PERSPECTIVE Democratic Expeditions Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education Anja Neundorf The power and paradox of democracy I was born in the German Democratic Republic , a state that called itself democratic but denied its citizens the rights that democracy requires. Decades later, in my home village in ­ Thuringia, more than 40 per cent of voters now support the far-right Alternative for Germany(AfD) . During the national election campaign in early 2025, their posters proclaimed“Take a chance on more democracy!“ and“ Complete the transition“ (Wende vollenden). Their rallies echoed the old GDR chant “ Wir sind das Volk“(We are the people), but this time turned against liberal institutions, migrants and the European Union. This is far from not an isolated story. In 2023, Turkey’s Presi dent Recep Tayyip Erdoğan declared after re-election that the country had“celebrated a festival of democracy“, even though election observers had criticised the fact that the campaign had been heavily skewed in favour of his ruling party(Esen and Gümüşçü 2023). In Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán proudly describes his system as an“illiberal democracy“. In Russia, tightly controlled elections are mere masquerades to provide the fiction of popular legitimacy. Across continents, autocrats and extremists cloak them selves in democratic language. They claim to speak for“the people“, to stand for“true democracy“ against corrupt elites or foreign influences. The word“democracy“ has become so powerful, so morally charged that everyone wants to claim it. But this very universality creates a paradox: when everyone claims democracy, its meaning becomes hollow. Democracy’s moral appeal lies in the promise of fairness, equality and voice. Yet that same power makes it vulnera ble to manipulation. When people no longer understand what democracy truly entails; when they equate it only with elections or majority rule; its liberal foundations can quietly erode, even as its symbols remain intact. Ballots are cast, parliaments meet and constitutions endure, but plu ralism, rights and accountability fade. When people misjudge democracy The global rise of populist and authoritarian movements reveals how fragile democratic understanding has become. Surveys show that many citizens define democracy primarily through procedural features, such as free elections, majority rule and government responsiveness, while n­ eglecting Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education 1

­ liberal principles such as checks and balances, judicial ­independence and minority rights (Chu et al. 2024; ­ N ­ eundorf et al. 2024). This narrowing of meaning has real-world consequences. When democracy is reduced to voting rituals, so-called “strongmen“ can claim to be its truest defenders. In their logic, independent courts, critical journalists and civic activ ists become enemies of“the people“. As Norris(2011) and Mattes and Bratton(2007) have shown, citizens’ attachment to democracy depends less on material performance than on the protection of rights and institutional integrity. If people misunderstand what democracy is, they may also misjudge how democratic their country really is . Using data from the World Values Survey(2017–2022) , respond ents were asked in dozens of countries:“How democrati cally is this country being governed today?“ The y-axis in ­Figure 1 shows people’s average evaluation of democracy (scaled 0–1), while the x-axis plots the country’s real liberal democracy score based on V-Dem data from the same year. The pattern is striking. People living in consolidated ­autocracies (low V-Dem score, x-axis) often believe they live in genuine democracies, while citizens in established democracies tend to underestimate the quality of their ­systems. In other words, propaganda works: autocrats have successfully claimed the democratic brand, while citizens in healthy democracies are increasingly disillusioned. At the lower end of the chart, inflated perceptions are likely to reflect state propaganda , as autocrats insist that“their democracy“ is purer than that of the West. At the upper end, the opposite bias may stem from critical public discourse , in which media and political debates ­focus on scandals, failures and division rather than on ­democracy’s everyday successes. Bad news sells better than good news. The result is a troubling symmetry: those deprived of ­democracy may think they have it, while those enjoying it may think they have lost it. Both misunderstandings weaken democracy’s credibility and resilience. Perceptions vs reality: misjudging democracy 1 Figure 1 Average evaluation of country’s