RESEARCH Philipp Bikanau, Iryna Klimenka, Elisabeth Kovtiak, Konstantin Nesterovich May 2026 Belarusian National Identity in 2026 How Belarusians see their place in the world and how their communication networks are structured Contents About the research......................................................................................................................................................................3 Key findings..................................................................................................................................................................................4 1. Four segments of Belarusian identity........................................................................................................................5 2. Belarusians among the nations of the world............................................................................................................8 3. Why Belarusians are(not) European.......................................................................................................................13 4. Belarusians’ communication networks...................................................................................................................19 5. Identity and access to resources..............................................................................................................................23 Appendix..................................................................................................................................................................................... 29 2 About the research This is the sixth edition of our research, through which since 2020 we have been tracking what“being Belarusian” means to society. In previous reports, we examined the internal structure of Belarusian identity: exploring what distinguishes and unites segments of Belarusians oriented toward different national projects 1 , and analyzing the role of politics, language, and cultural consumption. This edition introduces two new lenses: how Belarusians see their place in the world and how different segments are connected through communication networks . How the report is structured The publication consists of five separate sections that can be read in any order. Each section begins with a summary highlighting the key findings and figures. The first section describes the main identity segments, their views, and socio-demographic characteristics. The second shows how Belarusians position themselves on the map of nations, who they consider close and who they consider distant, and why. The third section analyzes the notion of Europeanness: what“being European” means to Belarusians and why they confidently classify some nations as European while excluding others. The fourth section explores the social ties connecting people with different variants of Belarusian identity. The fifth shows what kinds of resources these ties provide access to . What data we rely on In March— April 2026, we surveyed 803 urban Belarusians aged 18 – 64 through an online questionnaire(CAWI) 2 . The quota sample reflects the structure of the urban population by gender, age, city size, region, and education. In addition, we conducted eight in-depth interviews 3 to better understand the ideas and motivations behind respondents’ survey answers. These methods have limitations: the sample does not cover the rural population and is skewed toward active internet users. As a result, the responses obtained are likely somewhat more proEuropean and pro-democratic than those of the country in general. At the same time, the share of pro-European responses may be underestimated, as some participants may be reluctant to express views that diverge from the position of the authoritarian authorities . 1 To learn more about the theoretical framework of the study— our understanding of national projects, identity, and segments— see one of our previous reports: Bikanau P., Nesterovich K. Belarusian Identity in 2023. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2023. About the research 2 The raw survey data are available here. 3 The interviews included two representatives from each of the four main segments, with an equal number of women and men; participants ranged in age from 31 to 50. 3 Key findings Belarusians are a formed and distinct nation. Most urban residents(85%) feel they are part of the national community and take pride in belonging to it. People with different views share a common image of“their people”(“peaceful,” “hardworking”), a shared culture(Yanka Kupala and Yakub Kolas), and common symbols(the European bison, draniki). Although most(63%) do not use the Belarusian language regularly, it is considered to be a native language and is used occasionally. Within a shared identity, two national projects continue to compete: the Soviet and the National-Romantic. These projects place different emphasis on the country’s history, the role of language, and the choice of symbols. The authorities tend to support the former, while civil society organizations promote the latter. Depending on the level of affinity for these projects, Belarusians can be divided into four main segments.  The identity of the Soviet, the oldest segment, is tied to Belarus’s continuity with the BSSR, loyalty to official state symbols, and an emotional attachment to the state. At the same time, the Soviet value Belarusianness, unlike the small share of the Russified that identifies as Russian.  