Povijesne predispozicije i aktuelni razvoj gra|anskih asocijacija u BiH Dr. sci. Ismet Sejfija Sarajevo, 2008

Povijesne predispozicije i aktuelni razvoj gra|anskih asocijacija u BiH Historical Preconditions and Current Development of Civil Associations in BiH Izdava~/ Published by: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Za izdava~a/ For the Publisher: Helmut Kurth Lektura/ Language Editor: Muhamed Hod`i} Meghaen Anderson Prevod/ Translation: Amira Sadikovi} Korice/ Cover: Dra`en Gruji} DTP: Amer Ekmi} [tampa/ Print: Kemigrafika Trade, d.o.o. Sarajevo Tira`/ Edition: 300 Sva prava zadr`ana od strane/ All Rights reserved: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Sarajevo, august 2008. CIP-Katalogizacija u publikaciji Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo

Predgovor Organizacije civilnog dru{tva igraju izuzetno va`nu ulogu u zemljama ~ija se demokratija nalazi jo{ uvijek u izgradnji, jer mogu dati zna~ajan doprinos u praksi politike bliske gra|anima. Pored toga, grupe civilnog dru{tva predstavljaju va`an poticaj za pobolj{anje socijalne, privredne kao i dru{tvene situacije odre|enih grupa u dru{tvu. Pri tome sa svojim kriti~kim posmatranjem ne nailaze uvijek na odobrenje gra|ana. Uprkos tome, svi odgovorni akteri jedne dr`ave bi trebali pozivati svoje gra|ane da se organizuju, kako bi razvili`ivahno, aktivno i ka budu}nosti orijentisano dru{tvo. Ova publikacija pru`a interesantan uvid u historijski razvoj organizacija civilnog dru{tva, po kojem Bosna i Hercegovina posjeduje dugu tradiciju postojanja, posebno religioznih i humanitarno orijentisanih, organizacija civilnog dru{tva. Broj organizacija je posebno u periodu poslije rata naglo porastao, medjutim nedovoljan interes kod gra|anstva i nedostatak finansijskih osnova doveli su do obustavljanja djelatnosti mnogih organizacija. Dodatne pote{ko}e predstavljaju~esti destruktivni stavovi mnogih politi~ara kao i poku{aji da za vlastite interese instrumentaliziraju grupe civilnog dru{tva. Ova studija, dr. Ismeta Sejfije pru`a mnogobrojne teze za bolje razumjevanje situacije organizacija civilnog dru{tva, i istovremeno daje upute kako na osnovu dosada{njih iskustava pobolj{ati u~inkovitost njihovog rada. Fondacija Friedrich Ebert se nada da}e~itanje ove studije pove}ati interes za izgradju dodatnih organizacija civilnog dru{tva. Helmut Kurth Direktor ureda Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Bosna i Hercegovina 3

Dr. sci. Ismet Sejfija Povijesne predispozicije i aktuelni razvoj gra|anskih asocijacija u BiH 1.„Ograni~ena historija civilnog dru{tva u BiH“ U literaturi o civilnom dru{tvu i nevladinom sektoru u BiH uglavnom nalazimo pau{alne ocjene o tradiciji gra|anskog organiziranja na ovim prostorima. Obi~no se tvrdi kako ovdje mo`emo govoriti tek o ograni~enoj historiji civilnog dru{tva 1 , bez jasnijeg obja{njenja{ta bi ova tvrdnja konkretno trebala da zna~i. Historiografski izvori i analize svjedo~e o dosta bogatoj praksi(samo)organiziranja stanovni{tva na prostorima Bosne i Hercegovine. Ipak, danas bi se te{ko moglo govoriti o dugotrajnijoj uticajnijoj tradiciji gra|anskog organiziranja koje bi, zahvaljuju}i svom izvornom civilnom karakteru, ukazivalo na vi{edecenijski historijski kontinuitet u ovoj oblasti. Istovremeno, ne mo`e se poricati spomenuta praksa(samo)organiziranja. U tekstu koji slijedi nastoji se ukazati na bitne strukturalne i funkcionalne karakteristike asocijacija koje su nastajale i djelovale u razli~itim razdobljima, po~ev{i od perioda austrougarske uprave do dana{njih dana. Konkretno, u tekstu se nastoje dokazati slijede}e hipoteze: - da se etnicitet pojavljuje kao preovla|uju}a integracijska konstanta, kao motivacijski faktor i bitna oznaka programske naravi organizacija nastalih u BiH u periodu do Drugog svjetskog rata, ali ima i aktuelni zna~aj za razvoj ovda{njeg nevladinog sektora poslije 1989. godine, 1 Primjera radi pogledati Izvje{taj Soro{ fondacije o civilnom dru{tvu u BiH za 2004. godinu gdje se u samom po~etku ka`e:"Bosna i Hercegovina ima stanovitu-"ograni~enu"- historiju razvoja"tre}eg sektora". Kao{to je poznato, prije rata(1992-1995) postojao je niz dru{tvenih organizacija~ije su se aktivnosti uglavnom orijentirale unutar sfere kulture i sporta.", Fond Otvoreno dru{tvo BiH, Izvje{taji"Civilno dru{tvo", Sarajevo 2004., str. 1; 5

- da subjekti gra|anskog/multietni~kog karaktera imaju ograni~en zna~aj u odnosu na one s etni~kim karakteristikama do Drugog svjetskog rata da bi, u kontekstu transformacijskih kretanja, posebno nakon 1995. godine, do{lo do ja~anja civilnog/multietni~kog kontingenta organizacija nevladinog sektora u BiH, - gra|ansko organiziranje u BiH karakterizira diskontinuitet prouzro~en promjenama op}edru{tvenog konteksta tokom posljednja dva stolje}a te je mogu}e uo~iti nekoliko historijskih faza unutar kojih su postoje}e organizacije djelovale u razli~itim uvjetima te imale razli~ite funkcije 2 , - pored paralelne egzistencije etni~kih i multietni~kih asocijacija, u povijesti gra|anskog organiziranja u BiH stalno je prisutan izvjestan uticaj inozemnih faktora, koji,~ak i u aktuelnom kontekstu, imaju zna~ajan uticaj na pravac razvoja gra|anskih asocijacija kao i na njihove funkcije u kontekstu procesa demokratske transformacije u BiH. U daljoj analizi, kroz nekoliko historijskih faza, predstavljeni su razvoj, karakteristike i najva`nije funkcije asocijacija gra|ana u BiH tokom zadnja dva stolje}a. Cilj ove analize jeste, na temelju historiografskih izvora, ukazati na zna~aj povijesnih predispozicija za aktuelno stanje i uticaj istih na aktuelne razvojne tendencije u ovom domenu. U tom smislu, pored historiografske dimenzije, analiza uklju~uje i odre|ena politolo{ka razmi{ljanja i ocjene. 2. Predgra|anski oblici udru`ivanja u BiH do 1878. - esnafstvo i crkveno-{kolske op}ine Prije Berlinskog kongresa(1878.), Bosna i Hercegovina je predstavljala kasno feudalno dru{tvo u koje su, pod uticajima globalnih kretanja (rje{avanje osmanskog pitanja), uticaji evropskog Zapada dolazili sporo, 2 Tokom protekla dva stolje}a egzistenciju bosanskohercegova~kog dru{tva obilje`ilo je najmanje{est promjena politi~ko-sistemskog konteksta izazvanih akcijama spoljnjih politi~kih faktora i to: osmansko-turski, austrougarski, SHS- jugoslavenski, period Nezavisne Dr`ave Hrvatske, socijalisti~ka Jugoslavija te ovaj period uvjetovane samostalnosti koji mo`emo nazvati tranzicijskim. 6

ali i nezadr`ivo. Osmanski apsolutizam odr`avao se zahvaljuju}i zastarjeloj administraciji i represivnom upravnom sistemu ne omogu}uju}i nastanak gra|anstva zapadnoevropskog tipa. Oko 90% stanovni{tva`ivjelo je u seoskim sredinama, bez mogu}nosti politi~kog ili op}enito dru{tvenog organiziranja i javnog djelovanja. Me|utim, pojedini autori ve} u zavr{nom periodu turske vladavine nalaze najranije za~etke razvoja gra|anskog rezoniranja i organiziranja. 3 Naime, Hati{erifom od Gilhane 1839. ukinut je osmanski timarsko-spahijski vojno-feudalni sistem, a Hatihumajunom 1856. formalno su izjedna~eni svi gra|ani u Osmanskome Carstvu. Pravo na udru`ivanje dobilo je tada{nje stanovni{tvo tek iza 1862., kada nastaju prve samostalne institucije na ovim prostorima – crkveno-{kolske op}ine,~ije su funkcije bile vjersko-prosvetne i kulturne naravi. Drugi tip udru`ivanja su esnafi, kojih je, prema nekim izvorima, tokom 18. stolje}a u Sarajevu bilo 31 sa oko 2000~lanova. 4 U esnafe su se udru`ivale sve zanatlije bez obzira na vjeru, ali su, kako to navodi Enes Pelidija, svi~lanovi nekih esnafa ponekad bili isklju~ivo jedne konfesije. 5 Prema ovom autoru, esnafi su imali veliki uticaj u`ivotu tada{njih gradova, javno izra`avaju}i svoje nezadovoljstvo odre|enim odlukama vlasti.^ar{ija je o~ito funkcionirala kao neka vrsta esnafskog javnog mnijenja zauzimaju}i odre|ena stajali{ta u odnosu na odluke vlasti. Ovo potvr|uje period tzv.“sarajevske anarhije”(1747.-1757.) o kojoj u svom“Ljetopisu” govori Mula Mustafa Ba{eskija, dok je francuski konzul u Travniku, Pjer Davil“… po~etkom 19. stolje}a za Sarajevo pisao da je to- esnafska republika”. 6 Svakako, tada{nji povijesno-politi~ki kontekst, kao i priroda osmanske vlasti, nisu ostavljali mogu}nosti za razvoj bilo~ega{to bi se moglo ozna~iti kao civilno dru{tvo. 7 3 Pogledati kod: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH - porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 48; 4 Pelidija, Enes:"O privredi Sarajeva u 18 stolje}u" u"Prilozi historiji Sarajeva", str. 98; 5 Isto, str. 98; 6 Isto, str. 100; 7 Posebno pitanje, koje ovdje nije predmet razmatranja, ali bi moglo biti interesantno za istra`ivanja, jeste specifi~an socio-kulturolo{ki kontekst"~ar{ije" kao miljea u kojem su nastajali ovi predgra|anski i kasniji oblici udru`ivanja. Kao socijalno i kulturno jezgro`ivljenja u bosanskohercegova~kim mjestima,"~ar{ija" je producirala neformalne, ali veoma sna`ne norme pona{anja, hijerarhiju vrijednosti i pozicija u koje se pojedinac morao uklapati ukoliko bi`elio tu prona}i vlastito mjesto. Druga~ije re~eno, priroda socijalnog kapitala"~ar{ije" vjerovatno je uticala na vrste asocijacija i na~in njihovog funkcioniranja.(I.S.) 7

3. Nastanak, razvoj i funkcije prvih organizacija gra|ana u Bosni i Hercegovini(1878.-1914.) Za vrijeme~etrdesetogodi{nje austrougarske uprave u Bosni i Hercegovini izgra|ena je, za tada{nje prilike, moderna administracija, ali uz asistenciju elemenata vojnog upravljanja te uz znatnu redukciju gra|anskih prava i sloboda. 8 U uvjetima zabrane politi~kog organiziranja, do{lo je do osnivanja prvih udru`enja gra|ana na nacionalno-kulturnim, vjerskim i humanitarnim osnovama. Nastajanje ovih dru{tava bilo je, kako to konstatiraju Had`ibegovi} i Kamberovi}, rezultat unutarnjeg razvitka lokalnog dru{tva, ali daleko vi{e:„...dodira tradicionalnog gra|anstva koje je zanatsko-trgova~ko-rentijerskog tipa i doseljeni~kog gra|anstva, koje se ovdje doseljava iz raznih zemalja Monarhije, grade}i time novi nacionalni i vjerski mozaik modernog gra|anstva potrebnog Austro-Ugarskoj, kako bi ovo podru~je integrirala u svoj ekonomski, socijalni, politi~ki i kulturni sistem.“ 9 Asocijacije gra|ana koje su se razvile u ovom periodu mogle bi se, obzirom na etni~ki sastav~lanstva, svrstati u pet kategorija: - nacionalna kulturno-prosvjetna dru{tva, - mje{ovita udru`enja koja su okupljala pripadnike dvaju nacionalnih skupina, - multietni~ke asocijacije, - useljeni~ka udru`enja, - radni~ke organizacije. Prve zna~ajnije organizacije bosanskih gra|ana su humanitarna i kulturno-prosvjetna dru{tva s nacionalnim ili vjerskim predznakom. Me|u prvima je osnovano Jevrejsko humanitarno dru{tvo La Benevolencija, 1894. godine, koje}e 1902. promijeniti naziv u Prosvjetno-kulturno dru{tvo La Benevolencija. Promjenom naziva pro{ireno je polje djelatnosti dru{tva sa karitativnog na kulturno-edukacijsko djelovanje me|u pripadnicima jevrejske zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini. Pored La Benevolen8 O ovom razdoblju pogledati kod: Ibrahimagi},Omer:"Ustavnopravni razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine", sarajevo 1998., str. 40-46; 9 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 49; 8

cije, sa skoro istim programskim oznakama, djelovalo je u periodu do 1941. jo{ nekoliko jevrejskih dru{tava: La Lira, Matatja, La Glorija, Tarbut, Jevrejski klub, Safa Berura, ali kratkotrajnije i s manje uspjeha. 10 28.06.1902., odlukom Zemaljske vlade u Sarajevu, odobren je rad dvjema organizacijama: Hrvatskom potpornom dru{tvu za potrebne|aka srednjih i visokih{kola i Srpskom kulturno-prosvetnom dru{tvu Prosveta. Ove organizacije imale su sjedi{te u Mostaru. 11. decembra 1902. Hrvatsko potporno dru{tvo mijenja naziv u Hrvatsko kulturno dru{tvo Napredak sa sjedi{tem u Sarajevu. 1903. dolazi do osnivanja Muslimanskog dobrotvornog dru{tva Gajret. 11 Do kraja Prvog svjetskog rata, u Bosni i Hercegovini registrirano je 1256 dru{tava u 258 naselja. 12 Useljeni~ka udru`enja imala su sli~ne funkcije kao i dru{tva lokalnog stanovni{tva s etni~kim predznakom, dakle, brinula su o o~uvanju nacionalnog identiteta useljenika, razvijaju}i solidarnost i veze me|u~lanstvom po principu etni~ke pripadnosti. Do Prvog svjetskog rata registrirano je 31 ovakvo udru`enje. 13 Mije{ana dru{tva bila su malobrojna i, o~ito, bez ve}eg upliva i popularnosti me|u stanovni{tvom. Husnija Kamberovi} navodi tri organizacije ovakvog tipa u Bosni i Hercegovini pred Prvi svjetski rat: Srpsko hrvatski klub u Sarajevu, Hrvatsko-muslimanski klub u Vi{egradu i Hrvatsko- muslimanski soko u Maglaju. 14 Multietni~ka dru{tva okupljala su~lanstvo razli~ite nacionalne pripadnosti. Me|utim,\or|e Pejanovi} napominje kako su gro~lanstva ovih organizacija~inili doseljenici, dok je broj~lanova iz reda lokalnog 10 Petrov, Krinka:"Kultura Jevreja na tlu Jugoslavije",, Beograd, 1997. S14; 11 Detaljnije pogledati kod: D`aja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva", Sarajevo-Zagreb 2004., str. 74-78; Kemura, Ibrahim:"Uloga Gajreta u dru{tvenom`ivotu Muslimana Bosne i Hercegovine", Sarajevo 1987; Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 48; 12 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 48; Autori navode i njihov teritorijalni raspored:"Najvi{e je ovih dru{tava bilo u Sarajevskome okrugu(300), zatim u Banjalu~kom(248), Tuzlanskom(222), Mostarskom(198), Travni~kom(181) i Biha}kom(107)."; 13 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:"Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. stolje}a", Institut za istoriju, Sarajevo 2004., str. 89; 14 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:"Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. stolje}a", Institut za istoriju, Sarajevo 2004., str. 90/91; 9

gra|anstva bio relativno mali, nagla{avaju}i njihov propagandisti~ki karakter za ra~un okupacijskih vlasti. 15 Njihov broj nije bio zanemariv (391 od ukupno 1296 udru`enja do Prvog svjetskog rata), ali se ova brojnost mo`e objasniti~injenicom da aktuelna vlast nije u Bosni i Hercegovini podr`avala nastanak i rad nacionalnih udru`enja, koja su predstavljala opasnost imperijalnom dualisti~kom konceptu Monarhije, gledaju}i s druge strane, s vi{e blagonaklonosti na aktiviranje subjekata„internacionalnog“ karaktera, podr`avaju}i njihov rad finansijski i na druge na~ine. Ovo svakako dovodi u pitanje njihov autenti~ni, izvorni lokalni karakter. 16 Jedine organizacije koje su uspijevale okupiti pripadnike sva tri etnikuma bili su sindikati. Za po~etak sindikalnog djelovanja u Bosni i Hercegovini uzima se 27.8.1905. godine, kada je formiran Glavni radni~ki savez. Prvi sindikat u Bosni i Hercegovini osnovan je 1906. godine ( Sindikat metalskih radnika) na inicijativu Socijaldemokratske partije Bosne i Hercegovine. Do Prvog svjetskog rata sindikati su bili malobrojniji u odnosu na ostale forme udru`ivanja,{to je i razumljivo, ako se ima u vidu da su radnici~inili tek nekoliko procenata od ukupno zaposlenog stanovni{tva. Pred Prvi svjetski rat internacionalni sindikalni pokret, u okviru Glavnog radni~kog saveza, okupljao je 17 sindikalnih saveza i preko 120 sindikalnih podru`nica. Interesantno je da je i u okviru sindikalnog pokreta nastalo nekoliko subjekata s etni~kim ili vjerskim predznakom, tzv. nacionalni sindikati( Organizacija radnika Hrvata, kasnije - Matica radnika Hrvata, Organizacija mladih katoli~kih radnika...). Prvi svjetski rat ozna~io je zavr{etak perioda u kojem su nastale prve organizacije gra|ana u Bosni i Hercegovini. Specifi~nosti organiziranja stanovni{tva u Bosni i Hercegovini, nevedene na po~etku ovog historijskog pregleda, o~ituju se sna`no u periodu austrougarske vlasti. Programske zna~ajke ovih udruga veoma su sli~ne, s ciljevima koji se odnose na karitativni rad, kulturno uzdizanje~lanova, opismenjavanje, otvaranje~itaonica, izdavanje listova. Ove organizacije nosile su pe~at tada{15 Pogledati kod: Pejanovi},\or|e:"Kulturno-prosvetna, humana i socijalna dru{tva u Bosni i Hercegovini za vrijeme austrougarske vladavine", Sarajevo 1930. str. 28-49; 16 O ovome pogledati kod: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 50; 10