level of democracy .8 Tajikistan Vietnam Uruguay Australia Germany China Uzbekistan Indonesia Taiwan Canada New Zealand Bangladesh India Argentina Japan Netherlands Kazakhstan Singapore Myanmar South Korea Chili .6 Turkiye Kyrgyzstan Ecuador Mongolia UK Czechia Thailand Malaysia Bolivia Cyprus USA Russia Hong Kong Morocco Nigeria Kenya Romania Colombia Slovakia Venezuela Ethiopia Serbia Mexico Greece .4 Nicaragua Iraq Ukraine Guatemala Armenia Tunisia Egypt Lebanon Maldives Libya Zimbabwe Brazil .2 0 0.2.4.6 Note: Citizens in autocracies overestimate, while those in established democracies underestimate how democratic their country is. (Average self-assessment of democracy WVS 2017–2022 vs. V-Dem Liberal Democracy Index.) .8 1 V-Dem Liberal Democracy Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education 2

Understanding democracy therefore requires education ; not indoctrination, but civic learning that helps citizens to identify when democracy is threatened and why liberal values matter. Yet civic education is under strain. In many democracies, it is marginalised in school curricula, treated as politically risky or absent altogether. And adults – those al ready beyond formal education – are rarely reached at all. Relearning democracy We need to teach democracy again , not as an abstract constitutional principle, but as a lived practice of rights, ­accountability and pluralism. People can defend only what they understand. Civic education must move beyond the classroom to meet citizens where they already are: online . Today’s information environment is dominated by actors who exploit democrat ic ignorance to sow distrust and division. Yet the same digital platforms can also be tools for learning, connection and empowerment. As Louisa Slavkova, co-founder of the Civics Innovation Hub, put it:“When democracy deteriorates, you need more and better civic education. If there’s a pandemic, you send in the doctors; in a democracy crisis, you send in the civic educators“(Tugend 2025). Unfortunately, civic knowledge is declining almost every where. The International Civic and Citizenship Study (ICCS 2022) found that not a single participating country had improved its scores since 2016. In the United Kingdom, only one in five 16–17 year-olds – who will soon be eligible to vote – say that school has prepared them to understand politics and elections(John Smith Centre 2025). Meanwhile, teachers increasingly self-censor out of fear of causing ­political controversy(Tugend 2025). The result is a widening knowledge gap at the very time citizens are more exposed than ever to political messaging, but less equipped to interpret it. Evidence from 33 countries Our ERC-funded project“Democracy under threat: how ­education can save it(DEMED)“ tested whether civic edu cation can strengthen democratic values in today’s digital world, and whether it can do so across very different contexts(Neundorf et al. 2025). Working with a global sample of 33 countries and survey ing over 40,000 participants, we designed short, animated videos that explain the core principles of liberal democracy. Each focused on one of three themes: (i) civil rights and liberties; (ii) checks and balances; and (iii) democracy’s social and economic benefits. Participants were randomly assigned to watch one of these short videos or a neutral“placebo“ about space exploration. We then measured changes in democratic knowledge, atti tudes and engagement. The results were striking. Across all countries, viewing a three-­ minute civic education video increased support for democracy , reduced acceptance of authoritarian rule and improved factual understanding of democratic principles(Neundorf et al. 2025). These effects remained measurable for at least ten days, a remarkable impact for such a brief intervention. Civic education works – everywhere Figure 2 Important to live in a democracy 81 85 Liberal understanding of democracy 54 60 Reject all types of authoritarianism 38 44 Active political participation 34 36 0 % 20 % 40 % 60 % Control video Democracy videos 80 % 100 % Note: Short, positive educational content improves democratic understanding across 33 countries, especially among young and politically disengaged citizens. Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education 3