The Conscious, a highly educated segment, are oriented toward pre-Soviet history and support the Belarusian language. They feel closer to the white-red-white flag and Pahonia as a national emblem.  The Emerging, the youngest segment, are in many ways close to the Conscious but do not want to abandon the Soviet legacy.  The Indifferent are disengaged from both projects, reducing their sense of commonality with other Belarusians to politically neutral markers such as citizenship or place of birth. Differences in views are also reflected in perceptions of Belarusians’ place among other nations. At the regional level, Belarusian identity appears“borderland”: the Soviet gravitate toward a Russian imperial community, while the Conscious lean toward a European one. Thus, 60% of the Soviet see Belarusians as belonging to a common space with Russians, compared to only 10% of the Conscious. Meanwhile, 78% of the Conscious consider Belarusians European, compared to 26% of the Soviets. At the same time, most Belarusians view themselves as a European nation(67%) due to the country’s location and shared cultural and historical ties with Europe. However, for Belarusians, the core of Europeanness still lies far to the West: in Germany and France. These countries are seen(by roughly 90%) as embodying Europeanness because of their democracy, tolerance, and EU membership. Belarusians turn out to be somewhat peripheral due to the country’s political isolation. The exception is the Conscious, who see Belarusians as no less European than the nations of the core. On the global scale, the“borderland” nature of Belarusians disappears. They place themselves within an East Slavic cluster of nations with a Western, European culture and Christian heritage— alongside Ukrainians, Russians, Poles, and Lithuanians. The main supranational community for Belarusians is the Slavs. 78% of Belarusians identify with this group, including 90% of the Soviet and 84% of the Conscious. Belarusian identity relies on horizontal communication networks. These form the foundation of solidarity and commonality: 91% can count on basic assistance from people they know. The typical Belarusian is disconnected from representatives of both the state and civil society. While 62% know people in the former, these ties are weak, and only 41% have connections to the latter. Contrary to expectations, loyalty to the authorities does not translate into institutional privileges: the Soviet have fewer connections within the state apparatus than the Conscious. The Conscious are the most mobile and resourceful segment. They are more likely to have access to a range of resources, from emigration assistance to neighborly support. Beyond ties with“ordinary people,” they are also more likely to have representatives of the authorities and people abroad within their networks. Contact with foreigners contributes to their openness and pro-European views. Thus, Belarusians from different segments are united by strong grassroots ties and mutual support, as well as by a conviction of belonging to Western civilization on a global scale. Key Findings 4 1. Four variants of Belarusianness Belarusians with different views share a common culture: Kolas and Kupala, draniki, European bison, clean streets. They see their nation as formed and distinct, describing themselves in terms that closely echo the national anthem— as peaceful and hardworking. As a result, 85% of urban residents are proud to be Belarusian. Yet beneath this shared foundation, two projects of the Belarusian nation compete: the Soviet and the National-Romantic. Together, they shape four segments of Belarusianness: the Conscious, the Emerging, the Indifferent, and the Soviet. In addition, a small share of the Russified do not consider themselves Belarusian. Belarusians are a nation with a formed identity: people with different views share common symbols, values, and self-image Most Belarusians not only identify with their country but also take pride in their national belonging(85% 4 ) and consider Belarusian culture unique(72%). Belarusians across different segments share a common selfimage as“peaceful”(45%) and“hardworking”(40%). These are the key character traits that, in Belarusians’ view, not only define them as a nation but also foster a sense of commonality. As the in-depth interviews show, peacefulness includes both being non-belligerent and being calm, non-confrontational in everyday life 5 . The opening line of the official anthem clearly resonates with Belarusians, as it reflects what they consider their core value. Extensions of Belarusian peacefulness are kindness and hospitality— a willingness to help fellow Belarusians without expecting personal gain and an openness toward people of other nationalities. As a rule, all Belarusians are kind of non-confrontational in terms of character, not belligerent, calmer. I mean, even if you look at the neighboring countries around, this character trait really stands out even against the background of the neighbors. Male, 45, Conscious The words of our anthem immediately come to mind. “We Belarusians are peaceful people, wholeheartedly devoted to our native land...” And for me, Belarusians — well, I was raised this way, and I consider myself like that too— basically, I consider Belarusians to be very kind, peaceful, well- mannered, hospitable