('PVO Amendment Act') Feminists noted that the laws such as the Private Voluntary Amendment Act, 2025('PVO Act'), Maintenance of Peace and Order Act, 2019(‘MOPA’), the Patriotic Act, officially known as the Criminal Law(Codification and Reform) Amendment Act 2023 and cybersecurity policies have forced groups into rigid registration, surveillance, and restrictions on urgent action, while eroding their autonomy and ability to mobilise. The PVO Act was identified by respondents, as having a bearing on feminist organising in Zimbabwe, institutionalising repression under the guise of regulating civil society. By threatening deregistration and imposing vague, subjective criteria such as"public morality", the law functions as a patriarchal weapon designed to silence dissent. The PVO Act's broad, ambiguous language grants the state unchecked power to arbitrarily criminalise feminist advocacy, particularly around issues deemed controversial, such as reproductive justice, LGBTQI+ protections, and gender justice. The PVO Act further prohibits political involvement by NGOs as they are not"permitted to support or oppose any political party or candidate". This provision is deeply problematic for feminist organisations whose mandates include advocating for women’s political participation and advancing feminist leadership. Section 80(1) of the Zimbabwe Constitution affirms that"every woman has the full and equal dignity of the person with men, and this includes equal opportunities in political, economic and social activities". Building women’s leadership and feminist consciousness at the community, national and international levels is central to feminist organising. In this context, the PVO Act's vague prohibition on"political involvement" by NGOs is especially dangerous. It risks criminalising"legal work", including voter education, leadership training, and psycho-social support for women in politics. The state curtails feminist organising under the guise of political neutrality. Instead of safeguarding democracy, this provision entrenches gendered exclusion from public life. As one feminist activist put it,"The 50/50 agenda becomes a criminal act." 12 Most feminists described the PVO Act's impact as severe, forcing many feminist groups to pause or radically alter 9  Respondent 6, August 2025. 10  Respondent 7, August 2025. 11  Respondent 8, August 2025. 12  Respondent 10, August 2025. 8 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung e.V.

their programming to avoid persecution. Organisations report self-censoring their work and scaling back public campaigns. The law not only restricts funding by requiring state approval for foreign aid but also imposes burdensome reporting requirements that drain already limited resources. Organisations that cannot act"fast enough" within the 90day registration period are likely to fall by the wayside. There are deep concerns that the PVO Act undermines feminist organisations’"autonomy, freedom of association and ability" 13 as stated by a feminist. 13  Respondent 11, August 2025. Feminist Organising in Zimbabwe 9

3. Repoliticising Zimbabwean Feminist Organising Reflecting on the current fragmentation and NGOisation within feminist organising spaces, there is an urgent need to"bring politics" back into feminist work. Feminists have argued that the Zimbabwe feminist movement"needs to reinstate its highly political position against patriarchy and the systems that uphold it." 14 In Zimbabwe, as in broader global contexts,"politics" has increasingly become equated with polarised partisan or electoral politics. This call to return to a politicised understanding of feminism can address divisions across geographies, themes, genders, ethnicities and abilities. It creates an opportunity to centre systemic critique and expose the structural inequalities that silence and marginalise women, girls, and genderdiverse people. As one feminist aptly put it,"It has become more of a bread-and-butter issue than feminism grounded in principle." 15 To counter this co-option and depoliticisation of feminism in Zimbabwe, feminists need to reflect, learn widely and document their feminist organising. This work is critical in deepening Zimbabwean feminist political education and memory. Documentation must go beyond policy briefs and statements. It involves creating online and offline feminist curricula, creating hubs for dialogue at the village or neighbourhood level. In a capitalist society, women’s underpaid labour sustains entire economies, which raises the stakes of feminist organising. Feminist organisers absorb the financial, emotional, and personal costs of keeping the movement alive, leaving them little time or energy to challenge the very systems that exhaust, underresource, and threaten their resistance. The Politics of Exhaustion: Feminist Burnout as Systematic Oppression Systems are strategically wearing down feminist organisers. Feminists reflected that burn-out shows up as constant exhaustion, anxiety, sleeplessness, depression, illhealth, and feelings of failure, often worsened by gender based violence and the endless sense of responsibility. To counter this, they highlighted collective practices such as feminist workplace policies, mental health budgets, safe informal spaces, rest and time-off policies, and career development opportunities that nourish activists and sustain the movement. The data paints a damning picture: activists describe operating in a relentless cycle of crisis response, where systemic violence, economic precarity, and community trauma intersect with institutional abandonment. This fatigue isn’t accidental; it reveals the strength of feminist labour on which systems rely, even as they try to undermine them. By naming this design, feminists can resist extraction and build the conditions that truly sustain their work. Many activists are leaving due to exhaustion and the psychological toll. The pervasive fear and trauma of gendered violence, including targeted harassment and arrests, add another layer of strain, as one participant shared:"This work is hard...You get the messages at 2 a.m. saying, Who do you think you are?'" 16 In a year where several Zimbabwean and African feminist sisters have passed on due to health illnesses, the movement can no longer function in unsustainable and harmful ways. The crisis runs deeper than long hours. The system expects feminists to heal societies while denying them healing, and as donor spreadsheets demand quantifiable results, they erase the human cost of producing them. 14  Respondent 12, August 2025. 15  Respondent 13, August 2025. 16 Respondent 14, August 2025. 10 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung e.V.