njih dru{tveno-povijesnih i politi~kih prilika u Bosni i Hercegovini i okru`enju: radi se prije svega o konfesionalno-etni~koj podijeljenosti stanovni{tva optere}enog jo{ uvijek bliskom pro{lo{}u, s izra`enom krizom nacionalnog identiteta te potrebom da se on u~vrsti i razvije. 17 Zato je razumljivo da su ove organizacije imale jasnu nacionalnu odrednicu, tj. okupljale su mahom gra|ane iste etni~ke pripadnosti te predstavljaju i prve nacionalne institucije bosanskohercegova~kih naroda nastale samoorganiziranjem gra|ana. Me|utim, u tada{njem dru{tveno-povijesnom kontekstu, ova dru{tva su imala zna~ajne“dodatne” funkcije: - edukacijska funkcija prepoznatljiva je u polju nacionalne kulture, folklora, opismenjavanja i sl.,{to opet vodi u~vr{}enju nacionalnih osje}aja i svijesti unutar nacionalnih grupacija; istovremeno, ova udru`enja su predstavljala po~etne„{kole demokratije“, omogu}avaju}i njihovim aktivistima prva iskustva u sferi javnog anga`mana, ali i u odnosima prema vlastima, - u periodu zabrane politi~kog organiziranja(do 1910.) imale su odre|enu supstitucijsko-posredni~ku funkciju postavljaju}i odre|ene zahtjeve prema vlasti, dakle djeluju}i kao djelimi~ni supstituti politi~kih partija, poku{avaju}i participirati u iniciranju i dono{enju odre|enih politi~kih odluka ili djelovati kao korektori vlasti 18 17 Isto, str. 48/47, tako|er pogledati kod Mad`ar Bo`o:"Prosveta. Sprpsko prosvjetno i kulturno dru{tvo 1902-1949", Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Republike Srpske 2001., str. 3-12; I{ek, Tomislav:"O utemeljenju i po~etku rada Hrvatskoga kulturno-prosvjetnog dru{tva"Napredak" u "Napredak kalendar" za 1993. godinu, Sarajevo 1992; Tako|er: Babi}, Du{an:"Pozadina i smisao na{ih animoziteta" u"Regionalne paralele- istra`ivanje nedavne pro{losti", Stina Zagreb, [kola novinarstva Beograd, Media-plan institut Sarajevo, 2005, str. 9-10. cit.:"Osim striktno obrazovnih institucija, i kulturna dru{tva se formiraju na etni~kom i vjerskom osnovu- Gajret, Prosvjeta, Napredak, La Benevolencija. Razvoj{tampe je tako|er slijedio nacionalno-konfesionalnu matricu, a i sportska dru{tva-\erzelez, SA[K, Slavija, Makabi."; 18 Primjer prvog muslimanskog udru`enja u Bosni i Hercegovini-"Dru{tvu za vakufsko-mearifsku autonomiju" osnovanog 1899. g. u Mostaru, mo`e ilustrirati ovu tvrdnju. Osnovni cilj ovog dru{tva bio je povrat vakufske imovine(imovine koja je ranije pripadala Islamskoj zajednici, a oduzeta od iste nakon okupacije) i prava na upravljanje ovom imovinom od strane Islamske zajednice, kao i borba za ponovnu autonomiju u pogledu izbora vjerskih poglavara i slu`benika. 11

-{iroka teritorijalna organizacija omogu~i}e kasnije mobilizaciju~lanova i simpatizera za utemeljenje nacionalnih politi~kih partija 19 , - intenzivna izdava~ka djelatnost, posebno izdavanje listova, bila je u funkciji razvoja politi~ke javnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini. 20 ^injenica da su nastala u uvjetima znatnih ograni~enja politi~kih i gra|anskih prava i sloboda, koje je nametnula austrougarska uprava, reducirala je njihov demokratizacijski potencijal i efekte. Jasno je tako|er da u ovom periodu, pod ovakvim okolnostima, nije generirana sna`nija autenti~na tradicija organiziranja koja bi u osnovi imala gra|anina u njegovom klasi~nom liberalno-civilnom odre|enju. Internacionalno, multietni~ko organiziranje inicirano je izvana, ostaju}i, u odnosu na autenti~ni kontingent organizacija s nacionalnim predznakom, relativno malobrojno i, kako}e se kasnije pokazati, bez sna`nijeg upliva u formiranju tradicija koje bi bile prepoznatljive u kasnijim razvojnim fazama. S druge strane, u ovom periodu, utemeljena je tradicija organiziranja u okvirima nacionalnih grupa u Bosni i Hercegovini. 4. Organizacije gra|ana u Bosni i Hercegovini izme|u dva svjetska rata(1918.-1941.) Nakon Prvog svjetskog rata bosanskohercegova~ko dru{tvo na{lo se u novom regionalnom politi~kom kontekstu ulaze}i u sastav Kraljevine SHS i kasnije Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Vidovdanski ustav(28.juni 1921.) 19 Ova dru{tva su~inila os nastanka i razvoja nacionalnih pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini. Politi~ke partije osnovane nakon 1905. godine u ovim dru{tvima su nalazile sna`an organizacijski i aktivisti~ki oslonac. Pogledati kod: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 50; 20 Pogledati detaljnije kod: Nuhanovi}, Asad:"Fenomen javnosti", Promokult, Sarajevo, 1998., str. 207-222; Tako|er kod: Osman~evi}, Enes:"Historijat i osobenosti javnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini", Pogledi br. 8, Univerzitet u Tuzli, juli 2001., str. 86, cit.:"U periodu Austrougarske vladavine izlazilo je 125 listova i~asopisa, uglavnom kao glasila oktroirane inostrane uprave, ili sa konfesionalnim, odnosno nacionalnim predznakom. Znatan broj listova(oko 80%) pokrenut i izdavan izvan Bosne i Hercegovine….Iako nacionalno podijeljen- tisak u BiH tog vremena je ipak uspio, sa gotovo dva stolje}a zaka{njenja za Evropom, pota}i neke od funkcija javnosti. Tako se, zahvaljuju}i tisku, tokom 1907./1908. u dijelovima javnosti razvio kriti~ki odnos prema nekim potezima okupacijskih vlasti." 12

akceptirao je institut slobode udru`ivanja uz uvjet da ciljevi udru`ivanja nisu ka`njivi prema va`e}im zakonima. Ovaj institut u praksi je zabranjivan, naprimjer u vrijeme trajanja„{estojanuarske diktature“(od 1929. do dono{enja„Oktroiranog ustava“ 1931.), ili ograni~avan. 21 Nacionalna kulturno-prosvjetna dru{tva, srpska Prosveta, hrvatski Napredak, te muslimanski Gajret, uz ne{to kasnije osnovano, muslimansko udru`enje Narodna uzdanica(1923.), obnovili su rad zadr`av{i iste ciljeve i organizacijsku strukturu s uo~ljivim trendom pove}anja broja ekspozitura u Bosni i Hercegovini(npr. Gajret je 1920. imao 46, a 1940. 121 mjesni pododbor, a sli~an je slu~aj i s ostalim udru`enjima) na~itavoj teritoriji dr`ave. 22 Ova dru{tva su i dalje predstavljala os nacionalnog grupiranja, djeluju}i kao„sateliti“ nacionalnih politi~kih partija, grade}i mre`e sli~nih institucija na teritoriji~itave Bosne i Hercegovine. 23 Pored ovih autenti~nih nacionalnih dru{tava, u Bosni i Hercegovini osnivaju filijale subjekti nastali izvan njenih granica, poput nacionalnih sokolskih saveza( Savez Hrvatskih sokolskih dru{tava, Sokolski savez Srba...) 24 te organizacije koje su prote`irale ideju nacionalnog jugoslovenstva(npr. Jugoslovenski sokolski savez, ORJUNA – Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista...) ili su nastale kao reakcija na ovu ideju (npr. MUNAO – Muslimanska nacionalna omladina, HANAO – Hrvatska nacionalna omladina, SRNAO-Srpska nacionalna omladina, ORKAN – Organizacija katoli~kih nacionalista...). 25 Na dru{tvenoj sceni Bosne i Hercegovine, pored trostrukog nacionalnog obrasaca, pojavila se 21 Detaljnije kod: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 52; 22 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:"Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. stolje}a", Institut za istoriju, Sarajevo 2004., str. 90/91- pogledati tabele s rasporedom ovih dru{tava u BiH; tako|er kod Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 53; 23 Ilustrativan je primjer odnosa"Gajreta","Narodne uzdanice" i muslimanskih politi~kih partija koje su se borile oku uticaja u ovim dru{tvima{to jasno ukazuje na njihov zna~aj. Kod: Kemura, Ibrahim:"Uloga Gajreta u dru{tvenom`ivotu Muslimana Bosne i Hercegovine", Sarajevo 1987.; str. 3-7; D`aja,Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva", Svjetlo rije~i, Sarajevo-Zagreb 2004., str. 202-232; 24 Detaljnije kod: D`aja,Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva", Svjetlo rije~i, Sarajevo-Zagreb 2004., str. 40-45; 25 Isto, str. 47-48; 13

kao~etvrta projugoslovenska ideja oko koje su se, u razli~itim vremenskim periodima, okupljale razli~ite snage(npr. 1919. nacionalni sokolski savezi ujedinili su se u Sokolski savez Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, promijeniv{i ime 1920. u Jugoslovenski sokolski savez). Ove integracije imale su, oko~ega se sla`e ve}i broj autora, manje–vi{e prore`imski karakter. 26 Za ovaj period interesantno je postojanje ve}eg broja`enskih udru`enja u Bosni i Hercegovini me|u kojima su, pored nacionalnih( Dobrotvorna zadruga Srpkinja, Kolo srpskih sestara, Hrvatska katoli~ka`enska udruga, Hrvatska`ena, Muslimanska`enska zadruga,@ensko a{kena{ko dru{tvo...) djelovala i vi{enacionalna dru{tva( Dru{tvo za prosvje}ivanje `ena i za za{titu njihovih prava, Zajedni~ko udru`enje`ena bez plemenskog i vjerskog obilje`ja, Materinsko udru`enje, Udru`enje univerzitetski obrazovanih`ena...).@enska udru`enja imala su, posebno u urbanim sredinama, emancipatorski zna~aj, otvaraju}i`enama mogu}nosti za dru{tveni anga`man u, ina~e dosta patriarhalnom okru`enju. 27 Izme|u dva svjetska rata sindikalno i strukovno organiziranje imalo je vi{enacionalni karakter, ali su uz„...nezavisne internacionalne sindikate postojali i sindikati lojalni vlastima, te malobrojni sindikati koji su okupljali radnike na nacionalnoj osnovi. Ovi su sindikati djelovali u te{kim politi~kim uvjetima~estih zabrana, ali su uglavnom, pre`ivjeli~itavo me|uratno razdoblje.“ 28 Generalno uzev{i, osnovne specifi~nosti organiziranja u Bosni i Hercegovini, karakteristi~ne za austrougarski period, odr`ale su se i u periodu izme|u dva svjetska rata. I dalje je etnicitet osnovna integracijska konstanta, kako u politi~koj, tako i u vanstrana~koj sferi. U kolopletu zamr{enih nacionalnih odnosa u, sada jedinstvenoj, jugoslavenskoj dr`a26 Primjera radi pogledati kod: D`aja,Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva", Svjetlo rije~i, Sarajevo-Zagreb 2004., str. 43; u radovima stranih autora: npr. Jakir, Aleksandar:" Dalmatien zwischen den Weltkriegen: Agrarische und urbane Lebenswelt und das Scheitern der jugoslawischen Integration", Südosteuropaische Arbeiten 104, Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg 1997., Skript 422, str. 376-377; 27 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:"Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. stolje}a", Institut za istoriju, Sarajevo 2004., str. 90/91; Pogledati tabele s rasporedom ovih dru{tava u BiH!; Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 54; 28 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 54; 14

vi, bosanskohercegova~ki dru{tveno-politi~ki prostor slu`i}e kao poligon importiranih politika i interesa s isto~ne i zapadne strane, bez unutarnjih snaga koje bi generirale razvoj i sna`niji uticaj gra|anskih subjekata u politi~kom javnom diskursu, pa tako i gra|anskih organizacija s jasnim civilnim odrednicama. 29 Organizacije ovog perioda imaju dvostruki zna~aj za tada{nji i kasniji razvitak gra|anskog udru`ivanja u BiH. Na jednoj strani one su imale zna~ajnu edukacijsku i humanitarno-karitativnu ulogu uo~ljivu u aktivnostima stipendiranja omladine, izgradnje i odr`avanja|a~kih domova i op}enito uklju~ivanja{irih slojeva stanovni{tva u dru{tveni`ivot. Na drugoj strani, gra|anin-pojedinac nije uspio da se profilira kao osnovni subjekt, temelj i nosilac gra|anskih struktura i razvojnih tendencija u ovoj oblasti. Tako je u periodu izme|u dva svjetska rata u~vr{}ena tradicija nacionalnog grupiranja i organiziranja u tada{njoj vanstrana~koj, nevladinoj sferi. Drugi svjetski rat prekinuo je rad ovih organizacija ili su one bile integrirane u sistem okupatorskih vlasti na ovim prostorima. 5. Asocijacije gra|ana i civilne inicijative u socijalisti~kom okru`enju(1945.- 1985.) U novijim tekstovima o civilnom dru{tvu u BiH tokom~etrdesetpetogodi{njeg socijalisti~kog perioda, primjetna su dva pristupa: prvi pristup jeste negiranje postojanja bilo~ega{to bi se u ovom povijesno-politi~kom kontekstu moglo identificirati kao civilno dru{tvo; drugi pristup ukazuje na tragove civiliteta u socijalisti~kom okru`enju, dakle na postojanje odre|enih subjekata koji su nastali ili se odr`ali u vremenu nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, ostaju}i jo{ uvijek aktivni dio nevladinog sektora. 29 O politi~kim prilikama, politi~kom i ostalim vidovima organiziranja i odnosima u BiH u ovom periodu govore brojni autori. Isti zaklju~ak o supremaciji etniciteta nad civilnim inicijativama nalazimo kod: D`aja,Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva", Svjetlo rije~i, Sarajevo-Zagreb 2004., str. 202-232; Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 52;[ehi}, Nusret:"Bosna i Hercegovina 1918.1925.", Svjetlost, Sarajevo 1991., str. 100; Nuhanovi} Asad:"Fenomen javnosti", Promokult, Sarajevo 2005., str. 222-223; 15

Prvi pristup nalazi svoje teorijsko upori{te u kritici totalitarnih sistema kao zatvorenih ideolo{kih entiteta, koja se, kada se o civilnom dru{tvu govori, naj~e{}e vezuje uz Karla Popera i njegovo djelo“Otvoreno dru{tvo i njegovi neprijatelji”. Poper smatra da je doktrinarna eshatologija imanentna socijalisti~kom u~enju, kao dr`avno u~enje ona opravdava upotrebu revolucionarnog terora. Kao i svako zatvoreno dru{tvo komunisti~ko dru{tvo premije{ta socijalni model u savr{enu budu}nost, politi~ka elita zatvorenog dru{tva pola`e pravo da vlada historijom, slu`bena sfera- partija/dr`ava uzdignuta je na rang politi~kog apsoluta. Na sli~an na~in, odnos civilno dru{tvo-socijalisti~ka dr`ava, komentira Ugo Vlaisavljevi}:“Zanimljivo bi bilo pogledati ulogu velikih udru`enja gra|ana koja je osnivala partija/dr`ava i o njima veliku brigu vodila. Poznato je da je autenti~no mjesto dobrovoljnih udru`enja gra|ana civilno dru{tvo. Osvrnemo li se na mjesto i ulogu takvih udru`enja kakva su bila Socijalisti~ki savez radnog naroda, Savez socijalisti~ke omladine, udru`enja boraca i`ena, sindikati itd., lako}emo uvidjeti da narodna dr`ava nije ostavljala mjesto za civilno dru{tvo u pravom smislu rije~i. Ono nipo{to ne smije biti produ`ena ruka dr`ave ili partije na vlasti nego radije, da tako ka`emo, mjesto gdje se ta ruka zavr}e i sakati.” 30 ^injenica je, kako to Vlaisavljevi} konstatira, da su ovi savezi nastajali i djelovali pod patronatom partije/dr`ave ne kao protute`a centrima dr`avne mo}i ili u funkciji za{tite gra|ana u odnosu na centre mo}i, ve} su na temelju jedinstvene ideologije, u okviru fronta socijalisti~kih snaga, predstavljali ekspoziture za masovniju implementaciju partijske ideologije, primjera radi: - poticaji za osnivanje ovih saveza dolazili su iz komunisti~ke partije, dakle one nisu nastajale kao izraz slobodne volje gra|ana, -~lanstvo u ovim savezima bila je obaveza koja se morala ispunjavati, odnosno nastupala je automatski u odre|enoj starosnoj dobi(u Savez pionira djeca su ulazila automatski u prvom razredu osnovne{kole, a u Savez socijalisti~ke omladine na zavr{etku osnovnog obrazovanja) ili stupanjem na radno mjesto(~lanstvo u odgovaraju}em sindikatu), - u finansijskom, a time i programskom pogledu ove organizacije bile su potpuno ovisne o dr`avnom prora~unu. 30 Vlaisavljevi}, Ugo:"Opet narodna dr`ava", Nezavisne novine, Banja Luka, 13.01.2006.; 16