people, let’s say. Female, 35, Emerging Hard work and a commitment to tidiness are seen not merely as everyday habits, but as expressions of inner discipline and responsibility. For example, clean streets are viewed not as the achievement of the state, but as the result of people’s own efforts— their tidiness and respect for shared spaces. We are very clean. I mean, our country is very clean. All the cities, all the villages— everything is very clean. To the point that you’re walking down the street, and you’re simply afraid to throw a piece of paper on the ground. Female, 39, Indifferent This commitment to tidiness is also reflected in moral values: Belarusians value honesty and decency in themselves and in others. Belarusians with different political views are united by a shared space of national symbols and culture. This includes the European bison and draniki, classic writers Yanka Kupala and Yakub Kolas, the music of Pesnyary, the Kommunarka confectionery factory, and BelAZ. Belarusians from different segments visit the same historical sites: Khatyn, the Brest Fortress, and Mir Castle. Even without actively using the Belarusian language, Belarusians consider it to be their native one(63%). A range of other markers— from place of birth(62%) and citizenship (30%) to shared culture(42%) and love for the country(34%)— help people recognize“their own” and feel part of the community. 4 These and some other data and conclusions in this section are drawn from previous waves of our study. 5 Participants perceive this trait as positive, though not without a downside. In their view, peacefulness turns into excessive“ tolerance”: slowness, obedience, and at times disengagement from public processes. In other words, the value of peace is so great that it discourages fighting for it. Four variants of Belarusianness 5 Competition between the Soviet and the NationalRomantic projects gives rise to four variants of a shared Belarusian identity Besides the shared features of national identity, there are also differences. Like many other nations, Belarusians hold different views on aspects of history, language, symbols, and relations with other peoples. These differences are structured around two competing national projects: the Soviet and the NationalRomantic 6 . Depending on their degree of affinity with these projects, Belarusians can be divided into four segments: the Conscious, the Emerging, the Indifferent, and the Soviet. In addition, there are the Russified, who do not consider themselves Belarusian 7 . Differences between the segments are organized around four substantive components 8 — four dimensions of what it means to be Belarusian.  The Russian-Soviet component: characterized by an orientation toward the Soviet past and the preservation of close political and cultural ties with Russia.  The Belarusian component: grounded in the recognition of the fundamental value of the Belarusian language, national culture, and pre-Soviet history.  The nationally indifferent component: indifference toward national issues as such and the conviction that national differences are secondary or excessive.  The cosmopolitan component: openness to and interest in different cultures, along with a sense of commonality with people of different nationalities. What all segments share is acceptance of manifestations of “Belarusianness” and cosmopolitanism, whereas manifestations of“Sovietness” and national indifference may contribute to increased polarization in society. Five segments of national identity with distinct profiles coexist in Belarusian society Component strength on a scale from 0 to 100 The Conscious The Emerging The Indifferent The Soviet Table 1 The Russified Cosmopolitan component 84 78 68 82 65 Belarusian component 81 58 47 63 44 Soviet component 33 49 59 70 59 Nationally indifferent 22 30 49 33 55 component Component strength is the standardized average level of agreement with the statements associated with each component. See the Appendix for the original response distributions. The segments differ not only in the content of the identities but also in their views on the country's situation, foreign policy orientations, and socio-demographic profiles. The Conscious(11%). Carriers of the national-romantic project, for whom the Belarusian language, pre-Soviet history, and independent culture are central values. This segment is more likely to hold pro-democratic views and to view Russian influence negatively. As national symbols, they prefer the white-red-white flag and Pahonia as a national emblem. The Conscious have the highest share of highly educated(59%) professionals and self-employed people from Minsk(51%) with high income. Their strong national self-identification is organically combined with a European identity(85%) and cosmopolitanism. The Emerging(13%). A younger segment combining elements of both competing national projects. They support the development of Belarusian culture and language, while not seeking to abandon the Soviet historical legacy. Representatives of this group are more likely to be Minsk residents(43%), to have higher levels of education(40% with 6 More on our understanding of national projects, identity, and segments can be found in the section on the theoretical framework in one of our previous reports: Bikanau P., Nesterovich K. Belarusian National Identity in 2023. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2023. 