The videos worked particularly well among the young and politically uninterested, the very groups most often dismissed as apathetic. Moreover, further research in Türkiye found that, respondents who watched a positively framed video promoting civic rights adjusted their perception of the country’s democratic quality closer to objective democracy indicators. This suggests that online videos can also help address the problem of misjudging democracy. Correcting these evaluations, in turn, reduced support for the ruling AKP(Öztürk et al. 2025). These findings challenge the assumption that civic educa tion must be deeply localised to be effective. When content focuses on universal liberal principles rather than partisan or national narratives, it resonates across cultures and po litical systems(Yameogo et al. 2025). Reclaiming democracy online Figure 3 Paid social media ads Reach beyond echo chambers Increase understanding of liberal democracy Why online civic education matters The internet is often portrayed as democracy’s downfall, a place in which polarisation and disinformation thrive. But it can also be democracy’s classroom. Digital platforms make it possible to reach audiences traditional education cannot: young people, those outside formal institutions and citizens in authoritarian contexts(Boas et al. 2020). Our research shows that digital civic education works because it is accessible, visual and emotionally engaging. Short, well-crafted videos prompt curiosity rather than defensive ness. They invite reflection instead of resistance, making them powerful even in polarised settings(Eroglu et al. 2025). Moreover, online civic education is cheap and scalable . Paid social media campaigns can reach millions for the cost of a single public event and can be repeatedly tested and adapted. Not all messages are equally effective, however. Videos highlighting rights and institutional constraints , rather than economic outcomes, produce stronger and more dura ble democratic support(Neundorf et al. 2025). Positive, hopeful content performs better than fear-based appeals. People are inspired by democracy’s achievements, not by its decline(Öztürk et al. 2025). Breaking the bubble A major challenge for pro-democracy actors is that organic online content rarely escapes its own audience. Paid adver tisements, by contrast, can reach those who would never encounter democratic messages otherwise, including citizens sympathetic to populist or far-right narratives. In Turkey, our partnership with Vote and Beyond , a civil society organisation promoting electoral integrity, showed that targeted paid ads during the 2023 election campaign increased volunteer sign-ups for election monitoring by 20 per cent in the districts involved(Öztürk et al. 2024). Foster engagement and defense democracy Note: Digital platforms can be reclaimed as civic spaces. Digital civic education is not just about awareness; it can mobilise citizens to act. Yet the regulatory environment is becoming more restrictive. New European rules on digital political advertising, designed to combat disinformation, risk silencing non-partisan civic education campaigns. Well-intentioned as they are, such policies may inadvert ently prevent democrats from communicating about de mocracy itself. If we want to defend democracy, we must also defend the ability to talk about it. Policy takeaways (i) Reclaim digital platforms for democracy Authoritarian and populist actors dominate online spaces. Pro-democracy educators and institutions must actively re-enter them with credible, creative, and emotionally ­engaging content. (ii) Invest in civic education, especially online Digital civic education is one of the most cost-effective tools for strengthening democratic resilience, particularly among young and politically disengaged citizens. (iii) Protect paid civic content Regulations on political advertising should distinguish ­between manipulative campaigning and non-partisan, pro-democratic education. Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education 4

(iv) Keep messages positive and hopeful Fear-based appeals reinforce division. Hope and pride in de mocracy’s achievements inspire learning and engagement. (v) Focus on liberal-democratic principles Teaching about rights, institutions and pluralism has more lasting effects than emphasising material benefits or na tional pride. Reclaiming the word – and the idea Democracy has always been contested. Today, that contestation is not only political but also semantic. When popu lists and autocrats claim to be the“true democrats“, de fenders of liberal democracy must respond not only with policy but also with pedagogy. Reclaiming democracy begins with knowledge , with citizens who understand why rights, pluralism and accounta bility matter. Our research demonstrates that even brief, scalable civic education can strengthen these values across continents and political regimes. The challenge is no longer whether civic education works – it does – but whether we have the political will to