Po definiciji, navedeni savezi imali su funkciju ideolo{ko-politi~ke transmisije u smjeru partijsko-dr`avna elita – narodne mase, ali je ovakva funkcija donekle odba~ena inkorporiranjem ovih subjekata(dru{tveno-politi~ke organizacije) u politi~ki sistem Ustavom SFRJ od 1974. god.( dru{tveno-politi~ka vije}a u skup{tinama na svim nivoima), gdje su trebali osigurati dvosmjernu transmisiju ideja, potreba i interesa masa prema centrima politi~ke mo}i i obratno. Ipak, kako je pokazano, gra|anin u svom klasi~nom odre|enju, koji kao slobodna individua ulazi u integracijske procese na temelju vlastitih interesa, potreba ili drugih motiva, nije bio osnova ovih integracija. Na njegovom mjestu nalazio se radni~ovjek kao stvarala~ko bi}e i osnova, u biti kolektivisti~ke socijalisti~ke politike. Socijalisti~ki model dru{tveno-politi~kih odnosa predstavlja ustvari situaciju skoro apsolutne dominacije politi~kog nad civilnim dru{tvom u kojem, kako Vlaisavljevi} tvrdi,“…dr`ava nije ostavljala mjesta za civilno dru{tvo u pravom smislu rije~i.” 31 Ovakvo civilno dru{tvo Mihajlovi} naziva“poba~eno”,“neuspostavljeno” civilno dru{tvo. Jasno je tako|er da se o nevladinom sektoru u ovakvom okru`enju nije moglo govoriti kao o dijelu civilnog dru{tva. 32 Linc i Stepan imaju ista gledi{ta:“Ne samo{to je najve}i broj organizacija, koje se normalno smatraju dijelom civilnog dru{tva bio integrisan u partijsku dr`avu u komunisti~koj Evropi, ve} su one i u materijalnom pogledu zavisile od takve dr`ave. Zato za takve potencijalne aktere u politi~kom procesu i nije u interesu da`ele svoju samostalnost.”“Za~eci civiliteta” nisu imali {anse za stvarnu ekspanziju u ovakvom okru`enju. 33 Me|utim, jedan analiti~ki pristup pokaza}e da je u periodu izme|u 1945. godine do raspada Jugoslavije u Bosni i Hercegovini nastao i aktivno djelovao veliki broj subjekata koji su egzistirali“na ivici civilnosti”. Zakonom o udru`enjima, zborovima i drugim javnim skupovima (25. augusta 1945.) udru`enja koja su u BiH bila aktivna do Drugog svjetskog rata, imala su mogu}nost obnoviti svoj rad. Od 1945. do 1950. reaktivirano je trideset udru`enja, a nastala su i neka nova. Me|u prvi31 Isto; 32 Mihailovi}, Sre}ko:"Kako nevladine organizacije vide politi~ku mo} i kako politi~ka mo} vidi nevladine organizacije", dokumenti sa stru~nog skupa"Analiza NVO okru`enja- izazovi tranzicije", Fond za otvoreno dru{tvo Srbija, Beograd 02. Juni, 2005., str. 5-6; 33 Linc, Huan i Alfred Stepan:"Demokratska tranzicija i konsolidacija","Filip Vi{nji}", Beograd 1998., str. 203, tako|er str. 54, 71; 17

ma su rad obnovile~etiri tradicionalne nacionalne organizacije: Napredak, Gajret, La Benevolencija i Prosveta. Gajret je 1948. godine promijenio ime u Muslimansko kulturno dru{tvo Preporod, ali je ve} 1949. njegov rad zabranjen. Ista sudbina zadesila je i ostala nacionalna dru{tva, ali ne i kulturna dru{tva nacionalnih manjina i ona za koje je aktualna vlast nalazila da mogu poslu`iti realizaciji konkretnih politi~kih interesa. 34 Rad obnavljaju i predratna radni~ka udru`enja, a narednih decenija nasta}e veliki broj kulturno-umjetni~kih dru{tava ujedinjenih u savez na nivou tada{nje SR BiH. Prema Kamberovi}u/Had`ibegovi}u, nakon 1949. godine, ova dru{tva su imala odre|enu ideolo{ko-vaspitnu funkciju u kulturnoj sferi, propagiraju}i ideje socijalisti~kog razvoja, bratstva – jedinstva itd. 35 Isti autori navode podatak da je u BiH 1954. godine aktivno djelovalo„...388 kulturno-umjetni~kih dru{tava, 7 amaterskih pozori{ta, 88 narodnih i radni~kih univerziteta...“ mahom u urbanim centrima. Brojne profesionalne asocijacije(Dru{tva histori~ara, Dru{tva Filozofa, Udru`enje knji`evnika; Udru`enje pravnika, Udru`enje likovnih umjetnika BiH- ULUBiH, Udru`enje novinara, Udru`enje kompozitora, Udru`enje filmskih radnika, Udru`enje muzi~kih umjetnika, Udru`enje dramskih umjetnika....), asocijacije gra|ana s posebnim potrebama(npr. udru`enja distrofi~ara, paraplegi~ara itd.), hobisti~ka udru`enja i savezi( Savez radio-amatera, Izvi|a~ki savez, Ferijalni savez...) te sportska i ekolo{ka udru`enja(lova~ka dru{tva, Savez gorana i sl.). Svakako, ove asocijacije ulazile su u jedinstvenu krovnu instituciju Socijali34 Detaljnije kod: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997, str. 56-57, cit.:"Selja~ka sloga", koja je kao politi~ko-ekonomska i kulturna institucija, djelovala od sredine 30-tih godina i bila razgranala po svim hrvatskim selima u Bosni i Hercegovini. Iza 1945. ona se bavi kulturno-prosvjetnim radom, opismenjivanjem i organiziranjem~itala~kih grupa, odr`avanjem kulturnih priredaba u hrvatskim selima i sli~no. Ovo nije bila dr`avna institucija, ali je vlast preko nje nastojala politi~ki ovladati hrvatskim selja{tvom." 35 Isto, str. 57, cit.:"Zbog toga je 1949. prelomna godina. Iza toga nastupaju ne{to druk~iji uvjeti za njegovanje i razvoj gra|anskoga dru{tva. Od tada u kulturi glavnu ulogu igraju amaterska kultumo-umjetni~ka i kulturno-prosvjetna dru{tva, amaterska pozori{ta, te narodni i radni~ki univerziteti. Njihov je zadatak bio njegovanje kulturno-historijske ba{tine kao zajedni~ke tekovine svih bosanskohercegova~kih naroda, a ne isticanje i nagla{avanje posebnih nacionalnih tradicija. Ukazuje se na me|usobne kulturne utjecaje i pro`imanja sa tendencijom stvaranja nove kulture zasnovane na novijim ideolo{kim osnovama zajedni{tva(ideja bratstva i jedinstva)." 18

sti~ki savez radnog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine(SSRN), gdje je njihov rad podr`avan ili osporavan. 36 Sa stanovi{ta pretpostavki za kasniji razvoj civilnog dru{tva i nevladinog sektora u Bosni i Hercegovini pokazala se bitnom izvjesna tradicija organiziranja, odnosno ste~ena navika kod pojedinca da ulazi u organizirane cjeline radi ostvarenja odre|enih potreba ili interesa, koja je omogu}ila nastavak rada odre|enog broja ovih subjekata i nakon raspada Jugoslavije. Tako An|eli} navodi podatak da je u Bosni i Hercegovini 1989. godine postojalo oko 5000 aktivnih asocijacija. 37 Pored ovog baznog potencijala, valja imati na umu da politi~ki prostor biv{e SFRJ, kao i Bosne i Hercegovine, koja se ne mo`e promatrati izvan tada{njeg jugoslovenskog konteksta, nije predstavljao uvijek mirnu, stoprocentno ideolo{ki homogeniziranu cjelinu.^ini se da je predod`ba o specifi~nom „liberalnijem“ tipu jugoslovenskog socijalizma, ra{irena u ovda{njoj i inostranoj javnosti, uspje{no potiskivala u drugi plan~injenicu postojanja kriti~ke i liberalne inicijative i akcije na ovim prostorima. Za razliku od~e{kog ili sovjetskog slu~aja, gdje su istaknuti intelektualci – disidenti u socijalisti~kom okru`enju, imali zapa`enu ulogu u fazi liberalizacije autoritarnih sistema(Havel, Mihnjik, Saharov, Sol`enjicin...), u novonastalim dr`avama, na prostoru biv{e Jugoslavije, uloga pojedinaca i grupa koji su djelovali s„disidentskih“ pozicija, poku{ava se potisnuti u drugi plan. Neboj{a Popov smatra da su uzroci ovakvog odnosa„...izuzimanje iz kruga zemalja realnog socijalizma, vjerovanje da toga u nas nije ni bilo, ili demonizacija same pojave – neprijatelji, izdaja, ekstremizam, najkonzervativniji bolj{evizam i napalm-~ovekoljublje –~ime se~ini izli{nim analiti~ki pristup.“ 38 Pored ovih argumenata, potrebno je napomenuti da„disidentstvo“ 39 nije na ovim prostorima imalo samo karakter kritike kojoj bi se mogao pripisati liberalno-gra|anski karakter –~esto se nastupalo s marksisti~kih pozicija, nastoje}i kritiku zadr`ati u okvirima 36 Isto, str 58; 37 An|eli}, Neven:"Bosna i Hercegovina izme|u Tita i rata", Prev. Ranko Mastilovi}, Samizdat B92, Beograd 2005., str. 111; 38 Popov, Neboj{a:"Disidentska skrivalica","Republika" br. 242/243, Beograd 2000.; 39 Etimolo{ki, termini disident i disidentstvo vode prijeklo od latinske rije~i dissidere- biti udaljen, razlikovati se(prema Klai}, Bratoljub:"Rje~niku stranih rije~i", Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske, Zagreb 1978.); 19

„prihvatljivim“ za tada{nju ideolo{ku elitu. 40 Osim toga, u disidentske krugove ubrajaju se~esto pojednici i grupe koji su nastupali s nacionalnih pozicija, preuzimaju}i vode}u ulogu u nacionalnim pokretima nastalim krajem osamdesetih godina. 41 Popov im odri~e disidentski status upozoravaju}i da:„kada etnonacionalizam uzme maha...jenjava kriti~ko mi{ljenje, a umjesto autonomne javnosti kao demokratske institucije, nastaje njen supstitut – instrumentalizovano javno mnijenje – kao mjesto za nacionalne megdane i obra~une. Nacionalisti, kada odbacuju vladaju}u ideologiju i re`im, to~ine bez odgovaraju}eg analiti~kog postupka i argumentacije, ustru~avaju se od javnog istupanja i ne pola`u nadu u neposredne demokratske promjene. Zbog toga nacionaliste ne mo`emo svrstati me|u disidente. Nacionalisti, u najboljem slu~aju, odla`u demokratiju za vrijeme nakon kona~nog rje{enja nacionalnog pitanja.“ 42 Indikatvno je da niti disidentstvo ovdje nije izuzeto od jasne podjele na„nacionalni“ i onaj dio koji bi se mogao ozna~iti„kriti~kim i liberalnim“. Kroz ovu podjelu, na izvjestan na~in, potvr|en je kontinuitet koegzistencje etniciteta i civiliteta u sferi tada{njih antire`imskih inicijativa. I dok je dio„etnodisidenta“, nakon odlu~uju}e uloge u„rje{enju“ jugoslavenske krize, preuzeo i jo{ uvijek dr`e politi~ku inicijativu 43 , ovaj drugi dio disidentskog kontingenta nastavi}e djelovati u drugoj polovini osamdesetih godina s mirovnih pozicija, poku{avaju}i definirati i etablirati civilnu alternativu konfliktnom etnonacionalizmu na jugoslovenskim prostorima. U tom smislu je disidentstvo interesantno kao personalni milje iz kojeg su se, tokom osamdesetih godina, dijelom razvile inicijative civilnog karaktera, od kojih su neke jo{ aktivne, kako u ostalim dijelovi40 Primjera radi, poznati disident Milovan\ilas, u po~etku je nije napu{tao marksisti~ke pozicije zala`u}i se za liberalizaciju partije, sa liberalnih pozicija nastupi}e Kosta^avo{ki, dok Mihajlo Markovi} ostaje u granicama marksizma itd. pogledati kod: Popov, Neboj{a:"Disidentska skrivalica","Republika" br. 242/243, Beograd 2000. str. 67; 41 Isto, str. 68; 42 Isto, str. 68; 43 Primjeri su o~iti i dobro poznati. Nekada{nji"nacionalni disidenti" preuzeli su vode}e pozicije na ~elu nacionalnih pokreta krajem osamdesetih godina te kasnije formiranih nacionalnih stranaka: od aktivista"Hrvatskog prolje}a" i"peticiona{kog pokreta"(Savka Dap~evi}, Vladimir[eks) nacionalista u"partijskim redovima"(Franjo Tu|man, Dobrice]osi}a…), politi~kih emigranata (Adil Zulfikarpa{i}, Gojko[u{ak), do osoba koje je socijalisti~ki re`im osu|ivao zbog odre|enih vjerskih uvjerenja(Alija Izetbegovi} npr.); pogledati kod: Veljak, Lino: Veljak, Lino:"Civilno dru{tvo, raspad Jugoslavije i budu}nost Jugosito~ne Europe", Zagreb 1997., str. 6; 20

ma biv{e Jugoslovije, tako i u Bosni i Hercegovini. 44 Zna~ajan broj intelektualaca iz Bosne i Hercegovine u~estvovao je u radu Kor~ulanske ljetne{kole(1964.-1974., osniva~i: Milan Kangrga i Rudi Supek) i ~asopisa Praxis. Iako je zvani~no{kola imala za cilj„(...) stru~no obrazovanje kadrova iz filozofije i sociologije koji rade u visoko{kolskim i srednjo{kolskim ustanovama, raznim institutima, dru{tvenim organizacijama i novinarstvu(...) u prvi se plan nametnuo, samim karakterom rada i diskusija, oblik koji je i najprimjereniji filozofskom i sociolo{kom skupu: otvorena razmjena mi{ljenja, slobodna i kriti~ka diskusija o bitnim problemima na{e suvremenosti i`ivota dana{njeg~ovjeka,~esto puta bila je to pasionirana odbrana i obrazlo`enje vlastitih uvjerenja i sukob anga`irane misli, bez~ega nema pravog misaona i dru{tvena razvitka. Tako mo`emo re}i da je Kor~ulanska 1jetna{kola odmah po svom osnutku i ve} u prvim svojim sesijama, umjesto akademske pouke u u`em smislu kako je zami{ljena, postajala dru{tveni doga|aj prve vrste i to me|unarodnog zna~aja, izvor misaone akcije koja je{iroko nadilazila njezine formalne granice i mjesto okupljanja najprominentnijih imena europske i svjetske filozofijske i sociologijske, kao i op}eteorijske misli na{e suvremenosti(Erich Fromm, Henri Lefebvre, Lucien Goldmann...).“ 45 U radu{kole u~estvovali su poznati bosanskohercegova~ki intelektualci: Franc Cengle, Esad]imi}, Branislav Djurdjev, Ivan Focht, Bo`idar Jak{i}, Olga Kozomara, Rasim Muminovi}, Besim Ibrahimpa{i}, Kasim Prohi}, Bo`idar Gajo Sekuli}, D`emal Sokolovi}, Vojin Simeunovi}, Abdulah[ar~evi}, Arif Tanovi} i Zoran Vidakovi}. 46 Iako se ne radi o disidentima u pravom smislu rije~i, inercija kriti~ke misli, uspostavljena dugogodi{njim djelovanjem{kole, ostaje primjetnom sve do dana{njih dana zahvaljuju}i dijelu intelektualaca 44 Npr. me|u osniva~ima UJDI-ja(Udru`enja za jugoslovensku demokratsku inicijativu, prve alternativne civilne organizacije u SFRJ osnovane 1989. u Zagrebu) nalazimo imena koja su i danas aktivna u nevladinom civilnom sektoru u BiH: Bo`idar Sekuli}, aktivan u~esnik Kor~ulanske{kole, filozof i sociolog iz kruga"praksisovaca" je aktivan u Asocijaciji nezavisnih intelektualaca"Krug 99" koja u BiH odr`ava kontinuitet slobodne misli i principijelne kritike te je, u neku ruku, nastavavila rad UJDI-ja u BiH; aktivni su i drugi u~esnici ove{kole: Neboj{a Popov u Srbiji pokrenu}e list"Republika" uz podr{ku tamo{njih UJDI-jevaca;Vesna Pe{i} je istaknuti aktivist Gra|anskog saveza u Srbije; 45 Kangrga, Milan:"Kor~ulanska ljetna{kola" u:"Izvan povijesnog doga|anja. Dokumenti jednog vremena", Feral Tribune biblioteka, Split 1997., str. 281; 46 Isto, str. 282; 21

koji su zadr`ali kriti~ke pozicije tokom zbivanja u zadnja dva stolje}e bosanskohercegova~ke povijesti(Sekuli}, Prohi}...). Godine 1964., u okviru Odsjeka za filozofiju Zagreba~kog univerziteta, u suradnji s drugim filozofskim centrima u tada{njoj Jugoslaviji, pokrenut je~asopis“Praxis”( imao je me|unarodno izdanje na engleskom, njema~kom i francuskom jeziku).^asopis je ostvario saradnju, osobito svojim me|unarodnim izdanjem, s velikim brojem najistaknutijih filozofa raznih orijentacija u cijelome svijetu. Na taj je na~in saradnja sa svjetskom filozofijom dobila sna`ni zamah, a zagreba~ki filozofski krug postao ravnopravni u~esnik savremenih filozofskih rasprava u svijetu. ^asopis“Praxis” i“Kor~ulanska ljetna{kola” ukinuti su 1974 na temelju administrativne zabrane.^itav niz drugih primjera kao{to su: pojavljivanja~asopisa Delo, Filozofija, Sociologija, Gledi{ta i listova: Danas, Vidici, Student i Susret(Beograd), Pogledi(Zagreb), Besede, Revija 57 i Perspektiva(Ljubljana), Pregled(Sarajevo),{trajkovi(1958.) i studentske demonstracije(u Beogradu 1954., Zagrebu 1959.) kriti~ki pokreti u Ljubljani, 1962–63, Zagrebu, Beogradu i Sarajevu 1966.–68., „eksplozija pokreta osporavanja“, koji se juna 1968. godine pro{irio na sve univerzitete u Jugoslaviji, uz anga`man pojedinaca(Milovan\ilas, Mihajlo Mihajlov, Du{an Bogavac...), svjedo~e o aktivnostima kriti~ki orijentiranih politi~kih krugova u tada{njem socijalisti~kom ideolo{kopoliti~kom kontekstu. 47 Istovremeno, kako je dobro poznato, kontinuitet su odr`avale i snage izrasle na nacionalnim pozicijama o~emu svjedo~e primjeri„hrvatskog prolje}a“(1971.-1972.), demonstracije na Kosovu tokom sedamdesetih i osamdesetih godina te kasnija„de{avanja naroda“ u svim krajevima biv{e Jugoslavije. Za istra`ivanje fenomena disidentstva i civilnih inicijativa u socijalisti~kom periodu potrebno je vi{e prostora jer se radi o nizu osoba, grupa i doga|anja~iji zna~aj, posebno u BiH, nije dovoljno prou~en. 48 47 Detaljnije kod: Popov, Neboj{a:"Disidentska skrivalica","Republika" br. 242/243, Beograd 2000.; 48 Npr.\or|evi}, Mirko:"Disidenti- izmedju reforme i revolucije", Republika, br. 187, Beograd, 1998. str. 13-18;Jaksic, Bo`idar:"Disidenti-(ne)zavrsena prica", u: Balkanski paradoksi, Beogradski krug, Beograd 2000, str. 186-195; Mihajlov, Mihajlo:" Disidenti danas i juce" u:"Domovina je sloboda", Radio B 92, Beograd 1994, str. 51-54; 22