7 Segments were identified using hierarchical cluster analysis using Ward’s method(distance measure— squared Euclidean distance) based on levels of agreement with 24 statements (see Appendix). The Russified segment was distinguished separately— these are people who consider themselves Russian rather than Belarusian. 8 Components were identified using principal component analysis based on levels of agreement with 24 statements(KMO= 0.88, three components explain 44% of the variance). See the Appendix for the original response distributions. Four variants of Belarusianness 6 higher education), and to display cultural engagement and pronounced cosmopolitanism. The Indifferent(32%). A segment characterized by high levels of national indifference. Its members believe that national culture and language are secondary in the modern world and may create unnecessary barriers between people. They are more likely to identify with the least politically and culturally charged markers of identity, such as draniki or citizenship. Politically, they are more likely to hold neutral positions(56%). A typical representative of this segment is a worker(41%) with secondary education(78%). The Soviets(38%). Supporters of the Soviet project of the Belarusian nation, for whom Soviet heritage and closeness with Russia are key values. This is the oldest segment(half are aged 45+), demonstrating high loyalty to the current authorities (44%). They perceive Belarus as part of the broader project of a “ three-fold Slavic nation” and align with state symbols, particularly the red-and-green flag. They are characterized by a strong emotional attachment to the state. The Russified(5%). People who identify as Russian rather than Belarusian. In terms of interest in national issues, they are close to the Indifferent, but when interest in identity emerges, the Russified tend to align with the Soviets. For example, more often than others, the y describe themselves as“Soviet people” (54%). Four variants of Belarusianness 7 2. Belarusians among the nations of the world Speaking of the world map, Belarusians confidently place themselves and other Slavs, including Russians, within the sphere of European culture and Christian heritage. It is Spanish-speaking nations, rather than Belarusians, that are more likely to be seen as a“borderland between East and West”. Yet at the regional level, this in-between position still emerges: some Belarusians gravitate toward a Russian-imperial community, while others lean toward a European one. Most(78%) transcend this divide through a shared Slavic identity. This is the main supranational community for Belarusians, the one that, thanks to its political neutrality,“bridges” different segments. On the global map, Belarusians see themselves as part of an East Slavic cluster within European culture — and do not identify as a“borderland” between East and West Belarusians’ perceptions of national similarities are structured around two main axes(Figure 1). In Belarusians’ perception, nations are grouped into six clusters plus the Chinese that form a separate category. Belarusians themselves fall into the East Slavic cluster alongside Russians and Ukrainians: these nations are close both historically and in terms of present-day ties. This closeness is also confirmed by direct measurement: 78% of respondents consider Belarusians to be Slavs. The first axis is the opposition between European and nonThe entire East Slavic cluster— including Belarusians European nations. Belarusians place themselves among nations themselves— is located in the European part of the map. In with a European culture and predominantly Christian heritage, other words, at the global level, Belarusians do not see a group that also includes Russians and Americans. This sense of belonging is confirmed by self-identification: 57% consider Belarusians a“Christian people” Perceptions of closeness of nations are shaped by their degree of Europeanness and the extent of shared experience with Belarusians Figure 1 (Figure 2). The second axis is the shared historical experience. Along this dimension, Belarusians are seen as most similar to neighboring nations(Poles and Lithuanians), former members of the Soviet bloc(Georgians and Kazakhs), as well as nations with which Belarus maintains ties today— political(China) or touristic (Turkey, visited by 21% of urban residents over the past ten years). The combination of positions along these axes reveals how Belarusians perceive different nations around the world. The English and Americans feel culturally familiar to Belarusians yet are less often seen as“ our own” due to limited shared experience. Chinese and Turks, by contrast, may seem culturally distant, but contact and political ties make them feel closer. The nations seen as most“exotic” by Belarusians, such as Indians and Nigerians, occupy the far corner of the map: they are both culturally unfamiliar and distant in terms of shared experience. In your opinion, how much[…] and[…] are similar or not similar as nations? Scale from 1(completely not similar) to 7(almost the same). Each respondent assessed 24 random pairs of nations. On average n ≈ 100 per pair. The map is built using multidimensional scaling(PROXSCAL), nation clusters are identified by hierarchical cluster analysis(Ward’s method, squared Euclidean distance). How to read the map: the closer nations are