support it. We must treat democratic learning not as a nostalgic relic of the past, but as a living defence of democracy’s future. Democracy will not die because we run out of ideas. It will die if we forget how it works. References Boas, T., Christenson, D. and Glick, D. (2020): Recruiting Respond ents via Social Media: Comparisons with Traditional Online Panels. Chu, Y., Diamond, L. and Shin, D. (2024): How Do People Understand Democracy? Eroglu, M. H., Finkel, S. E., Neundorf, A., Öztürk, A. and Rascón Ramírez, E. G. (2025): Choosing Democracy Over Party? How Civic Education Can Mitigate the Anti-Democratic Effects of Partisan Po larisation, in: British Journal of Political Science. Esen, B. and Gümüşçü, S. (2023): How Erdoğan’s Populism Won Again, in: Journal of Democracy, 34(3): 21–32. International Civic and Citizenship Study(ICCS) (2022): International Report. John Smith Centre (2025): Summer Polling 2025. https://www. johnsmithcentre.com/summer-polling-2025/. Neundorf, A., Dahlum, S., Frederiksen, K. and Öztürk, A. (2024): Elections Without Constraints? The Appeal of Electoral Autocracy Across the World, in: British Journal of Political Science. Available at: https://osf.io/preprints/osf/agrjq_v1ld. Neundorf, A., Finkel, S., Öztürk, A. and Rascón Ramírez, E. (2025): Promoting Democracy Online: Evidence from a 33-Country Experiment. Available at: https://osf.io/preprints/osf/ue6qj_v1. Norris, P. (2011): Democratic Deficit: Critical Citizens Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Öztürk, A., Finkel, S., Neundorf, A. and Rascón Ramírez, E. (forthcoming 2025): Keep Positive And Defend Democracy: Framing Demo cratic Messages Under Authoritarianism, in: European Journal of Political Research. Available at: https://osf.io/preprints/osf/fqn5g_v2ism. Öztürk, A., Finkel, S., Neundorf, A. and Rascón Ramírez, E. (2024): Mobilizing for Democracy Under Authoritarianism: The Power of Social Media Campaigns. Available at: https://osf.io/preprints/osf/g5cya_v2 Tugend, A. (2025): Civics Education Struggles, Even as Government and Politics Saturate Daily Life, in: The New York Times, 7 October. Yameogo, S., Neundorf, A. and Öztürk, A. (forthcoming 2025): ­Promoting Democracy in the Context of Terrorism: Experimental Evi dence from Burkina Faso, in: Political Science Research and Method. Available at: https://osf.io/preprints/osf/b4hju_v1. Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education 5

About the author Anja Neundorf is Professor of Politics at the University of Glasgow. Her research examines democratic support, authoritarian legacies and the impact of civic education on political values. She leads the ERC-funded DEMED project on the effectiveness of online civic educa tion in promoting democratic values across diverse contexts. aneundorf.net About Democratic Expeditions This essay is based on the paper presented by the author at the workshop Contesting the Far Right, Safeguarding Democracy: Comparative Insights from Europe and Latin America. Convened by Daphne Halikiopoulou(University of York, UK) and Carlos Meléndez(CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest), the workshop took place at the CEU Democracy Institute in Budapest on 22 and 23 September 2025. It was the second edition of Democratic Expeditions, a series of openly sourced, carefully crafted inter national research workshops that shed light on underexplored issues of democratic crises and democratizing struggles. The initiative is a joint venture of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung’s Regional Office on Democracy of the Future in Vienna, the CEU Democra cy Institute, and the CEU Department of Political Science. Imprint Published by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung e.V. Godesberger Allee 149 53175 Bonn, Germany info@fes.de Issuing Department FES Regional Office for International Cooperation Democracy of the Future Reichsratsstr. 13/5 A-1010 Vienna Contact Filip Milačić filip.milacic@fes.de Design pertext| www.pertext.de The views expressed in this publication are not necessarily those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung(FES) or of the organization for which the author works. Commercial use of media published by the FES is not permitted without the written consent of the FES. Publications by the FES may not be used for electioneering purposes. November 2025 © Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung e.V. Further publications of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung can be found here: ↗ www.fes.de/publikationen FES Regional Office for International Cooperation Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education 6