6. Civilne inicijative i organizacije u predratnom vremenu (1985. – 1992.) Obzirom na prevagu snaga etnonacionalne naravi u odnosu na nosioce civilnih inicijativa u povijesti Bosne i Hercegovine i nepostojanje jasno definiranog civilnog prostora u socijalisti~kom dru{tveno-politi~kom kontekstu,~esto se zaboravljaju aktivnosti civilne alternative tokom osamdesetih godina, u vremenu prije po~etka ratnih sukoba. Tako nalazimo mi{ljenja kako su za~eci civilnog dru{tva ovdje razvijeni tek tokom ratnih doga|anja. 49 Ovakav pristup zanemaruje kontinuitet aktivnog djelovanja kontingenta autenti~nih civilnih snaga~iji korijeni se`u u osamdesete godine. O uzrocima raspada Jugoslavije napisane su i jo{ se uvijek pi{u brojne analize kao i o ulozi civilnog dru{tva u de{avanjima tokom osamdesetih i devedesetih godina. 50 Neizgra|enost civilnog dru{tva, smatra Veljak, ne mo`e se proglasiti uzrokom raspada zemlje, ali treba razmotriti ulogu civilnih inicijativa u tada{njem historijsko-politi~kom kontekstu, imaju}i u vidu specifi~nosti jugoslovenskog socijalno-politi~kog i kulturno-historijskog razvoja. 51 Ovo prije svega zna~i da civilne inicijative u predratnom vremenu jesu postojale, u pitanju je njihova ukupna eficijentnost, (ne)mogu}nost da liberalni koncept politi~ke zajednice uspje{no suprotstave divergentnim modelima i praksi etnonacionalisti~kih snaga. 49 U Izvje{taju Fonda otvoreno dru{tvo BiH za 2004., primjera radi, ne spominje se prijeratna akcija autenti~nih civilnih inicijativa:"Bosna i Hercegovina ima stanovitu- ograni~enu historiju razvoja tre}eg sektora. Kao{to je poznato, prije rata postojao je niz dru{tvenih organizacija ~ije su se aktivnosti uglavnom orijentirale unutar sfere kulture i sporta. Nakon rata svjedoci smo formiranja mnogih novih nevladinih organizacija, pogotovo u onim dijelovima zemlje gdje su locirani predstavnici me|unarodne zajednice, njihove agencije i organizacije.";"Civilno dru{tvo" izvje{taj Fonda otvoreno dru{tvo BiH o civilnom dru{tvu u BiH za 2004. godinu, Sarajevo 2004., str 1.; 50 Jedan interesantan pregled kontraverznih odnosa karakteristi~nih za"jugoslavensku krizu" predla`e Sekelj: 1) odnos dr`ava-nacija: preferiranje nacionalne dr`ave kao forme moderne politi~ke zajednice 2) odnos federalizam-centralizam, tj. odsustvo demokratije 3) socijalna integracija, tj. odsustvo integracije u jugoslovensko dru{tvo 4) kriza modernizacije 5) odnos individuum-kolektivitet: neuspeh individualizma i nastanak novog(etno)autoritarizma nakon samoraspada partijske dr`ave; pogledati kod: Sekelj Laszlo;"Uzroci raspada Jugoslavije", Institut za filozofiju i dru{tvenu teoriju, Beograd, 2003.,str. 6; 51 Pogledati Veljakov komentar u Veljak, Lino:"Civilno dru{tvo, raspad Jugoslavije i budu}nost jugosito~ne Europe", Zagreb 1997., str. 6,7; 23

Ipak, postojanje i kontinuitet ovih inicijativa se ne smije zanemariti, posebno ako se ima na umu kasniji razvoj civilnog dru{tva u biv{im jugoslovenskim republikama, pa i Bosni i Hercegovini. Uporedo sa sve o~itijom krizom reformske prakse u biv{oj Jugoslaviji, aktivnosti me|unarodne zajednice, kao i doma}ih demokratskih snaga, krajem osamdesetih godina bile su orijentirane na poku{aje spre~avanja rata. Na aktualna doga|anja reagirala je i tada{nja jugoslovenska javnost. Po~etkom devedesetih pokrenute su brojne gra|anske mirovne inicijative{irom Jugoslavije. Ovdje svakako vrijedi navesti kao primjer kampanju Udru`enja za jugoslovensku inicijativu(UJDI), osnovanog po~etkom 1989. godine u Zagrebu( prva autonomna politi~ka organizacija na podru~ju biv{e Jugoslavije). UJDI po svom karakteru nije bio politi~ka stranka nego gra|anska inicijativa usmjerena na stvaranje proceduralnih pretpostavki za mirno razrje{enje politi~ke krize u zemlji te uspostavljanje liberalno-demokratskog poretka. Inicijalno~lanstvo UJDI-ja u~estvovalo je, kako je ve} re~eno, u osnivanju i radu kasnije nastalih institucija civilnog dru{tva u novonastalim dr`avama. Utoliko bi se moglo govoriti i o donekle jedinstvenim korijenima nevladinog civilnog sektora na prostorima biv{e Jugoslavije, jer je UJDI bio organizacija op}ejugoslavenskog karaktera, s podru`nicama u svim tada{njim republikama i pokrajinama. S druge strane,~lanstvo UJDI-ja potvr|uje kontinuitet djelovanja kriti~kih i snaga liberalno gra|anske orijentacije. Udru`enje je 3. juna 1991. godine organiziralo konferenciju za{tampu u {esnaest gradova pod motom“Stop fa{izmu-prolaz gra|anstvu”. U Sarajevu je odr`an Pretparlament Jugoslavije okupiv{i gra|anske opozicione stranke, organizacije i udru`enja, propagiraju}i osnivanje mirovnih nasuprot ratnim koalicijama. Pretparlament je inicirao i organizirao Okrugli sto vlasti i opozicije koji je zasjedao od jula 1991. do februara 1992. godine, tako|er u Sarajevu( Tema:“Kako sprije~iti totalni rat u Bosni i Hercegovini”) nastoje}i pro{iriti krug antiratnih aktera potpisivanjem“ Ugovora o miru”. Ovaj dio“zaba~ene istorije”, kako namjerno nespominjanje ovih inicijativa i doga|anja u postratnoj historiografiji i tekstovima posve}enim civilnom dru{tvu, naziva Gajo Sekuli}, rasvijetljen je dijelom u njegovoj knjizi“Individuum i nasilje 1991.:„Otvorena pisma protiv rata” u kojoj predstavlja spomenuta mirovna nastojanja i aktivnosti kao i vlastita pisma upu}ena raznim institu24

cijama, li~nostima i instancama u tada{njoj“predratnoj” Jugoslaviji. Sam autor, kao i ostali akteri, poku{avali su potaknuti nove/stare etnonacionalne elite na dijalog i institucionalno rje{avanje jugoslovenske krize. “Ova pisma svjedo~e”, ka`e Sekuli}„o postojanju desetina hiljada aktera koji su bili protiv rata djeluju}i za mir i demokratsku mirovnu proceduru razrje{avanja izuzetno slo`enih protivrje~ja i suprotnosti izme|u {est republi~kih politi~kih elita kao{est simboli~kih fantoma razorne mo}i. …Ratna nasilja i zlo~ini prikazuju se kako onda tako i sada la`no i ideolo{ki sa stanovi{ta etno-ideolo{kih histerija kao neka prirodna neminovnost koja je zatvorila svaku historijsku{ansu za mirotvorno razrje{enje kompleksne krize jugoslovenske dr`ave i dru{tva. Istovremeno, to je i dan-danas nepremostiva smetnja za prve korake ka izmirenju i pomirenju u regionu nekada{nje Jugoslavije.” 52 U“ Ugovoru o miru” prihvata se diskontinuitet u odnosu na“stari re`im”, ali i na“rasplamsavaju}e sukobe”, a ovaj Ugovor po~ivao bi na:“(…) garantovanim ljudskim pravima, transformaciji svojinskih odnosa sa na~elima moderne ekonomije, parlamentarnoj demokratiji, te racionalnom i pravednom rje{enju glavnih`ari{ta sukoba.” 53 Konflikt etnonacionalnih elita pre{ao je u oru`ani sukob pokazav{i da navedene inicijative nisu mogle parirati etnopopulisti~koj propagandi.“Jedinu{ansu za sprje~avanje totalnog rata mo`emo na}i u sinhronizaciji djelovanja marginalnih gra|anskih stranaka i grupa, nastaju}ih mirovnih i sindikalnih pokreta kao i u njihovom povezivanju s mirovnim nastojanjima izvan Jugoslavije”, tvrdi}e tada aktivist UJDI-ja Neboj{a Popov. 54 Istaknuto mjesto me|u gra|anskim inicijativama tog vremena imaju Centar za antiratnu akciju(osnovan jula 1991. u Beogradu), Beogradski krug(1991.), Helsin{ki komitet(1991. u Beogradu, kasnije u svim biv{im jug. republikama), Centar za kulturnu dekontaminaciju, mnogobrojne`enske antiratne grupe. U to vrijeme se odr`avaju i poznate masovne mirovne akcije i manifestacije kao sto su Hod mira oko Savezne skup{tine(Beograd 1990), potpisivanje peticije Spasimo Dubrovnik(Zagreb 52 Sekuli}, Bo`idar, Gajo:"Individuum i nasilje 1991.: Otvorena pisma protiv rata", Rabic, Sarajevo, 2006., str. 12; 53 Isto, str. 318; 54 Popov, Neboj{a:"[ta radi UJDI u ratnim uslovima","Republika", br. 29. od 1.10.1991, Beograd, str. 8; 25

1991), Beogradski antiratni maraton(1991.), paljenje svije}a u znak protesta protiv rata itd. Antiratni protesti, masovno posje}eni, postali su najjasniji izraz antiratnog raspolo`enja dijela gra|anstva i u Bosni i Hercegovini. U Sarajevu se 11. marta 1992. okupilo oko dvije stotine hiljada gra|ana pred zgradom Skup{tine BiH. Sli~ni antiratni protesti odr`ani su u nekoliko ve}ih gradova{irom zemlje(Zenica, Mostar, Banja Luka, Travnik…). 55 Ipak, ove civilne inicijative nisu uspjele preusmjeriti op}i tok doga|aja. U isto vrijeme, kako u ostalim dijelovima biv{e Jugoslavije, tako i u BiH, na zamahu dobijaju nacionalni pokreti koji}e prerasti u nacionalne politi~ke stranke. Paralelno s nastajanjem prvih nacionalnih politi~kih stranaka u Bosni i Hercegovini dolazi do reafirmacije rada asocijacija s nacionalnim predznakom. Me|u prvima su aktivnosti obnovila tradicionalna nacionalna, kulturna dru{tva: Prosveta, Napredak i Preporod podupiru}i nacionalne pokrete unutar, ve} segregiranih, etnonacionalnih,„kulturno-povijesnih krugova“. 56 Pored ovih asocijacija, obnavljaju rad jo{ neki ranije zabranjivani subjekti, ali nastaju i novi, jasnog etno-patriotskog karaktera, ostaju}i~esto na razme|i nacionalne, vjerske i politi~ke integracijske platforme(npr.„Mladi muslimani“,„Muslimanski forum“,„Kolo srpskih sestara“,„Pokret hrvatske katoli~ke mlade`i“ itd.) 57 55 Prema podacima kod: Popov, Neboj{a:"[ta radi UJDI u ratnim uslovima","Republika", br. 29. od 1.10.1991, Beograd, str. 8; Milardovi}, An|elko:"Spontanost i institucionalnost", Kairos, Beograd, 1989., str. 91; Bro{ura:"Dezerteri rata u biv{oj Jugoslaviji",@ene u crnom, Beograd, 1994., str. 29; 56"Obnova Napretka se doga|ala u okviru i u ozra~ju silaska s povijesne pozornice totalitarnog komunisti~kog sustava koji je i prekinuo njegov rad. Obnoviteljska skup{tina odr`ana je 29. rujna 1990. u Sarajevu. Usvojen je Statut kojim je definirano da je svrha obnovljenog Napretka: kulturno i prosvjetno djelovanje, ekonomsko ja~anje i socijalno podizanje hrvatskog naroda.", detaljnije u"Povijest HKD Napredak({ira verzija), HKD Naperedak, Sarajevo 2005, str. 41; Miljanovi}, Mirjana:"Prosvjeta je ponovo obnovljena(u BiH, I.S.) 1992. godine. I ovoga puta u novoj dr`avi. Prema rije~ima profesora Miki}a nova Prosvjeta bi u svom radu trebalo da ide stopama svojih intelektualnih prethodnika s po~etka 20. vijeka, mada je duhovna dilema srpske inteligencije danas ne{to druga~ija od pre|a{nje.", Patriot, Banja Luka 2002. godine; U bro{uri "100 godina Preporoda" navodi se:"Iste one ideje i te`nje koje su zaokupljale i vodile utemeljiva~e Gajreta(1903. god.), Narodne uzdanice(1924. god.), KDM Preporod(1945. i obnovljenog 1990. god.), a~iji je smisao sadr`an u opredjeljenju za temeljitim znanstvenim istra`ivanjem, sabiranjem i razvijanjem bo{nja~ke kulture, preovladuju}i su putokazi i dana{njeg Preporoda.", Preporod, Sarajevo 2003., str.5; 57 Primjera radi cit.:"Nakon izlaska iz zatvora, a u okviru promjena koje su ve} bile evidentne, kako na prostoru biv{e SFRJ, tako i svjetskim okvirima, grupa Mladih Muslimana oja~ana drugim bo{nja~kim intelektualcima dolazi na ideju o formiranju nove politi~ke stranke koja bi 26

Prijeratni aktvizam gra|anskih snaga nije rezultirao stvaranjem jedinstvenog civilnog pokreta, koji bi koncept stvarne liberalizacije i demokratizacije uspio suprotstaviti sve sna`nijem trendu etnopolitizacije dru{tvenog i politi~kog`ivota. Karakteristi~no za ovaj period jeste da su i etnonacionalne, kao i liberalno-civilne snage, koristile parolu„ borbe protiv komunizma“ i„ zalaganja za evropski put“, kao poziv na reformsku politiku i postepenu demokratsku liberalizaciju i institucionalizaciju dr`ave i dru{tva 58 , etnonacionalisti- u nastojanju da svoje programe poku{aju u~initi prihvatljivim u internacionalnom, posebno evropskom okru`enju. 59 Ukoliko se imaju u vidu funkcije navedenih organizacija i inicijativa, o~it je njihov poku{aj da s mirovnih pozicija participiraju u teku}im zbivanjima. U javnosti biv{e Jugoslavije i Bosne i Hercegovine, bez zna~ajne kriti~ke tradicije, koja bi omogu}ila sofosticiraniji pristup de{avanjima, prevagu}e odnijeti mitologozirani populizam etnonacionalista. Civilno dru{tvo, pa i nevladin civilni sektor u svom po~etnom razmahu, nisu imali vremena niti politi~kog prostora da se ovom suprotstave niti da pomenute funkcije razviju u zna~ajnijoj mjeri. Ipak, mora se navesti da ovo razdoblje nije pro{lo bez sna`nog otpora autenti~nih civilnih snazastupala interese Bo{njaka. Tako je nastala SDA- Stranka demokratske akcije. Nakon toga Mladi Muslimani u~estvuju u ponovnom o`ivljavanju Merhameta, KZB Preporoda, Trezvenosti i ostalih bo{nja~kih udru`enja koje su komunisti~ke vlasti nasilno ugasile nakon Drugog svjetskog rata.", kod: Mehmedovi};Emir:"Kratak prikaz nastanka i historijskog razvitka MM", Sarajevo, 28.08.2001.(na http://www.mm.co.ba/organizacija/historijat/art7.html), tako|er kod Trhulj Sead:"Mladi Muslimani", Globus, Zagreb 1992., str. 4, 85, 122, 126; 58 Primjera radi, pogledati kod: Popov, Neboj{a:"Bilans jednog projekta slobode", Republika br. 179/180, Beograd, 1998., cit.:"Uo~avaju}i dubinu krize tada{nje Jugoslavije i te`e}i da iz nje na|u demokratski izlaz, jedna grupa intelektualaca iz~itave zemlje osnovala je, februara 1989. godine, Udru`enje za jugoslovensku demokratsku inicijativu(UJDI)…. ideje i cilj projekta su postojani: legalizacija(zakonima i ustavima) trostruke slobode- medija, politi~kog djelovanja i izbora- kako bi se u parlamentu- a ne na rati{tu- rje{avali sporovi i sukobi koji izviru iz krize dru{tva i dr`ave." 59 Pogledati npr. Politi~ki program Hrvatske demokrstke zajednice Bosne i Hercegovine, poglavlje o Vanjskoj politici:"HDZBiH se zala`e za ulazak Bosne i Hercegovine u europske i euroatlantske politi~ke, gospodarske i vojno-sigurnosne integracije uz za{titu nacionalnih i dr`avnih interesa. Prioritet Bosne i Hercegovine je punopravno~lanstvo u Europskoj uniji, koja se dokazala kao jezgra stabilnog mira, slobode i visokog`ivotnog standarda. Europu razumijevamo kao kontinent ~ije narode, unato~ svim nacionalnim, politi~kim, kulturalnim i gospodarskim razlikama, povezuje zajedni~ko povijesno naslije|e, zajedni~ki`ivljena sada{njost i zajedni~ki rad na budu}nosti. Jedinstvo Europe treba postojati na na~elima po{tivanja razli~itosti, partnerstva i ravnopravnosti. Dr`imo da je sigurnost u Europi mogu}e posti}i samo zajedni~kim naporima." 27