to each other, the more similar they are in the eyes of Belarusians. Belarusians among the nations of the world 8 themselves as a“borderland” between East and West. In their perception, this role is more characteristic of Spanish-speaking nations. For Belarusians, Slavic identity is a politically neutral category that unites both Belarusians across different segments and neighboring nations with a shared history and language At the supranational level, Slavic identity is more important than any other supranational community(Figure 2). It is more popular than such identities as“Christians,”“Europeans,” and “Soviet people”. “Slavs” is a universal identification shared across all segments. A total of 90% of the Soviet and 84% of the Conscious identify themselves as such. 79% of the Soviet and 77% of the Conscious consider Belarusians to be Slavs. The figures are nearly identical across the other segments. Unlike European or post-Soviet identities, which divide Belarusians along value-based and geopolitical lines, Slavic identity unites Belarusians across all segments. As the in-depth interviews suggest, this is because Slavic identity is perceived as a historical rather than a political category— one that predates contemporary divisions. Being a Slav does not contradict being a European, and the two identities coexist successfully among Belarusians: 93% of those who consider themselves European also identify as Slavs. [A Slav and a European] are completely different concepts. A Slav is more of a historical concept, while a European is more of a political and territorial concept. Nothing more, nothing less. Yes, these are absolutely different concepts and categories. Female, 46, Conscious Belarusians see“Slavicness” as an ancient foundation that shapes not only the present-day commonality of the Belarusian nation, but also its ties with neighboring countries. Both personally and collectively, Belarusians most often identify as Slavs Figure 2 Who do you primarily identify as? Scale: do not identify/ identify to a minimal degree/ identify/ identify to the greatest degree, the figure shows the share of people who selected“ identify” and“ identify to the greatest degree”. Who do you consider present-day Belarusians to be? And who else do you consider present-day Belarusians to be? Multiple choice(up to three options). Number of responses: n= 803. Grouping of categories based on principal component analysis with varimax rotation of responses to both questions(KMO= 0.67, four components explain 45% of the variance). For Belarusians, shared origins and linguistic similarity that enable mutual understanding matter greatly, especially among East Slavs. For some Belarusians, the notion of“Slavs” narrows to the East Slavs alone: Belarusians, Ukrainians, and Russians, while Poles, Czechs, and Bulgarians, despite formally belonging to the same group, are excluded. Slavs are more likely to understand each other better than, for example, a Slav would understand a Spaniard. After all, it’s easier for us to communicate with each other.(…) We speak the same language, it’s easier for us to talk to Russians or to those who speak Russian. That’s all. Male, 43, Indifferent Belarusians among the nations of the world 9 Former Yugoslavia, if we take, say, Serbia, Montenegro… well, they are different, obviously, because they’re more southern, the climate is milder, there are seas— there will be differences there.(…) And we may be a bit different from Poles, then with some countries where there is Orthodoxy— Serbia, for example— we’ll probably be closer through some shared cultural codes, again, connected through religion. In this regard, we’re closer to Russia as well, because for the most part our people share the same faith.(…) and through this come cultural things too, in terms of architecture. Male, 45, Conscious Ultimately, in Belarusians’ eyes, Slavicness is a category that allows them to feel part of a larger whole without confronting today’s conflicts and differences among neighboring peoples. Belarusians’“borderland” character manifests itself not at the global but at the regional level— in the choice between a European and a Russian-imperial community Belarusians differ little in terms of ethno-confessional markers and alternative ethnic identities. The divide runs instead between imperial and European identities(Figure 3). On one side are communities that are close to the Soviet, shaped by Belarus’s place within the orbit of Russian influence. On the other side are categories closer to the Conscious, associated with moving beyond that orbit and the country’s location. 