4. Pathways for Reimagining Zimbabwe’s Feminist Futures Feminist organising endures despite adversity. It is evolving! This moment calls for bold reimagination rooted in the radical, people-centred traditions of African feminisms with the following recommendations below: From aid to agency: building feminist economies Feminist organising must be directly resourced, free from the rigid bureaucracies of traditional donors. Trust-based philanthropy and community-driven funding models, such as internal savings and lending schemes(ISALS) and women’s fellowships, need strengthening. Many feminists are also turning to social enterprises, co-operatives, wellness hubs, and diaspora-backed ventures to generate income while advancing transformative values. Centre wellness and healing justice Healing and rest are not luxuries, but political imperatives. Feminist movements must invest in trauma healing, rotational leadership, sabbatical funds, and wellness pods that provide collective support. Burn-out in feminist organising is not personal weakness but systemic violence that erodes sustainability and silences resistance. Feminist organisations must create supportive work structures that practice feminist care and psychological safety for their employees. Build South-South solidarity Zimbabwean feminists must deepen solidarity across the region and the majority world. Joint campaigns, shared knowledge, and rapid response systems are beneficial. Regional alliances and Pan-African feminist solidarity amplify collective power and protect activists under siege. Funding as freedom Feminist organising cannot survive on broken promises. We must hold donors accountable to the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development and other gender financing commitments. At least 10% must go towards grassroots feminist organisations. Feminists need core, flexible, multi-year funding rooted in care, equity, and autonomy. Linking feminist funding demands to structural struggles, including tax justice, climate finance, and debt cancellation, ensures resourcing is tied to justice rather than compliance. Centre those on the margins To build a truly liberatory movement, feminist organising must centre on those most marginalised – rural women, LGBTQ+ people, sex workers, and others at its core rather than at the periphery. Intersectionality should not be a buzzword but a political framework for collective liberation that honours the layered struggles of excluded groups. Feminist organising should include marginalised groups in the planning processes of collective action to ensure specific struggles are accounted for. Digital justice and sovereignty Under conditions of surveillance and censorship, feminists must leverage digital tools and artificial intelligence strategically while challenging technology-facilitated gender-based violence, biases, misinformation and disinformation. Building feminist-controlled digital infrastructures for healing, organising, and archiving is essential to sustaining collective power. Strengthen collectives for long-term power Power in Zimbabwe’s feminist movements is relational, not individual. Investing in trust-building, shared leadership, and solidarity across unions, faith-based spaces, LGBTQ+ networks, and grassroots organisations will strengthen resilience. Collective organising, rather than individual heroism, is what enables movements to thrive in unpredictable terrains. Whilst approaches may differ, there is a need to define shared values and recognise all feminist struggles with empathy and respect. Repoliticise the feminist movement Finally, Zimbabwean feminism must reclaim its radical roots by naming patriarchy, capitalism, coloniality, and heteronormativity as the systems of oppression it seeks to dismantle. Feminist organising must resist depoliticisation through donor-driven,‘neutral’ programming and instead anchor its work in political education, intergenerational solidarity, and systemic critique. Reclaiming this politicised essence ensures the movement remains unapologetic, intersectional, and disruptive. Feminist Organising in Zimbabwe 11

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About the Authors Chido Nyaruwata is an African feminist researcher, photographer, and community builder. Her work explores the intersections of gender, youth participation, feminist funding, climate justice, and feminist organising in Zimbabwe. Through research and visual storytelling, she documents how girls, women, and young people are driving climate and feminist action. She has produced short films on indigenous trees and waste management, and her photography has been featured in exhibitions by Magamba Network& Market Photo Workshop, Unpublished Africa, and others. Chido is the founder of the Flames and Lilies Climate Initiative, which builds climate literacy and leadership among girls and young women. Memory Kadau is a decolonial feminist researcher, strategist, program manager, and organiser with over 17 years of experience shaping gender justice, climate justice, economic justice, governance, and SRHR agendas. She has led and managed multi-sectoral programmes in Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, Botswana, and Angola. She is recognised for her intersectional, poweraware and community-centred approach to leadership. Her work bridges movement building, organisational development, research, and policy influence. She has conducted more than 20 feminist research projects and authored articles on climate justice, democracy and women’s political participation, safe abortion, sexual violence, and the sustainability of civil society organisations. About the Feminist Reflection and Action Group, Zimbabwe The Feminist Reflection and Action Group, Zimbabwe brings together feminists from diverse backgrounds and areas of expertise to increase feminist intellectual discourse. Rooted in collective inquiry and solidarity, the group creates an alternative space for reflection, knowledge-sharing, and collaboration in pursuit of advancing feminist thought and action in the country. This reflective essay emerges from the work of the Feminist Reflection and Action Group.

Feminist Organising in Zimbabwe: Trends, Challenges and Opportunities This reflective essay examines the complexities, contradictions, and intersecting struggles shaping Zimbabwe’s feminist movement. The paper maps the evolution of feminist organising in Zimbabwe while highlighting contemporary trends, tensions, and emerging opportunities. The analysis is situated within a global context in which gains on gender equality are regressing, and feminist movements are facing intensified backlash. It challenges the dominant(male) narratives of a“shrinking civic space,” and argues that for women human rights defenders, political activists and leaders, sex workers, LGBTQ+ communities, and grassroots women, civic space has never been fully open. Instead, feminist movements have historically organised from the margins. The essay is written at a challenging moment for gender justice globally, however, the challenges open space for opportunities in feminist organising. Further information on the topic can be found here: ↗ https://zimbabwe.fes.de/