ga mirovne, reformske, kriti~ke i liberalne naravi, onih koje~ine jezgro aktualnog autenti~nog civiliteta u BiH. 7. Civilne inicijative i organizacije u ratnom i neposrednom postratnom okru`enju Rat u BiH otpo~eo je progla{enjem njene samostalnosti, nakon odr`avanja referenduma u kojem se 65% gra|ana izjasnilo za samostalnost dr`ave. 60 Ubrzo je teritorij kao i dru{tveni prostor Bosne i Hercegovine izdijeljen na tri dijela pod kontrolom dominantnih etnonacionalnih politi~kih snaga, koje su nastojale da svoje pozicije institucionaliziraju i u~vrste za du`e vrijeme. 61 Prijeratna struktura bosanskohercegova~kog dru{tva uni{tena je skoro u potpunosti. Etnifikacija politi~kog i ostalih oblika javnog`ivljenja, u ratnim uslovima, bez ikakvog zna~ajnijeg dru{tvenog centra koji bi bio u stanju producirati{ire prihva}en civilni kontrastav i akciju, bila je skoro stoprocentna. Ali, upravo u ratnom vihoru, polako se razvijaju dijelovi strukture koja}e se kasnije razviti u ono{to danas nazivamo nevladin civilni sektor u BiH, pri~emu je u ovom periodu primjetno nekoliko razvojnih pravca: - autenti~na lokalna bazna dru{tva, udru`enja, klubovi i ostale asocijacije nastale u prijeratnom socijalisti~kom periodu dijelom}e nestati ili, zbog ratnih prilika,„zamrznuti“ rad, 60 Referendum o nezavisnosti BiH proveden je 29. februara i 1. marta 1992., na kojem je 64 do 67% od bira~kog tijela iza{lo na glasanje, a gotovo 98% je glasalo za nezavisnost. Rat u Bosni i Hercegovini je trajao od 6. aprila 1992. do 14. septembra 1995. Prema najnovijim izvje{tajima u ratu je stradalo oko 94.000 stanovnika, a raseljeno je oko 1,8 miliona. Rat je okon~an zvani~nim potpisivanjem Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma 14. 12. 1995. godine. Rezultati referenduma pokazali su jasnu nacionalnu podijeljenost dru{tva jer je u njemu u~e{}e uzeo najve}i dio bo{nja~kog i hrvatskog stanovni{tva, dok je srpska politi~ka elita pozvala Srbe na bojkot istog,{to je najve}im dijelom uspjelo. 61 9. januara 1992. godine, Skup{tina sastavljen od predstavnika srpskog naroda je usvojila deklaraciju objave"Republike Srpske Bosne i Hercegovine". 18. novembra 1991. progla{ena je "Hrvatska zajednica Herceg-Bosna" kao posebna politi~ka, kulturna, ekonomska i teritorijalna cjelina na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine. 28. augusta 1993. god."Hrvatska zajednica HercegBosna" se progla{ava"Hrvatskom Republikom Herceg-Bosnom", dok nad"ostatom" zemlje kontrolu zadr`avaju vlasti u Sarajevu. 28

- nove lokalne autenti~ne multietni~ke civiline inicijative poku{a}e se u ratnom vihoru suprotstaviti etnonacionalnim podjelama, nastupaju}i s mirovnih i liberalnih pozicija, - kao protuteza etnonacionalnim asocijacijama pojavi}e se subjekti s nacionalnim predznakom, ali s programskim i aktivisti~kim karakteristikama koje upu}uju na prihvatanje multikulturalnosti bosanskohercegova~kog dru{tva te uklju~uju zalaganje za o~uvanje njegove cjelovitosti(Srpsko gra|ansko vije}e, Hrvatsko narodno vije}e...), - u zemlju dolazi zna~ajan kontingent me|unarodnih, inostranih civilnih nevladinih subjekata, - nastaju nove, lokalne nevladine organizacije kao„k}eri“ inostranih asocijacija, - etnopatriotske asocijacije se{ire kao potpora politi~kim nacionalnim pokretima, - pojavljuje se kontingent organizacija s vjerskim predznakom u misijama humanitarnog, ali i vjersko- ideolo{kog karaktera. Podjela dru{tva i teritorijalna podjela zemlje prema etni~kom kriteriju, nastala kao posljedica rata, prekid komunikacija, nepostojanje izvora finansiranja i ostalih integrativnih preduvjeta, doveli su do prestanka rada odre|enog broja asocijacija koje su prije rata djelovale na cijeloj teritoriji zemlje ili je njihov realni aktivisti~ki areal sveden u etnoteritorijalne ili etnosocijalne granice. Naprimjer, raniji republi~ki profesionalni savezi(ljekara, pedagoga, in`enjera...) bi}e reducirani na entitetske saveze, kao i sindikati, sportske, ekolo{ke i druge asocijacije. 62 Ne postoje ta~ni podaci o kolikom broju ovih asocijacija se radi 63 , ali je dobro poznato da su entitetsku ili etni~ku oznaku dobili sindikati, sportski savezi te klubovi i druge asocijacije( Savez sindikata Republike Srpske, Udru62 Pogledati detaljnije:"Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 1:"Upute za~itaoce i sa`etak zaklju~aka i preporuka",Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za Humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005. str. 22; Takodjer: Sejfija, Ismet u"Von dem Zivilsektor zu der Zivilgesellschaft" u"Medien und Interkulturelle Kommunikation", SOEMZ, Frankfurt/Sofija, 2005., str. 68/69; 63 Ilustrativan je primjer Tuzle gdje je bilo prije rata oko 800 raznih organizacija a sada ih ima 44, prema: Agi}, Novka:"Specifi~nosti sektora NVO i njihova uloga u tranziciji sistema" u"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini", radni dokument, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja(IBHI), Sarajevo, oktobar 1998., str 24; 29

`enje penzionera Republike Srpske itd.). Dakle, civilno se dru{tvo, u svim svojim pojavnim dimenzijama, nije uspjelo nametnuti kao odlu~uju}i faktor liberalizacije dru{tva i dr`ave,~ija bi normativna i prakti~ka inercija nad`ivjela krah socijalisti~kih dr`avnih struktura. U samom nevladinom sektoru u BiH preovladala je, kako je pokazano, logika etni~kog samoorganiziranja. Ipak, i u ratnom vihoru, autenti~ne lokalne gra|anske inicijative nastoja}e promovirati multietni~ku, demokratsku, mirovnu alternativu ratu i podjeli zemlje. Pored ve} navedenih mirovnih grupa i inicijativa iz prijeratnog vremena(@ene u crnom,@ene`enama, Centar za antiratnu akciju...), u Bosni i Hercegovini su se, nakon po~etnog ratnog{oka, konsolidirale odre|ene grupacije civilnog, multietni~kog karaktera. Poznati su primjeri Foruma gra|ana Tuzla te Asocijacije nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99 u Sarajevu. U publikaciji Dixi navodi se datum osnivanja Foruma gra|ana Tuzle 28. februara 1993. godine:„(...) kao odgovor na porast nacionalizma u vlastitoj sredini te iz potrebe i odlu~nosti da se Bosna i Hercegovina sa~uva kao cjelovita, nezavisna i decentralizovana suverena dr`ava, ure|ena na principima parlamentarne demokratije, u njenim historijskim i geopoliti~kim granicama, priznatim od me|unarodne zajednice, te da se nijedan dio njene teritorije ne mo`e smatrati posebnom nacionalnom teritorijom bilo kojeg njenog naroda.“ Svoje aktivnosti tokom rata Forum je orijentirao prema sli~nim inicijativama u zemlji i inostranstvu. 9. marta 1993. upu}en je„proglas svim progresivnim snagama Srbije i Crne Gore za zaustavljanje rata“. Tako|er se javno ukazivalo na probleme nacionalizma u Bosni i Hercegovini:„javnom tu`iocu upu}en je prijedlog za pokretanje postupaka protiv lista„Zmaj od Bosne“, zbog raspirivanja nacionalne i vjerske mr`nje(17. novembar 1993.), reagiralo se na skidanje dr`avne zastave na Saboru Regionalnog odbora HDZ(5. juna 1994.), na ideolo{ku i politi~ku instrumentalizaciju Armije RBiH (7. februar 1994.), protestiralo protiv grafita Srbe na vrbe koji je nekoliko dana nakon stradanja mladih na tuzlanskoj Kapiji osvanuo na mjestu tragedije. Ovovrsni istupi Foruma gra|ana Tuzle, u tom i takvom politi~kom okru`enju, imali su zna~enje istinskog gra|anskog protesta. 64 64 Bro{ura"Dixi", Forum gra|ana Tuzla, Tuzla 1996., str. 3; 30

Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99 osnovana je 1992. kao vanstrana~ko, nevladino udru`enje gra|ana. Osnovni principi i pravci djelovanja izra`eni su u programskim aktima asocijacije a temelje se na nastojanjima„(...) da se Bosna i Hercegovina sa~uva kao cjelovita, nezavisna i suverena dr`ava, ure|ena na principima gra|anske demokratije, u njenim povijesnim geopoliti~kim granicama priznatim od me|unarodne zajednice. U osnove tako ure|ene demokratske, gra|anske, veoma decentralizovane dr`ave treba da bude ugra|ena i ostvarena ideja slobodnog i otvorenog civilnog dru{tva jednakopravnih gra|ana-pojedinaca, nezavisno od njihovih posebnih polnih, socijalnih, politi~kih, vjerskih, nacionalnih i kulturnih identiteta, ostvarena kroz konkretnu i potpunu ustavnu i zakonsku garanciju svih temeljnih ljudskih prava i sloboda. Stav osniva~a i prvih~lanova Kruga 99 bio je, da je samo na tim osnovama mogu}e obnoviti multinacionalno, multireligijsko i multikulturno bi}e Bosne i Hercegovine i vi{evjekovnu tradiciju i bogatstvo zajedni~kog`ivota u toleranciji i po{tivanju razli~itosti i posebnosti svake etni~ke skupine na ovom tlu. To je ujedno i jedini efikasan na~in da se pobijedi nacionalizam, nepovjerenje me|u ljudima i sprije~i podjela Bosne i Hercegovine na etni~koj osnovi.“ 65 Od aprila mjeseca 1995. Krug izdaje~asopis Revija slobodne misli. Tokom rata Krug je organizirao veliki broj sesija, okruglih stolova, tribina itd. na kojim su u~estvovali poznati znanstvenici, politi~ari, umjetnici i druge javne li~nosti, potvr|uju}i zna~aj i daju}i podr{ku ciljevima asocijacije. 66 Krug 99 je sa Forumom gra|ana Tuzla inicirao i uspje{no realizirao projekat Gra|anski alternativni parlament. Na Osniva~koj Skup{tini Gra|anskog Alternativnog Parlamenta Bosne i Hercegovine, odr`anoj 31. augusta 1996. nagla{eno je da se radi o pokretu gra|anske inicijative u BiH, asocijaciji gra|ana pojedinaca, nevladinih i nestrana~kih organizacija i civilnih aktera u Bosni i Hercegovini, kao izrazu potrebe da se koordiniraju i usagla{avaju aktivnosti i inicijative za uspostavljanje institucija parlamentarne demokratije i civilnog dru{tva. Parlamentu su se pridru`ile i u~estvovale u njegovom radu i druge civilne organizacije u BiH: Gra|anski forum Banjaluka(registrovan u Osnovnom sudu Banja65 Pogledati Statut i Programske akte Kruga 99; 66 Bro{ura"Dixi", Forum gra|ana Tuzla, Tuzla 1996., str. 40; 31

luka 29.07.1996. godine), Demokratski krug Biha}, Helsin{ki odbor za ljudska prava u Republici Srpskoj( osnovan 10. maja 1996. u Bijeljini), Forum Zeni~ana( osnovan kao Udru`enje Zeni~ana u Zenici 27. decembra 1992.), Centar za gra|ansku suradnju(CGS- osnovan po~etkom 1996. godine u Livnu), Udru`enje`ena Tuzle, Neovisna grupa gra|ana u Mostaru(neformalna grupa, ima odre|ene aktivnosti od 1995.), Helsin{ki komitet za ljudska prava u Bosni i Hercegovini( osnovan 11. februara 1995.), Forum intelektualaca iz Breze(osnovan pocetkom 1993.) Udru`enje gra|ana mje{ovitih brakova Zenica, Zavidovi}i i Kakanj(osnovano 20. septembra 1993. godine), Helsin{ki parlament gra|ana (hCa) u Tuzli(od 8. aprila 1995.). 67 Ove i sli~ne asocijacije i njihove aktivnosti tokom rata, u situaciji skoro potpune pocijepanosti bosanskohercegova~ke javnosti, izlo`ene stalnom pritisku etnonacionalne propagande, nisu mogle zna~ajnije izmijeniti stanje stvari, ali su o~uvale kontinuitet prije rata za~etih civilnih inicijativa, postavljaju}i temelje razvoja autenti~nog nevladinog civilnog sektora u Bosni i Hercegovini. Interesantno je da me|u osniva~ima Kruga 99 nalazimo ve}i broj osniva~a i aktivista UJDI-ja{to ukazuje na~injenicu da ideja civilnog dru{tva, kao novina u{iroj javnosti biv{e Jugoslavije, nije bila{iroko shva}ena kao su{tinska alternativa etnonacionalizmu, te da se njen opstanak i dalji prakti~ni razvoj tokom rata mo`e vezati uz akciju gra|anske intelektualne elite, logikom ratnih zbivanja zbijene na relativno mali socijalni i javni prostor. U spektru razli~itih asocijacija pojavljuju se subjekti s nacionalnim predznakom, ali s jasnim otklonom u odnosu na isklju~ivi etnonacionalizam i gra|anskom legitimacijom. Primjeri ovih organizacija su Srpsko gra|ansko vije}e(SGV) i Hrvatsko narodno vije}e(HNV). Osnivanju SGV-a je prethodilo osnivanje Gra|anskog foruma bosanskih Srba u Sarajevu koji u javnom saop}enju od 27. juna 1992. kategori~ki zahtijevaju obustavljanje rata, pregovore i dijalog kao put ka miru u BiH. 68 67 Pogledati bro{uru"Nevladin sektor u Tuzli- stanje 1999.", Agencija lokalne demokratije Tuzla, 1999., str. 12-13; 68 U ovoj izjavi stoji:"Slobodno Sarajevo, slobodna, cjelovita i suverena Republika Bosna i Hercegovina, u kojoj}e biti zagarantirane gra|anske slobode i nacionalna ravnopravnost Muslimana, Srba, Hrvata i drugih naroda u BiH.", Grupa autora"Deset godina SGV-pokreta za ravnopravnost u BiH", Fra Luka Marke{i}"Knjiga zajedni~kog dogovora ili odgovora", SGV, Sarajevo 2004., str. 335; 32