78% of the Conscious consider Belarusians to be European, compared to 26% among the Soviet. Similarly, 78% versus 31% see Belarusians as a nation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and 70% versus 28% as a nation of Eastern Europe. The pattern is mirrored in relation to Russia: only 10% of the Conscious, compared to 60% of the Soviets, see Belarusians as part of a shared cultural and historical space with Russia; 10% versus 32% view them as a people of the former Russian Empire; and 40% versus 61% as a post-Soviet people The Conscious identify with European communities and reject imperial ones, while the Soviet and the Russified show the opposite pattern Level of self-identification on a scale from 0 to 10 Figure 3 Who do you primarily identify as? Scale: do not identify/ identify to a minimal degree/ identify/ identify to the greatest degree. Who do you consider present-day Belarusians to be? And who else do you consider present-day Belarusians to be? Multiple choice(up to three options). Number of responses, n= 803. The figure shows standardized mean values of responses for each category group. In Belarusian society, imperial and European identities are distributed roughly equally— the society is divided. Yet at the global level, Belarusians place Europe, Russia, and themselves within the same cultural sphere(Figure 1). Thus, the Belarusian “borderland” character is not a conflict between East and West, but a conflict between two parts of the same pole. Young people aged 18 – 30 do not conform to the stereotype of being a more pro-European group. They identify as European even less often than older respondents(41% vs. 52%) and describe Belarusians as a European nation at roughly the same rate(56% vs. 62%). The difference lies elsewhere: young people are less likely to favor an alliance exclusively with Russia(28% vs. 42%) and more likely to support ties with both the EU and Belarusians among the nations of the world 10 Russia simultaneously(38% vs. 22%). In other words, they are not more pro-European, but rather less polarized. Belarusians view closer nations more positively, while distant ones are seen as“different” rather than“bad” A classic in-group perception is at work here: the closer a nation feels, the more positive qualities are attributed to it— rich culture, hard work, strength, intelligence, and kindness. Belarusians’ perceptions of themselves are the most positive: 76% consider Belarusians hardworking, 70% kind, 55% tolerant and open-minded, and 48% intelligent and educated. Belarusians do not necessarily perceive distant nations negatively. For example, the dissimilar peoples of the Global South are more often seen as“less attractive in appearance,” yet also as having a rich history. Nations of the Far West are more often perceived as wealthy and influential, though not especially hardworking and somewhat arrogant. Negative traits may also be attributed to closer nations: for instance, East Slavic nations and those of the Near West are more often seen as arrogant. The perception of the Chinese stands out. Belarusians see them as very different from themselves, while at the same time attributing to them a range of positive qualities, such as a rich culture, hard work, and intelligence. The more often Belarusians perceive a nation as similar to themselves, the more likely they are to attribute positive qualities to it % of Belarusians who consider a trait to be characteristic of nations within the cluster Figure 4 Which of these traits, in your view, are most characteristic of[…] as a nation? Each respondent evaluated 10 randomly select ed nations; on average, n ≈ 400 per nation. The figure shows mean values across nations within each cluster. The connection of traits with closeness to Belarusians was estimated using linear regression. Color highlighting is based on the results of standardized residual analysis( p<.05). Declarative friendliness toward other nations is a core feature of the“cosmopolitan” character of Belarusians Most agree that all people are brothers and sisters(Figure 5). Belarusians also see themselves as citizens of the world(61%), and for them, being a“citizen of the world” is primarily associated with peacefulness and friendliness(“world” and “peace” are homonyms in Russian). Most participants in the indepth interviews associated the term with“peaceful people” who oppose war and relate to other nations in a friendly and tolerant way. The Soviet and the Indifferent are especially likely to interpret the term in this way. I would clearly define us here, one hundred percent, as a peaceful nation. By“мир” I mean peace, not the globe, and I specifically mean that we are good-natured, hospitable, peace-loving. We are for peace. I definitely don’t mean that we’re wandering all over the planet, but rather that we are peaceful people. Female, 49, Soviet These attitudes are directly correlated with Belarusians’ desire to interact with foreigners and have acquaintances from other countries(89%), their interest in global news(80%), and the belief that it is important to draw on knowledge and achievements from different cultures around the world(77%). Belarusians among the nations of the world 11 Cosmopolitan views are more common among those who have traveled abroad(r s =.25** 9 ) and those who have acquaintances abroad(r s =.20**). English-speaking skills also matter: those who speak it show greater interest in other cultures, global news, and communication with foreigners. The prevalence of these cosmopolitan traits does not mean that Belarusians are abandoning their national identity. On the contrary, the Conscious, the Emerging, and the Soviet— segments with a strong interest in national culture— are also the most cosmopolitan ones. This contrasts with the Indifferent, who show lower levels of interest in both national and global communities(Table 1). In this sense, the definition of cosmopolitanism used in this report may differ from those that imply a radical rejection of nationality. Besides, Belarusians’ friendliness is often declarative: studies point, for example, to strong anti-immigrant attitudes 10 and great social distance with Muslims and Jews 11 . Most Belarusians declare that“all people are brothers and sisters, regardless of nationality” Figure 5 Please indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with the following statement: I believe that all people are brothers and sisters, regardless of nationality. Number of responses, n= 803. 