Slijedi osnivanje Srpskog konsultacionog vije}a(09. aprila 1993. u Sarajevu) sa sli~nim mirovnim i zahtjevima za obnovu parlamentarne demokratije 69 , da bi 27. marta 1994. u Sarajevu na prvoj Skup{tini gra|ana srpske nacionalnosti(428 delegata iz zemlje i inostranstva) bilo osnovano Srpsko gra|ansko vije}e. Definirani su ciljevi: ostvarivanje trajnog i pravednog mira u BiH, o~uvanje cjelovite i me|unarodno priznate BiH, obnova parlamentarnog`ivota i novi izbori, ka`njavanje ratnih zlo~ina i povratak izbjeglica. 70 Hrvatsko narodno vije}e osnovano je na Saboru Hrvata u Sarajevu 6. februara 1994. godine kao njegov izvr{ni organ. Na tom Saboru istaknuto je opredjeljenje za cjelovitu BiH kao ravnopravnu dr`avu svih naroda. 71 Na sli~nim pozicijama djelova}e i VKBI- Vije}e kongresa bo{nja~kih intelektualaca( 22. decembra 1992. godine odr`an Ratni Kongres bo{nja~kih intelektualaca sa oko 800 u~esnika). Ove asocijacije posebno apeliraju na uva`avanje~injenice o multikulturnoj strukturi dru{tva u BiH, izra`enoj na planu dr`avne organizacije kroz institut konstitutivnosti naroda. Pored njihove nesumnjive mirovne i demokratske orijentacije, posebno je va`na javna poruka ovih asocijacija kojom potvr|uju mogu}nost interetni~kog konsenzusa i prihvatanja temeljnih karakteristika i vrijednosti bosanskohercegova~kog dru{tva kao jedinstva razli~itosti koje nisu smetnja izgradnji demokratskog poretka. Autenti~ne organizacije i inicijative, prezentirane u navedenim primjerima, karakterizira prije svega legitimitet izveden iz lokalne gra|anske baze koja je inicirala njihov nastanak daju}i im neophodni dinamizam. U ratnim uvjetima bilo je te{ko uspje{no razviti funkciju korektora vlasti te potaknuti reakcije{ire kriti~ke javnosti na aktualna de{avanja, ali aktivnosti ovih organizacija jasno ukazuju na tragove ovih funkcija u ratnom okru`enju. Kroz saradnju s civilnim inicijativama i grupacijama u regionu poku{alo se animirati regionalnu kriti~ku javnost na podr{ci zaustavljanju rata. Zahvaljuju}i kontinuitetu mirovnih aktivnosti, osiguranom prije svega anga`manom i vezama pojedinaca-mirovnih aktivista, ~ija saradnja po~inje jo{ u UJDI-jevskim krugovima, realiziran je niz aktivnosti u ovoj oblasti od kojih su najpoznatije: kontakti i aktivnosti s 69 Isto, str. 335; 70 Isto, str. 7; 71 Pogledati kod: Marke{i}/fra Luka:"Kako smo sa~uvali Bosnu i Hercegovinu", HNV, Sarajevo, 2004; str. 8, 23; 33

beogradskom grupacijom„@iveti u Sarajevu“, u okviru koje su djelovale antiratne stranke( Gra|anski savez Srbije, na primjer), grupe( Beogradski krug,@ene u crnom i dr.) i sindikati. Pored prikupljanja i slanja humanitarne pomo}i, javnost je redovno obavje{tavana o antiratnom stavu u~esnika brojnih debata i raznih akcija. Organizovana je, u saradnji sa UNPROFOR-om, posjeta Sarajevu, jula 1994., i posjeta Sarajlija Beogradu, februara 1995. godine. Pored ograni~enja nametnutih silom ratnih zbivanja, ove regionalne inicijative svjedo~e o kontinuitetu mirovnih, civilnih snaga na ovim prostorima, suprotno uvrije`enoj predod`bi o apsolutnoj etnifikaciji politi~kog prostora. 72 Po~etkom rata 1992. godine u zemlju dolazi veliki broj razli~itih me|unarodnih organizacija. Radi se o me|unarodnim, humanitarnim i drugim nevladinim organizacijima koje su se u toku rata bavile uglavnom raznim oblicima pomo}i ugro`enom stanovni{tvu, od one~isto humanitarne do poku{aja za{tite ljudskih prava gra|ana, njihovih materijalnih dobara i sl. Dolasku inostranih nevladinih organizacija prethodio je dolazak me|unarodnih organizacija nastalih u okrilju Ujedinjenih nacija: UNHCR-a, UNDP-a i UNICEF-a te~itavog niza drugih internacionalnih institucija, od medijskih agencija do vojnih trupa. Slijede ih bilateralne agencije USAID i SIDA. 73 Ve} sredinom 1992. u Sarajevu ured otvara Fond otvoreno dru{tvo koji je prvi registriran i kao lokalna fondacija. U Bosni i Hercegovini su se me|u prvima pojavile: CARE international (august 1992. u Sarajevu, Tuzli, Banja Luci, Mostaru i Zenici), OXFAM i IRC koje se uglavnom bave humanitarnim zbrinjavanjem stanovni{tva i zdravstveno-socijalnom brigom. 74 Od 123 zemlje svijeta, koje su priznale BiH, njih 34 u~estvovalo je u humanitarnoj saradnji sa BiH putem nevladinih organizacija. Njema~ka je imala najve}i broj anga`iranih organizacija(54), a nakon toga slijede SAD(47 anga`iranih organizacija), Velika Britanija(41), Italija(26) i Francuska(24). Ove NVO su gotovo 72 Rosandic, Ru`ica/ Milenkovic, Nata{a/ Kova~evic, Mirjana:"Te`i put; Mirovne akcije na tlu biv{e Jugoslavije", Centar za antiratnu akciju, Beograd 2005., str. 24; 73 Sali-Terzi}, Sevima:"Civilno dru{tvo" u:"Me|unarodne politike podr{ke zemljama jugoisto~ne Evrope: lekcije(ne)nau~ene u BiH", Sarajevo, Müller, 2001., str. 177; 74 Grupa autora:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke", IBHI- Nazavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, 1998., str. 4; 34

u potpunosti preuzele na sebe razne vidove humanitarnog rada i pomo}i i postale bitan~inilac ubla`avanja posljedica te{kog stanja. 75 Dolazak me|unarodnih nevladinih organizacija inicirao je i nastanak novih lokalnih nevladinih asocijacija ve} od 1993. godine. Za razliku od autenti~nih lokalnih baznih udru`enja naslije|enih iz socijalisti~kog perioda i civilnih organizacija nastalih u predratnom vremenu, ovi novi subjekti imaju odre|ene specifi~nosti: - nastaju iz potrebe da se odr`i kontinuitet aktivnosti inostranih organizacija, koje u njima sada pronalaze lokalne partnere 76 , - nastaju poticajem izvana te njihov legitimitet ne dolazi direktno iz lokalne gra|anske baze, ve} potvrdu svog legitimiteta tra`iti„odozgo“ ispituju}i smislenost svog djelovanja kroz projektne mehanizme na temelju u~e{}a i reakcije korisnika 77 u ponu|enim aktivnostima. Interesantan je podatak koji iznose entitetski statisti~ki instituti i institut za statistiku Distrikta Br~ko prema kojem je tokom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini prvi put registriran najve}i broj lokalnih organizacija u periodu od 2001. do 2004. godine- 40%, dok je ve}ina me|unarodnih nevladinih organizacija- 43%, prvi put je registrovana izme|u 1996. i 2000. godine. 78 Naime, pokazuje se pogre{nom tvrdnja da se nevladin sektor u cjelini razvio kao posljedica ratnih zbivanja i najve}im dijelom 75 Pogledati:"Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 1:"Upute za~itaoce i sa`etak zaklju~aka i preporuka", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za Humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str. 6. Iako nema preciznih podataka,~ini se da je sam termin"nevladina organizacija" u{ao u{iru upotrebu upravo dolaskom inostranih subjekata jer se u dotada{njoj literaturi rijetko susre}e (op. I.S.); 76 Dokument 3:"Izvje{taj o telefonskoj anketi NVO-a", u FOS, BHAS i RSIS, 2005., str. 7; Brojni su primjeri organizacija nastalih na ovaj na~in u ratnim uvjetima. Npr. u Tuzlanskom kantonu ovako su nastale: IPAK- Mladost gradi budu}nost(kao"k}i" njema~ke organizacije "IPAK- Zukunft fuer Bosniens Jugend"), Amica tuzlanska, Prijateljice, Vive`ene, Koraci nade te jo{ oko 20 drugih organizacija. Pogledati bro{uru:"Nevladin sektor u Tuzli- stanje 1999.", Agencija lokalne demokratije Tuzla, 1999., str. 19; tako|er pogledati: Grupa autora:"Godine podr{ke 1994.-2004.; Bosanska rije~, Tuzla, 2004., str.: 8-11; 77 S nastankom ovih subjekata pojavljuju se pojmovi koji dobijaju novu sadr`inu: projekt- niz aktivnosti koje se odvijaju prema utvr|enom planu projetnog toka: ideja- izrada projekta- implementacija- evaluacija; korisnik- osoba ili drugi subjekt(asocijacija,odre|ena grupa gra|ana,...) kojoj je projekt namijenjen te u~estvuje u njegovoj realizaciji; 78"Izvje{taj o telefonskoj anketi NVO-a", u FOS, BHAS i RSIS, 2005., str. 8; 35

tokom rata. Me|utim, na~in na koji su nastajale i situacija u okru`enju odredili su funkcije kontingenta inostranih organizacija i onih koji su nastale kao rezultat spoljnih inicijativa u ratnim uvjetima. Humanitarnokaritativna funkcija, kako navedeni izvori pokazuju, bila je uvjetovana ratnim prilikama i nastojanjem nevladinih organizacija da stanovni{tvu pru`e neophodnu humanitarnu pomo}. Posredni~ka funkcija izme|u civilnog dru{tva u evropskom i globalnom okru`enju i autenti~nih lokalnih civilnih snaga i inicijativa u ratnim uvjetima izgleda potisnuta u drugi plan, ali je od izuzetne va`nosti za kasniji razvoj nevladinog civilnog sektora u BiH. Uspostavljene veze novonastalih lokalnih organizacija s gostuju}im i sli~nim subjektima u inostranstvu predstavljaju po~etne kanale interakcije globalnog i lokalnog civiliteta. Ako su se tokom rata ove veze ispoljavale u polju humanitarnog rada, u poslijeratnom periodu}e ovi uticaji poprimiti i druge forme, zna~ajno odre|uju}i profil i funkcije nevladinog civilnog sektora u BiH. U ratnim vremenima razvija se uslu`no-supstituiraju}a funkcija ovih organizacija. U oblastima socijalnog staranja one}e preuzeti funkcije koje je ranije vr{ila dr`ava, rade}i s ratom i socijalnim prilikama ugro`enim kategorijama stanovni{tva(npr. sa`enama`rtvama nasilja, djecom i mladima...). Pojavljuju}i se kao supstituti u vr{enju dijela dr`avnih socijalnih funkcija, ovi subjekti otvorili su vlastita polja pru`anja usluga gra|anstvu,{to}e do}i do izra`aja i u poslijeratnom periodu kao funkcionalna odrednica razvoja nevladinog civilnog sektora. 79 U ovom periodu rad nastavljaju tradicionalna nacionalna kulturna dru{tva( Preporod, Napredak, Prosvjeta, La Benevolencija), ali nastaju i nove asocijacije s etnopatriotskim obilje`jima. Sigurno je da su na humanitarnom planu ova nacionalna dru{tva dala veliki doprinos, prikupljaju}i i organiziraju}i distribuciju humanitarne pomo}i, ali su se sve vi{e profilirale kao nacionalne kulturne institucije okupljaju}i u svojim redovima intelektualce i djelatnike u oblasti kulture na mononacionalnoj osnovi. 80 79 Pogledati kod: Latinovi},\or|e:"Nevladin sektor i lokalna samouprava" u"Lokalna samouprava je va{e pravo", Kulturni centar Tuzla-Bolonja, Tuzla 2001., str. 55; 80 Podaci u bro{uri"Nevladin sektor u Tuzli- stanje 1999.", Agencija lokalne demokratije Tuzla, 1999., str. 65/66, govore o"tonama humanitarne pomo}i koja je dopremljena i distribuirana preko"Merhameta" i Napretka." Njihova uloga u profiliranju nacionalnih pokreta u BiH je osnov njihovog programskog spektra, kako ka`e Had`ibegovi}/Kamberovi}:"Zna~aj ovih dru{36

8. Postratni razvoj nevladinog sektora u BiH – fenomen „eksplozije nevladinog sektora“(1995.-2007.) Nakon uspostave mira, u Bosni i Hercegovini dolazi do brzog i velikog pove}anja broja nevladinih organizacija. Ovaj fenomen eksplozije nevladinog sektora nije novina u tranzicijskim dru{tvima, o~emu dovoljno govore navedeni primjeri Ma|arske(oko 55 000 NVO-a), Hrvatske(27 000), SiCG(22 000), Albanije(4500) 81 , U Tabeli 1 prikazan je porast broja registracija asocijacija gra|ana u BiH po odre|enim vremenskim periodima na ograni~enom uzorku. 82 Tabela 1; Postotak registriranih organizacija gra|ana u razli~itim periodima u BiH 1892. do 2004. 83 tava je sadr`an i u tome da su najzna~ajnija od njih postale matrice nacionalnih pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini. U tome i jeste osobenost procesa nacionalnih integracija na ovom prostoru.", kod Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst", Revija slobodne misli br. 9-10, Asocijacija nezavisnih intelektualaca Krug 99, Sarajevo 1997., str. 60; 81 Npr. broj udruga u Hrvatskoj s 12000 1990. godine porastao je na oko 27000 2005. godine. Prema: Be`ovan, Gojko/Zrin{~ak, Sini{a/ Vugec, Marina:"Civilno dru{tvo u Hrvatskoj u procesu stjecanja povjerenja i izgradnje partnerstva s dr`avom i drugim dionicima", CARANEO- Centar za razvoj neprofitnih organizacija, CIVICUS- Svjetski savez za gra|ansku participaciju, Zagreb, svibanj 2005., str. 7; 82 Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 3:"Izvje{taj o telefonskoj anketi NVO-a", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str. 3; 83 Djelimi~no preuzeto iz: Dokument 3:"Izvje{taj o telefonskoj anketi NVO-a", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str. 8; 37

Iz tabele je o~ito da je najve}i postotak registriranih asocijacija u BiH onaj u periodu izme|u 1995. i 2000. godine(38%) dok je od 2000. do 2005. u blagom padu(36%). Ukoliko bi postotke primjenili na ukupan broj subjekata u nevladinom sektoru u BiH – 9095, dolazimo do podatka da je od 1892. do zavr{etka rata u BiH registrirano oko 3000 asocijacija, a nakon rata preostalih oko 6000. Uzroci ovog naglog rasta nevladinog sektora izme|u 1995. i 2000. godine mogli bi se protuma~iti na slijede}i na~in: - izuzetno velikim socijalnim potrebama stanovni{tva koje dr`ava u poslijeratnom periodu nije mogla rije{iti, - potrebom inostranih nevladinih organizacija i inicijativa za partnerima u BiH, - strate{kom orijentacijom me|unarodne zajednice na ja~anje institucija civilnog dru{tva u BiH, - pove}anjem broja zemalja i me|unarodnih organizacija koje su orijentirale svoju pomo} prema BiH, - pro{irenjem civilnih inicijativa izvan polja humanitarnog rada u domen demokratizacije, raznih socijalnih usluga, politi~ke participacije i druge oblasti. 84 Dio inostranih i lokalnih subjekata nastavio je humanitarni rad i nakon okon~anja rata poma`u}i ugro`enom stanovni{tvu. Dostupna istra`ivanja u oba entiteta 85 govore da su u fazi kvantitativne ekspanzije 84 O uzrocima naglog rasta inetresantno mi{ljenje dato je u: Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 3:"Izvje{taj o telefonskoj anketi NVOa", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str. 7, cit:"Budu}i da je vladama te{ko dobiti informacije i to ide veoma sporo, grupa gra|ana koja zajedno djeluje u nekom NVO-u mo`e odgovoriti mnogo br`e. Tako|er, vlada koja ima slabe kapacitete ne mo`e odgovoriti na nove potrebe. Ova situacija mo`e biti posebno relevantna u slu~aju BiH koja je u postratnom periodu. Izvje{taj o telefonskom istra`ivanju pokazuje da je 74% NVO-a uspostvaljeno nakon 1995. Ovaj veliki procenat mo`e biti rezultat niza faktora, uklju~uju}i:(a) tolerantniji stav prema NVO-ima u post-socijalisti~kom periodu;(b) destrukcija institucija za vrijeme sukoba i poku{aj da se ponovo izgrade; i(c) odgovor na nove potrebe kao rezultat rata." 85 Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 6:"Mi{ljenja prakti~ara iz RS-a", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str 2.;", Dokument 7:"Mi{ljenja prakti~ara iz FBiH", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za Humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str 4; 38

(1995. – 2000.) uzroci nastanka novih organizacija povezani sa:“(...) potrebom me|unarodnih organizacija za lokalnim partnerima – NVOima u svrhu implementacije projekata. Vrlo mali broj NVO-a nastao je kao rezultat nastojanja anga`ovanih pojedinaca ili grupa da odgovore na konkretne potrebe u lokalnim zajednicama ili dru{tvu u cjelini. Obzirom da je velika ve}ina projekata stranih NVO-a i organizacija, u to vrijeme, tretirala oblast rekonstrukcije i isporuke humanitarne pomo}i gra|anima, sli~nu oblast interesovanja imali su tada{nji lokalni NVO-i. Sasvim je mogu}e uo~iti zna~ajan uticaj donatora/me|unarodnih organizacija na proces nastajanja NVO-a, kao i glavne ciljeve njihovog rada u pomenutom periodu.“ 86 Trostruki demokratski obrazac(koncept vlada i me|unarodnih institucija koje pru`aju podr{ku transformacijskim procesima u BiH i fokusiran je na slobodne izbore, stabilne dr`avne institucije i civilno dru{tvo) u bosanskohercegova~kim poslijeratnim uvjetima poku{ava se dijelom realizirati kroz finansijsku podr{ku razvoju i radu nevladniih organizacija. Ne postoje podaci o broju inostranih sponzora koji su podr`avali razvoj civilnog dru{tva u poslijeratnom periodu, kao ni podaci o kolikim se sredstvima radi. Istra`ivanje iz 1998., organizirano u Tuzlanskom kantonu, na uzorku od 100 udru`enja, navodi 88 subjekata koji su stoprocentno ovisni o sredstvima inostranih sponzora. Sve ove organizacije registrirane su tokom ili nakon rata. 87 Kao naj~e{}i sponzori navode se Evropska zajednica- Ured za humanitarna pitanja, UNHCR, UNDP, njema~ki GTZ, USAID, ambasade Njema~ke, Nizozemske, Kanade, Finske, Francuske, Austrije, Italije,[vicarske i SAD-a, 48 nevladinih inostranih organizacija iz zapadnoevropskih zemalja(27 njema~kih, 8 italijanskih, 3 francuske, 3 finske, 6 austrijskih, 1{vicarska), a tokom 1997. uklju~uje se i 7 organizacija iz SAD-a. 61 od svih ispitivanih slu~ajeva veze sa 86 Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 6:"Mi{ljenja prakti~ara iz RS-a", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za Humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str 2,3.;", Dokument 7:"Mi{ljenja prakti~ara iz FBiH", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str 4-7; 87 Sejfija,Ismet/Pellicciari,Igor:"Pravci razvoja nevladinog sektora u Tuzlanskom kantonu", IPAKZukunft für Bosniens Jugend, Kulturni centar Tuzla Bolonja, Tuzla, juni 1998., str. 18-20; 39