9 r ₛ — Spearman’s correlation coefficient. Levels of statistical significance:*—< .05,**—<.01,***—<.001 10 Belarusians’ Views on War, Domestic and Foreign Policy/ Belarus Initiative, Chatham House, 2025. 11 Eastern and Western Europeans Differ on Importance of Religion, Views of Minorities, and Key Social Issues/ Pew Research Center, 2018. Belarusians among the nations of the world 12 3. Why Belarusians are(not) European Most Belarusians(67%) consider themselves a European nation. This view is grounded in the belief that Belarus is located in the center of Europe, as well as in a shared culture and history. At the same time, for Belarusians, the“core” of Europeanness still lies further west: Germans and French are seen as more European because they are EU members and are perceived as more democratic, tolerant, and individualistic than Belarusians. The state’s political isolation also distances Belarusians from E urope. The exception is the Conscious, who see Belarusians as no less European than the nations of the“core”. In the Belarusians’ eyes, the center of Europeanness lies far west of Europe’s geographic center Although the center of Europeanness is shifted in Belarusians’ perception, its outer boundary largely coincides with the geographic one. Fewer than 20% of Belarusians consider Although, according to official Belarusian sources, the nations living beyond Europe’s geographic borders— such as geographic center of Europe is located in Polotsk, Belarus, Israelis and Syrians— to be European. Belarusians see Germany and France as the center of the European world. These are the nations that an overwhelming majority of Belarusians most readily identify as European, and the farther a nation lies from this core, the less Belarusians’ perceived map of Europe differs considerably from a geographic one % of Belarusian urban residents who consider a nation European Figure 6 European it appears to Belarusians (Figure 6).  Besides Germans and the French, the“unambiguously European” nations also include Poles, Czechs, Swedes, and Italians. More than 80% of Belarusians consider them European.  The group of“predominantly European” nations consists mainly of countries located south or east of the core— Romanians, Finns, the Balkan peoples, the Baltic states, and Belarusians themselves.  Belarusians assess the Europeanness of Ukrainians, Russians, and Moldovans inconsistently: around half of urban residents consider them European. They therefore fall into the category of“debatabl y European” nations. Why Belarusians are(not) European To what extent, in your view, are the following nations European? The figure shows the combined share selecting rather European and completely European. Each respondent saw 18 randomly selected nations from the list. Number of responses for each nation, n ≈ 400. 13 The Conscious and the Soviet see this map in a different way. The Conscious have the least differentiated view: the boundary of Europeanness runs sharply along the border with Russia, with almost all countries to the west receiving ratings above 90%. Among the Soviet, the map is more blurred: they are less likely to consider Balkan nations, Romanians, the Baltic states, and even the British as European, but more likely to view Russians as European. The perceptions of the Indifferent are closer to those of the Soviet, while the Emerging are closer to the Conscious. Belarusians are more likely to consider nations as “unambiguously” and“predominantly” European if they have traveled abroad or have relatives living abroad. Notably, it does not matter which country they traveled to or have relatives in — it may even be Russia. Belarusians assess the degree of Europeanness of nations not only by geography: a developed culture, peacefulness, and democracy also matter For Belarusians, being geographically in Europe is more of a necessary condition for considering a nation European. The degree of Europeanness is determined by other criteria. Belarusians are more likely to classify nations as European if, in their view, they possess a developed culture, behave peacefully, and are committed to democracy and human rights (Figure 7). These are also the criteria by which Belarusians distinguish between“unambiguously”,“predominantly,” and “debatably” European nations. The Conscious stand out from the other segments: they are more likely to consider most criteria important— geography (89%), democracy(88%), and a developed culture(85%). At the same time, the ranking of importance among these criteria is nearly identical to that for Belarusians overall. The greater importance the Conscious attach to all characteristics does not make their understanding of Europeanness less inclusive. On the contrary, while assigning greater weight to these criteria, the Conscious are also more likely to recognize most nations as European. In other words, they use these criteria not to determine who is more or less European, but to imbue European identity with diverse meanings. Ethno-cultural criteria— especially Christianity and skin color — rank near the bottom for most segments. Among the Soviet, however, a