sponzorima je uspostavio tokom 1997. i 1998. godine, a 28 njih potvrdilo je da su u teku}oj godini uspostavljene veze i s drugim sponzorima 88 . 93 od 100 intervjuiranih djelatnika u ovim organizacijama iznijelo je mi{ljenje da se broj sponzora u prve tri postratne godine pove}ava. O obimu finansijske pomo}i govore neki dostupni podaci iz postratnog perioda. Prema podacima USAID-a, do septembra 1998. investirano je preko me|unarodnih nevladinih organizacija oko 80 miliona dolara za implementaciju raznih programa na prostoru BiH. Na podru~ju kantona Sarajevo su tokom 1997. godine nevladine organizacije prijavile projekte u vrijednosti od oko 35 miliona maraka,{to predstavlja 8% od ukupno ostvarenih prihoda bud`eta Kantona. 89 Po~etnu ekspanziju nevladinog sektora prati razvoj tehni~kih kapaciteta i odre|eni oblici edukacije kojom se nastoje oja~ati kadrovski resursi. 90 Novi subjekti, nastali kao lokalne inicijative ili na poticaj izvana orjentiraju se prema novim oblastima djelovanja. Autenti~ne civilne asocijacije poput onih okupljenih u Gra|anskom alternativnom parlamentu, Krug 99 i sl., pored zalaganja za stabilizaciju mira, razvi}e{irok obim kontinuiranih aktivnosti u raznim oblastima: animiranje kriti~ke demokratske javnosti brojnim javnim forumima: okruglim stolovima, tribinama i izdava~kom djelatno{}u nastoje}i odr`ati svoj korekcijski karakter u odnosu prema vlastima. Pored kontingenta inostranih i lokalnih civilnih subjekata, u postratnom periodu aktivnost razvijaju nacionalna kulturna dru{tva: Preporod, Napredak i Prosveta, ali je pristup sredstvima inostranih nevladinih civilnih organizacija, kao i velikih me|unarodnih organizacija(poput onih nastalih u okrilju EU, UN-a itd.) bio onemogu}en organizacijama s etni~kim i vjerskim predznakom. 91 Ove asocijacije oslanjale su se na 88 Isto, str. 21; 89 Detaljnije u: Grupa autora:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke", IBHI- Nazavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, 1998., str. 31; 90 Sejfija, Ismet/Pellicciari Igor:"Pravci razvoja nevladinog sektora u Tuzlanskom kantonu", IPAKZukunft für Bosniens Jugend, Kulturni centar Tuzla Bolonja, Tuzla, juni 1998., str. 22; Na ispitivanom uzorku pokazalo se da je do 1998. 55% organizacija rije{ilo pitanje prostora, 48% imalo je tehni~ku opremu, 55% uputilo je uposlenike na razne vidove obuke, uglavnom u domenu socijalnog menad`menta, nensailne komunikacije, psihosocijalne pomo}i i medijacije. 91 Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 6:"Mi{ljenja prakti~ara iz RS-a", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str 2,3;", Dokument 7:"Mi{ljenja prakti~ara iz 40

vjerska i etnopatriotska udru`enja sli~noga predznaka registrirana u inostranstvu, podr{ku~lanstva, pomo} etnopoliti~kih elita i druge sli~ne izvore. 92 Na ovaj na~in jo{ je jasnije diferenciran nevladin sektor na dio koji se predstavlja civilnim i multikulturnim( nevladin civilni sektor) i dio koji slijedi etnopatriotski mononacionalni organizacijski obrazac( etni~ki nevladin sektor). Razvoj nevladinog sektora se do 2000. godine odvijao bez ikakve strategije na dr`avnom, entitetskim ili ni`im nivoima, nije popra}en odgovaraju}om formalno-pravnom regulativom niti znanstvenim istra`ivanjima. Prema tada dostupnim podacima moglo se zaklju~iti da je u martu 1998. godine u BiH bilo registrirano 542 nevladinih organizacija – 378 u Federaciji BiH i 164 u Republici Srpskoj 93 , dok procjene iz iste godine govore da je broj NVO-a bio daleko ve}i – oko 1500, bez registracije na kantonalnim ili drugim nivoima. 94 Na snazi je bila zakonska regulativa preuzeta iz socijalisti~kog perioda, a nadle`nosti u oblasti reguliranja i ostvarivanja prava na slobodu udru`ivanja gra|ana prepu{tene entitetskim institucijama. 95 Posljedice rata, pocijepanost dru{tvenih i dr`avnih FBiH", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005.,str. 10; 92 U zajedni~kom istra`ivanju Grupe za istra`iva~ko-projektnu podr{ku nevladine organizacije IPAK- Zukunft für Bosniens Jugend i{vicarskog Udru`enja socijalnih pedagoga(Zurzach) utvr|eno je da je u Cirihu i kantonu Jura, tokom rata registrirano 107 udru`enja gra|ana s prostora biv{e Jugoslavije. Za ova udru`enja karakteristi~na je mononacionalna struktura i"lokalpatriotski etnonacionalni programski milje"(Udru`enje Br~aka, Hrvatski klub, Berbir, Hrvatska pleter itd.). Iako su formalno registrirana kao humanitarne ili kulturne udruge, tokom i nakon rata, pru`ali su stalnu finansijsku i drugu podr{ku posredstvom sli~nih udru`enja u zemlji. Tako|er su aktivne bile ekspoziture vjerskih zajednica u inostranstvu kao i ekspoziture tradicionalnih nacionalnih kulturnih i humanitarnih dru{tava: npr. Merhamet djeluje u cijeloj Evropi, kao i Karitas, Preporod itd. Detaljnije u: Grupa autora:"Problemi socijalne integracije bosanskohercegova~ke dijaspore u [vicarskoj, razmjena dobrih praksi i mogu}nost saradnje izme|u bosanskohercegova~kih i{vicarskih institucija", IPAK, Tuzla/IPAK Zurzach; 1999. str. 11/12; 93 Isto, str. 25; 94 Na ovaj problem ukazuje slijede}i citat:"Od 31. jula 1997. do 9. septembra 2004. godine, u Hercegova~ko-neretvanskom kantonu registrovano je kod nadle`nog Ministarstva pravosu|a, uprave i lokalne samouprave oko 700 udru`enja gra|ana. Naravno, nisu sva ova udru`enja aktivna i danas, ali u nadle`nom Ministarstvu ne postoji kompletna ni a`urirana baza podataka koja odgovara stvarnom stanju, prije svega zbog toga{to pojedini NVO-i, iako su na to po Zakonu obavezni, ne prijavljuju uredno Ministarstvu statusne promjene.", u Kotlo, Rebeka:"Bro{ura:"Uloga nevladinih organizacija i izgradnji povjerenja i dobre vladavine u Mostaru", Fond otvoreno dru{tvo BiH, Mostar, mart 2005. str. 15; 95 U Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine na snazi je Zakon o udru`ivanju gra|ana, donesen 1995. godine, a u Republici Srpskoj Zakon o udru`ivanju gra|ana, koji je, kao propis SR Bosne i Hercegovine iz 1990. godine, preuzela Skup{tina Republike Srpske kao svoj propis jo{ 1992. godine. To zna~i da su oba ova zakona iz ratnog perioda, tj. perioda prije Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine 41

struktura, etni~ka podijeljenost i suprotstavljenost etnopolitika te stalno prisustvo i asistencija me|unarodne zajednice, karakteristike su povijesno-socijalnog i politi~kog miljea u kojem je do 2000. godine do{lo do naglog pove}anja broja nevladinih organizacija u BiH. Kao jedan od kanala intervencije me|unarodne zajednice u ovda{njem dru{tvenom prostoru nastale su strukture nevladinog civilnog sektora za koje se smatra da imaju odre|eni potencijal, kako na planu demokratske konsolidacije i institucionalizacije u BiH, tako i na planu liberalizacije dr`avnih i dru{tvenih funkcija. Postavlja se pitanje: o kojim potencijalima se radi, koje su aktualne funkcije nevladinog civilnog sektora i koje su intervencije potrebne da bi ovi potencijali postali stvarni faktori pozitivnog napretka navedenih procesa? 9. Aktuelna struktura nevladinog sektora u BiH Ako se imaju u vidu dostupni pokazatelji, nevladin sektor u BiH predstavlja zna~ajan kontingent subjekata, raznolikih po karakteru, polju i nivou na kojem djeluju, kao i po zna~aju i dometima njihovog aktivizma u aktualnom dru{tvenom kontekstu. Prije prelaska na utvr|ivanje i analizu funkcija nu`no je ukazati na odre|ene kvantitativne kapacitete nevladinog sektora u BiH. 9.1. Kapaciteti nevladinog sektora u BiH – kvantitativni pokazatelji Statistike potvr|uju da je broj registriranih asocijacija u BiH 9095, od ~ega je 4.629 aktivno. 96 (Tabela 2: Broj nevladinih organizacija u BiH prema oblastima djelovanja). (Daytonskog ustava), s osnovnom karakteristikom da su u njima ili u potpunosti(Republika Srpska) ili u zna~ajnom stepenu(Federacija BiH) preuzete odredbe zakona koji je u Bosni i Hercegovini va`io u ranijem sistemu. Detaljnije u: Grupa autora:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke", IBHI-Nazavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, 1998.,str. 5; 96 Dokument 3:"Izvje{taj o telefonskoj anketi NVO-a", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str. 6; 42

Tabela 2: Broj nevladinih organizacija u BiH prema oblastima djelovanja 97 U ovu klasifikaciju su uvr{tene politi~ke partije{to, u odnosu na definiciju nevladine organizacije, ne bi bilo prihvatljivo, jer je njihova temeljna svrha – borba za vlast. Ako bismo isklju~ili politi~ke organizacije iz ove klasifikacije(ukupno 761) broj preostalih organizacija je i dalje veoma visok – oko 8000, odnosno oko 4000 aktivnih. Nevladin sektor u BiH zapo{ljava po raznim osnovama(puno radno vrijeme, povremeno upo{ljavanje) oko 17 000 uposlenika u 2365 ureda u cijeloj BiH. 98 Dosada{nja istra`ivanja govore da, pored uposlenika, u 97 Djelimi~no pruzeto iz istog izvora, str. 3; 98 Kvalitativna studija 3,"Zapo{ljavanje, pru`anje socijalnih usluga i nevladin(NVO) sektor, Status i perspektive za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Analiza i implikacije za politike", Dokument 1: "Upute za~itaoce i sa`etak zaklju~aka i preporuka", Ured za me|unarodni razvoj Vlade Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, april 2005., str. 2; 43

nevladinom sektoru povremeni anga`man nalazi oko 63 000 volontera. Ovaj broj anga`iranih gra|ana~ini oko 5,36% ekonomski aktivnog stanovni{tva i, prema me|unarodnim standardima, prili~no je visok. 99 Godi{nji prihodi nevladinog sektora, prema dostupnim procjenama iznose prosje~no 552.709.876 KM(4,5% BDP – bruto dru{tveni proizvod) u poslijeratnom periodu,{to je u odnosu na situaciju u drugim zemljama dosta povoljno(Tabela 3: Me|unarodno pore|enje u~e{}a ukupnih prihoda nevladinog sektora u BDP). 100 Tabela 3: Me|unarodno pore|enje u~e{}a ukupnih prihoda nevladinog sektora u bruto doma}em proizvodu Nekoliko navedenih kvantitativnih pokazatelja govori o zna~ajnim finansijskim i kadrovskim kapacitetima kojim raspola`e nevladin sektor 99 Isto, str. 3. cit.:"Ekonomski aktivno stanovni{tvo se sastoji od osoba u radnoj dobi koja su zaposlena ili aktivno tra`e posao. Talas 3 Panel ankete@ivjeti u BiH je procjenio da je 34,5% stanovni{tva iznad 15 godina bilo ekonomski aktivno u 2003. godini. Kori{tenjem procjene stanovni{tva, starijeg od 15 godina, od 3.413.690 stanovnika, ekonomski aktivno stanovni{tvo je procjenjeno na 1.177.723."; Najve}i procenat koji su zabilje`ili Salamon i Sokolowski je 8% u [vedskoj, dok je prosjek 2,5%. Salamon i Anheier(1996) pokazali su u svom uzorku od osam zemalja za koje su mogli dobiti kompletne podatke, da su operativni rashodi NVO sektora oko 5% BDP-a. Sli~no tome, Salamon, Sokolowski i Anheier pokazuju da je zaposlenje NVO-a ispitano u 22 zemlje u prosjeku 4,8% ukupnog nepoljoprivrednog zaposlenja- od 12,6% u Nizozemskoj do 0,4% u Meksiku. Volontarizam tako|er predstavlja zna~ajan procenat radne snage. U 24 ispitane zemlje, Salamon i Anheier(2001) na{li su da je prosjek bio 2,5% nepoljoprivrednog zaposlenja, od 8% u Nizozemskoj do 0,2% u Meksiku."- prema istom izvoru, str. 4; 100 Isto, str. 5; 44

u BiH. Me|utim, kvantitativne dimenzije nevladinog sektora nisu garancija njegove funkcionalnosti. Tehni~ki kapaciteti, brojni dobro opremljeni uredi, broj zaposlenih, volonterski anga`man itd., preduvjet su uspje{ne oganizacije procesa rada, komunikacije i op}enito uvjet u~e{}a nevladinog sektora u op}edru{tvenim procesima, ali jo{ uvijek ne govore puno o mjestu i funkcijama nevladinih organizacija u kontekstu aktuelnih dru{tvenih promjena. Zato je nu`no analizirati nevladin sektor kao cjelinu te utvrditi kako se ovi kapaciteti koriste, odnosno koje su to funkcije nevladinog sektora posebno interesante sa stanovi{ta unapre|enja procesa demokratske transformacije u BiH. 9.2. Konsolidacija strukture nevladinog sektora specijalizacija i umre`avanje(2000.-2007.) Nakon perioda naglog rasta nevladinog sektora, kada brojni nastali subjekti djeluju samostalno i~esto u nekoliko razli~itih polja istovremeno, dolazi do konsolidacije ovih struktura kroz specijalizaciju institucija nevl. sektora u odre|enom polju rada te njihovog intenzivnijeg umre`avanja na razli~itim osnovama. „Humanitarni“ i„socijalno-za{titini“ karakter ovih institucija karakteristi~an je za ratni i neposredni postratni period. Postratni razvoj pokazuje trend pro{irenja sektora u nove oblasti dru{tvenog`ivljenja i specijalizacije u ovim oblastima. Prema podacima iz 1998. godine oko 53% organizacija u Tuzlanskom kantonu realizira aktivnosti u najmanje dvije oblasti. Me|utim, aktuelna istra`ivanja pokazuju da se oko dvije tre}ine ovih subjekata(61%) specijaliziralo ili te`i ka specijalizaciji u jednoj oblasti rada. 101 Trend specijalizacije prati trend umre`avanja na raznim nivoima, od lokalnog, entitetskog i regionalnog do dr`avnog i internacionalnog, kao i umre`avanja prema poljima rada. Prve mre`e osnovane su sredinom devedesetih godina da bi, prema dostupnim podacima, 2002. godine oko 67% registriranih nevladinih organizacija bilo u~lanjeno u neku od postoje}ih 80-tak mre`a. Ove mre`e uvezane su na dr`avnom nivou na Kon101 Grupa autora:"Procjena gra|anskog dru{tva u Tuzlanskom kantonu", IPAK, Tuzla, 2004., str. 29; 45

ferenciju nevladinih organizacija odr`anoj u junu 2001. godine kada je formirana Koalicija nevladinih organizacija“Raditi i uspjeti zajedno”. Obzirom na brojnost~lanica(307) i~injenicu da dolaze iz svih dijelova BiH, ova Koalicija uspjela je posti}i Sporazum o saradnji Vije}a ministara BiH i nevladinog sektora u BiH uspostavljaju}i tako mogu}nosti za dijalog s vladom na najvi{em nivou. Specifi~an oblik umre`avanja su tzv.„ki{obran organizacije“, gra|anski parlamenti, konferencije i sl. formirane radi rje{avanja jednog ili vi{e zajedni~kih konkretnih ciljeva. Ovi su oblici aktivisti~kog uvezivanja koji traju obi~no do postizanja postavljenog cilja. Primjeri su ve} navedeni- Gra|anski alternativni parlament i Igmanska inicijativa tako|er djeluje kao„ki{obran organizacija“~ije~lanstvo~ine istaknuti pojedinci mirovni aktivisti iz Srbije, Crne Gore, Hrvatske i BiH, predstavnici nevladinih organizacija(oko 140 nevladinih organizacija iz cijelog regiona) i vlasti, rade}i uglavnom na zajedni~kim konferencijama i drugim sesijama ili u ekspertskim grupama. 102 Ciljne koalicije/pokrete nevladinih organizacija karakterizira postojanje jedinstvenih politi~kih ili drugih programskih platformi koje~ine integracijski i aktivisti~ki temelj ovih mre`a. GROZD – Gra|ansko organiziranje za demokratiju jeste primjer koalicije nevladinih subjekata formirane u svrhu vr{enja pritiska prema politi~kim partijama, s ciljem uva`avanja gra|anskih ekonomskih i socijalnih zahtjeva izra`enih u jedinstvenoj Gra|anskoj platformi za izbore 2006. godine, odnosno s ciljem korekcije rada vlade. Ovakve koalicije poku{avaju pridobiti masovnu podr{ku za svoje ciljeve, ali nemaju jasniju organizacijsku strukturu, a u~esnici, bilo da se radi o gra|anima pojedincima ili drugim institucijama civilnog dru{tva, zadr`avaju puni subjektivitet okupljaju}i se oko zajedni~ke platforme(u slu~aju GROZD-a to je„ Gra|anska platforma za izbore 2006.“). Druga~ija situacija nastaje kada se koalicije formiraju na etnonacionalnoj osnovi pru`aju}i javnu podr{ku ciljevima etnonacionalnih politi~kih elita. Primjer predstavlja SPONA – Srpski pokret nevladinih asocijacija, koalicija 6 nevladinih asocijacija( Bora~ka organizacija RS-a, Savez logora{a RS-a, Savez izbjeglica RS-a, Udru`enje penzionera 102 Isto, str 23-36; 46