traditional way of life(62%) and shared history (58%) rank among the top criteria. This segment also stands out in that their highest ranking criterion is not geography(61%) but peacefulness(71%) and a developed culture(70%). The main criteria of Europeanness are geography, culture, peacefulness, and democracy Figure 7 How important or unimportant is it for a nation to have a given characteristic in order for you personally to consider it European? Grouping of criteria based on principal component analysis with varimax rotation(KMO= 0.88, three components explain 52% of the variance). Number of responses, n= 803. Why Belarusians are(not) European 14 Belarusians are likely to consider countries west of Belarus as European based on their EU membership, economic integration, civic values, and individualism. The more important any of the three groups of criteria is to Belarusians, the more likely they are to consider both “unambiguously European” nations(Germans, French, etc.) and “predominantly European” ones(Lithuanians, Romanians, etc.) to be European 12 . The Conscious, meanwhile, do not distinguish between “unambiguously European” and“predominantly European” nations— they attribute all of the above criteria to both groups to a similar degree. In the eyes of the Soviet, the latter group is less European because these nations are seen as embodying civic values to a lesser extent. The in-depth interviews highlighted another important aspect: when Belarusians speak about their significant differences from Europeans, they tend to compare themselves with the countries shown in the darkest blue on the map— Germany, France, Sweden, Poland, and the Czech Republic. The central theme running through these comparisons in all the interviews is the balance between the individual and the collective, freedom of self-expression and restraint. It is precisely in comparison with the perception of these nations that Belarusians often conclude they differ substantially from Europeans. Yet this comparison is not necessarily in Europe’s favor. Belarusians note the greater inner freedom of people in these countries, but at the same time, perceive“true” Europeans as cold and calculating. For them, everything is precise: they close exactly on time, and they don’t care if you’re late because you were standing in line, or because the system wasn’t working for you, or something else. They really don’t care. Everything is very clear with them. We don’t have that hundred-percent rigid line in how we work. I mean, we mix things up.(…) Even in these kinds of relations, if needed, if someone asks— we don’t have it so strict… we understand that… they may pay if they can, they may not pay. But if it needs to be done, especially if someone asks— of course, we’ll always come to help, to lend a hand. Female, 49, Soviet Belarusians perceive Portugal, Spain, Italy, and the Balkans as less European because people there are seen as warmer and more open. Another factor that prevents southern countries from being viewed as prototypically European is the relaxed attitude— and even a certain laziness— associated with southerners, which distinguishes them from other Europeans and even from Belarusians themselves. Everything from Macedonia onward— it’s already completely different architecture there, completely different culture, a completely different world.[...] I would end Europe at Germany. And beyond that, well, I don’t even know what to call it. That’s already the Mediterranean. They’re completely different. Even if you take Italians, Spanish people, Greeks, and Germans — these are completely different nations, absolutely. [...] I would even... I don’t know how they ended up in Europe at all. Female, 49, Soviets If, for example, we compare ourselves with the South, then we’re not similar in character: they’re all more hot tempered, more open, more cheerful.[...] And we are like average Europeans. Maybe we don’t get enough sun either. Spanish people, Portuguese people, Italians… Southern France... There’s a carnival there; their character is a bit different. Male, 45, Conscious According to Belarusians’ perceptions, the Scandinavian countries live more separately and more closed off from the rest of Europe, focusing on their own local challenges. In this sense, they are seen as similar to Belarusians. [Scandinavians] are Europeans just like we are, to be honest. Very much, you know, kind of branched off a little bit. Female, 46, Conscious Greater emotional restraint than among Southern Europeans also helps bring Scandinavians closer to Belarusians. Belarusians are more likely to be seen as European by those who consider geography important, and less likely by those who place greater importance on EU and Schengen membership Belarusians are considered European by a majority(around 60%) across all segments, rising to 92% among the Conscious. Regression analysis shows that Belarusians are more likely to be considered European by those who view the geographic criterion 13 and skin color 14 as important. At the same time, the relationship between the importance attached to EU 12 Average estimate of Europeanness of Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians, Romanians and Hungarians<- civic values((B= 0.14***), institutionalgeographic(B= 0.34***), ethno-cultural(B= 0.09**). Average estimate of Europeanness of Germans, the French, Poles, Italians, Czechs and Swedes