RS-a, Udru`enje porodica poginulih boraca i civila RS-a i Studentska unija RS-a) koja je u maju 2006. godine pokrenula inicijativu za referendum o otcjepljenju Republike Srpske od BiH. Naime, osnovna svrha navedenih subjekata(za{tita odre|enih socijalnih kategorija stanovni{tva: penzionera, studenata, logora{a…) potisnuta je u drugi plan za ra~un zatupanja jedinstvenog cilja koji nema direktne veze s njihovom temeljnom svrhom. U tom kontekstu njihov izvorni, na odre|enim interesima gra|ana ili grupa gra|ana zasnovan programski subjektivitet, zamijenjuje“etnosubjektivitet” u slu`bi etnopolitika definiranih u vode}im etnopoliti~kim krugovima. Svakako, vrijedi spomenuti i brojne gra|anske inicijative koje oko jednog ili vi{e konkretnih ciljeva, okupljaju gra|ane ili druge subjekte, a djeluju na razli~ite na~ine od protesta,{trajkova i raznih oblika gra|anske neposlu{nosti(blokade saobra}ajnica nezadovoljnih radnika, seljaka i sl., do organizacije peticija, referenduma...). Primjeri su~esti u bosanskohercegova~koj{tampi i ostalim medijima. Procesi specijalizacije i umre`avanja govore o odre|enoj organizacijskoj i funkcionalnoj konsolidaciji struktura nevladinog sektora. Prije svega postaje jasnijom unutarnja raspodjela prema poljima djelovanja u horizontalnoj ravni, ali se sada mo`e uo~iti i nivo na kojem subjekti ili grupe subjekata poku{avaju realizirati ciljeve, od lokalnog do dr`avnog, regionalnog ili internacionalnog. U tom smislu moglo bi se govoriti o odre|enom rastu}em potencijalu premo{}uju}eg socijalnog kapitala u nevladinom sektoru. Upravo u ovom domenu pokazuje se dvostruka priroda nevladinog sektora u BiH, kao njegovo odre|uju}e kvalitativno obilje`je. 9.3. Dvostruka priroda i dihotomna struktura nevladinog sektora u BiH Historijski razvoj nevladinog sektora u BiH je tekao u dva osnovna pravca koji su odredili njegovu aktualnu strukturu kao i prirodu vrijednosti, normi i samih veza izme|u subjekata nevladinog sektora, ukazuju}i na prirodu socijalnog kapitala kojim raspola`e. Jedan pravac~ini razvoj institucija koje su imale multietni~ki, gra|anski karakter. Ovi subjekti uzimaju gra|anina, njegove potrebe i inte47

rese kao integrativni i organizacijsko-akcijski osnov i motiv djelovanja i ~ine okosnicu autenti~nog nevladinog civilnog sektora u BiH ( organizacije~lanice Gra|anskog alternativnog parlamenta, Krug 99, forumi mladih u op}inama, studentska i u~eni~ka udru`enja, ekolo{ke organizacije i druge autenti~ne gra|anske inicijative, potro{a~ke organizacije...). Paul Stubbs ovu grupu organizacija ozna~ava kao„(...) civilnopoliti~ke NVO-e koji izra`avaju forme i alternativne politike koje nemaju pravo glasa u zvani~noj politi~koj sferi. Neke od ovih organizacija imaju~lanove koji su na visokom polo`aju i koji su bili aktivni u gra|anskim inicijativama tokom 1980.-tih, ali su sve nastale kao odgovor da ospore pretpostavke po kojima su glavne nacionalisti~ki orijentisane partije djelovale tokom i poslije rata i posebno da ospore pretpostavku dominacije nacionalnoetni~kih principa kao{to je zajam~eno Daytonskim ustavom. 103 U grupu ovih autenti~nih civilnih subjekata tako|er ulaze brojne asocijacije baznog tipa nastale u socijalisti~kom periodu( profesionalna, hobisti~ka, kulturna, sportska i sli~na dru{tva nastala na temelju interesa i potreba pojedinaca-gra|ana, bez etnonacionalnih oznaka). Tokom rata nevladin sektor u BiH dolazi u kontakte s inostranim civilnim subjektima da bi u postratnom periodu ovi kontakti bili intenzivirani te, uz zna~ajanu podr{ku“izvana”, rezultirali naglim porastom broja nevladinih organizacija u BiH, u prvom redu onih koji imaju gra|anski, multietni~ki predznak. Ovdje su posebno indikativni op}i kriteriji za dodjelu finansijskih sredstava uvjeti koje, prema mi{ljenju inostranih sponzora, moraju ispuniti aplikanti da bi im pomo} bila odobrena( neprofitnost i nepoliti~nost, multieti~nost i potpuna ravnopravnost kod izbora u~esnika razli~ite etni~ke ili vjerske pripadnosti – akceptiranje multikulturnog koncepta, individualna dobrovoljnost u~e{}a, javnost rada i transparentnost). Kako je ovisnost o inostranoj finansijskoj podr{ci bila izuzetno velika, ovi kriteriji su znatno uticali na profiliranje pojedina~nih organizacija i nevladinog sektora u cjelini, barem u onom njegovom dijelu koji se formalno prikazuje multietni~kim i civilnim. Ovo potvr|uje, u formalnoj ravni, analiza statutarnih i programskih akata nevladinih organizacija u 103 Stubbs Paul:"Odnos izme|u me|unarodnih agencija i lokalnih nevladinih organizacija" u Grupa autora:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi,analize i preporuke", IBHINazavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, 1998., str. 24; 48

kojima, skoro stoprocentno, nalazimo definicije identi~ne s navedenim kriterijima. Tako}e ovi subjekti sebe definirati kao:„ neprofitna, vanstrana~ka ili nadstrana~ka, nadnacionalna ili udru`enja koja okupljaju gra|ane bez obzira na nacionalnu pripadnost, vjeru, rasu ili spol.“ 104 Dakle, inostrana finansijska uvjetovanost i nu`nost saradnje s inostranim civilnim subjektima izvr{ili su izvjestan uticaj na novonastale lokalne civilne subjekte poti~u}i ih da vode ra~una o svom civilnom imid`u. Ovdje spadaju organizacije-k}eri me|unarodnih organizacija nastale tokom i nakon rata i druge koje su nastale zahvaljuju}i podr{ci izvana(npr. Helsin{ki parlament, Centri civilnih inicijativa, Nezavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja. Centar za promociju civilnog dru{tva, Omladinska informativna agencija i sl.). Ovdje su svakako i filijale inostranih, me|unarodnih organizacija( Crveni kri`/polumjesec, Amica, Sida, Deza, Ipak, SHL-U~enici poma`u`ivot itd.). Na kraju, u ovu grupu bi trebali u}i i nezavisni sindikati, ali je pitanje sindikata, kao tradicionalnih radni~kih/strukovnih organizacija, zbog njihove specifi~ne uloge i polo`aja u odnosu prema politi~ko-dr`avnoj i sferi ekonomske mo}i, problem za sebe koji zahtijeva poseban znanstveni pristup. Sli~an je i polo`aj nezavisnih medija, univerziteta itd.~ije izu~avanje opet zahtijeva druga~iju metodologiju ili ulazi u sferu komunikolo{kih istra`ivanja, odnosno istra`ivanja civilnog dru{tva u svim njegovim pojavnim dimenzijama. Drugi pravac razvoja imale su asocijacije s etni~kim ili vjerskim predznakom. Me|usobno pro`imanje vjerskog i etni~kog u(samo)odre|enju ovda{njih nacionalnih grupa dovelo je do situacije u kojoj su svi ili najve}i dio pripadnika neke od ovih asocijacija ujedno pripadnici iste vjerske odnosno etni~ke grupe. Osim socijalisti~kog perioda, ovi subjekti imaju jasan razvojni kontinuitet na prostorima BiH, jo{ iz perioda nakon Berlinskog kongresa, sna`no se razviv{i izme|u dva svjetska rata. 105 Kao i kod asocijacija iz tog perioda misije, motivi i ciljevi aktualnih etni~kih asocijacija orijentirani su prema vlastitom nacionalnom kolektivitetu i definiraju se na osnovu potreba i interesa utvr|enih u ovom okviru. Anga`man u politi~koj oblasti ovih organizacija~esto se svodi na javnu podr{ku ciljevima etnonacionalnih politi~kih elita. Gra|anin kao 104 Grupa autora:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi,analize i preporuke", IBHI-Nazavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, 1998., str. 18;. 105 Detaljnije kod: Daja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka stvarnost jugoslovenstva", Mostar, 1999. god., 49

integracijski subjekt potisnut je ovdje u drugi plan, a njegovi interesi vrednuju se kroz prizmu nacionalnog kolektiva, tako da ove organizacije tretiraju skoro isklju~ivo probleme koji se ti~u jedne etni~ke grupe, ulaze}i u forme suradnje s drugim subjektima samo ukoliko odgovara ovim interesima. Primjera radi, nigdje nema podataka o bilo kakvim oblicima suradnje etni~kih organizacija logora{a, civilnih`rtava rata, prognanih itd. Iako bi, sa stnovi{ta kr{enja ljudskih prava, imali razloga za integraciju aktivnosti, ove asocijacije djeluju potpuno razdvojeno po etni~kom ili entitetskom kriteriju. Ukupnost ovih organizacija~ini etni~ki nevladin sektor u BiH. Stubbs ove nevladine organizacije ozna~ava kao etni~ke NVO-e, koji„(...) imaju bliske veze, da li formalne ili ideolo{ke, sa zatvorenim projektima na zvani~nom politi~kom nivou. Isto tako, ve}ina ovih organizacija nastala je tokom rata i predstavlja interese jedne grupe u konfliktu.“ 106 Primjeri ovakvih subjekata su: SPONA – Srpski pokret nevladinih organizacija u koju ulaze organizacije u potpunosti ovisne o dr`avnom bud`etu u RS-u( Bora~ka organizacija RS-a, Savez logora{a RS-a, Savez izbjeglica RS-a, Udru`enje penzionera RS-a, Udru`enje porodica poginulih boraca i civila RS-a i Studentska unija RS-a), Sto`erna udruga za za{titu identiteta i hrvatskih nacionalnih interesa^apljina, Sto`er za o~uvanje identiteta i opstojnosti Hrvata Stolac itd. Istovremeno, nailazimo na primjere etni~ke fragmentacije u oblastima koje su u svojoj su{tini univerzalne, proizilaze iz interesa, potreba, `elja gra|anina pojedinca, bez obzira na etni~ku pripadnost. Takvi su primjeri sportskih udruga s etni~kim predznakom, npr. Hrvatski{ahovski klub Mate Boban, Hrvatski aero-klub Mostar, Hrvatski bo}arski klub Neum itd. privrednih udru`enja: Udru`enje hrvatskih privatnih proizvo|a~a Prohum i sl.(ICVA – Direktorij nevladinih organizacija u BiH, Sarajevo 2004.). Iako ovi o~iti primjeri nisu brojni, jasno govore o etni~koj fragmentaciji nevladinog sektora u BiH.^esto se iz naziva i programskih akata ne mo`e zaklju~iti kojem bi kontingentu neke od asocijacija pripadale. Dobar primjer su neke lokalne prognani~ke asocijacije i asocijacije`rtava rata koje nemaju nacionalni predznak, ali u zavisnosti od prijeratnog prebivali{ta prognanika, skoro stoprocentno su etni~ki ho106 Stubbs, Paul:"Odnos izme|u me|unarodnih agencija i lokalnih nevladinih organizacija" u Grupa autora:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke", IBHINazavisni biro za humanitarna pitanja, Sarajevo, 1998., str. 25; 50

mogene(npr. Udru`enje Majke enklava Srebrenice i@epe okuplja bo{nja~ke`ene-`rtve rata, udru`enje prognanika Ostanak stoprocentno okuplja Srbe koji ne`ele povratak u prijeratna prebivali{ta). Osim toga, kako je ve} navedeno, jednonacionalni sastav~lanstva ne mora uvijek potvr|ivati zatvoreni etni~ki karakter asocijacija. Stubbs napominje:„Ne treba sve NVO-e,~ije je~lanstvo ograni~eno na jednu etni~ku grupu, uvrstiti u ovu kategoriju – neka kulturna udru`enja su va`na za pru`anje izvora samopo{tovanja za jednu nacionalnu zajednicu.“(Stubbs,1998. str. 25). Ovdje svakako valja izdvojiti spomenuta tradicionalna nacionalna kulturna dru{tva, udru`enja gra|ana pripadnika nacionalnih manjina. Naime, tradicionalna nacionalna kulturna dru{tva(Napredak, Preporod, Prosvjeta), kulturno umjetni~ka dru{tva i asocojacije koje se bave kulturom, a nezavisne su od politi~kih utjecaja, mogu se shvatiti kao promotori nacionalnog kulturnog naslje|a, dakle kao subjekti koji nisu isklju~ivo orijentirani prema unutarnjem kulturnom prostoru vlastitog etnokolektiva, ve} su djeluju}i subjekti u polju interkulturne komunikacije i interkulturnog dijaloga u op}edru{tvenom kontekstu. Dakle, ovo su subjekti s nacionalnim predznakom, ali s programskim i aktivisti~kim karakteristikama koje upu}uju na prihvatanje koncepta multikulturalnosti i uva`avanje nu`nosti izgradnje gra|anskog ustrojstva bosanskohercegova~kog dru{tva i dr`ave. Ovo su gra|anske organizacije s nacionalnim predznakom( Srpsko gra|ansko vije}e, Hrvatsko narodno vije}e, Vije}e kongresa bo{nja~kih intelektualaca i sl.), koje u javnom prostoru djeluju samostalno ne stavljaju}i se u slu`bu isklju~ivih etnonacionalnih politika. Ovo potvr|uje njihova dobra i kontinuirana me|usobna suradnja, kao i suradnja s ostalim civilnim organizacijama. U tom smislu, one predstavljaju mostove dijaloga i suradnje nacionalnih grupa u BiH i prelazni su oblik od nacionalnih prema gra|anskim institucijama civilnog dru{tva. Od etni~kih organizacija razlikuje ih otvorenost prema dru{tvu u cjelini, spremnost na suradnju i zajedni~ko djelovanje s civilnim i asocijacijama koje okupljaju pripadnike drugih nacionalnih zajednica te zanimanje za dru{tvene probleme koji se ti~u svih gra|ana, a ne samo pripadnika jedne etni~ke grupe. Primjer ove otvorenosti je vi{egodi{nji zajedni~ki rad(1997.- 2000.) Srpskog gra|anskog vije}a, Hrvatskog narodnog vije}a, Vije}a kongresa bo{nja~kih intelek51

tualaca i Kruga 99(koji je, kako je navedeno multietni~ka organizacija) na realizaciji inicijative za formalno-pravno uspostavljanje konstitutivnosti sva tri naroda na cijeloj teritoriji BiH( Grupa autora:„Bosno i mi smo tvoj narod“, zbornik Srpskog gra|anskog vije}a, Tuzla 2003, str 6). Za ovakve asocijacije mo`e se re}i da~ine prelazne forme izme|u etni~kih i gra|anskih asocijacija sublimiraju}i u svom djelovanju i jednu i drugu komponentu. Navedeni pravci historijskog razvoja rezultirali su nastankom dihotomne strukture nevladinog sektora(Tabela 4) u kojoj se jasno mogu uo~iti dva osnovna kontingenta institucija i subjekata – nevladin civilni sektor i etni~ki nevladin sektor. Ova dihotomija je bitno obilje`je aktualne strukture nevladinog sektora u BiH Izme|u civilnog i etni~kog nevladinog sektora postoje forme prelaznog karaktera, koji u zavisnosti od otvorenosti prema dru{tvu i gra|anstvu u cjelini, odnosno zatvorenosti u vlastiti etnonacionalni kolektiv i njegove interese i potrebe, naginju prema jednoj ili drugoj strani navedene dihotomije. Svakako, pri klasifikaciji razli~itih subjekata mora se voditi ra~una o svakom pojedina~nom slu~aju, kao i o~injenici da pojedini subjekti mogu evaluirati i prelaziti iz jedne kategorije u drugu. Zato je neophodna funkcionalna analiza svakog posebnog slu~aja. N EVLAD I N S E KTO R U B O S N I I H E R C E G OVI N I NEVLADIN CIVILNI SEKTOR - autenti~ne lokalne civilne organizacije i inicijative - bazne organizacije nastale u socijalisti~kom periodu bez etni~kih oznaka - inostrane nevladine org. - lok. nevladine organizacije nastale kao k}eri inostr. organizacija ili uz njihovu podr{ku PRELAZNE FORME - otvorene organizacije s nacionalnim predznakom - humanitarne organizacije s vjerskim ili nacionalnim predznakom - org. nacionalnih manjina - nacionalna kulturna dru{tva ETNI^KI NEVLADIN SEKTOR - zatvorene organizacije s nacionalnim predznakom Tabela 4: Dihotomna struktura nevladinog sektora u BiH 52

O kvantitativnim odnosima unutar ove strukture te{ko je precizno govoriti. Obi~no prebrojavanje u ICVA-inoj bazi podataka o nevladinom sektoru za 2002. godinu pokazuje da od 1593 asocijacije njih 180 ima etni~ki predznak, ali bi se za oko 300 moglo pretpostaviti da imaju etni~ki karakter(prognani~ka, udru`enja veterana, kulturna i sportska dru{tva s nazivima koji ukazuju na identitet jednog naroda){to ukazuje na trend br`eg rasta nevladinog civilnog sektora u odnosu na kontingent etni~kih nevladinih organizacija. Ovaj podatak govori da, barem u kvantitativnom pogledu, prvi put u povijesti BiH, multietni~ke gra|anske organizacije ostvaruje realnu broj~anu premo} u okviru nevladinog sektora u odnosu na one s vjerskim i etni~kim predznakom, ako se izuzme period socijalizma. Tako|er treba imati na umu da efektivnost ovih asocijacija nije direktno ovisna samo o njihovom broju, ve} daleko vi{e, o uticaju koji ostvaruju u javnosti i rezultatima njihovih aktivnosti. Dihotomna podjela ukazuje na odnos tzv. povezuju}eg socijalnog kapitala(bonding social capital) koji ima isklju~uju}i efekt(dovodi u veze osobe i druge subjekte prema istoj ili sli~noj polnoj, starosnoj, etni~koj itd. pripadnosti) i premo{}uju}eg socijalnog kapitala(bridging social capital) koji ima uklju~uju}i efekt i koji dovodi u veze razli~ite dru{tvene subjekte. Predo~eni pravci historijskog razvoja institucija nevladinog sektora svjedo~e o izra`enom kontinuitetu asocijacija zasnovanih na etni~koj i vjerskoj pripadnosti u~esnika, dok tek u poslijeratnom periodu mo`emo govoriti o trendu kvantitativnog rasta broja asocijacija za koje se mo`e pretpostaviti da gro njihovih veza odgovara konceptu premo{}uju}eg socijalnog kapitala. Povezuju}i socijalni kapital karakteristi~an je za veze u okvirima etni~kog nevladinog sektora. On je isklju~uju}i jer je etnificirani sistem vrijednosti i normi na kojim se temelje veze unutar etnokolektiva prihvatljiv je samo za njegove pripadnike,{to opet za posljedicu ima zatvorenost institucija etni~kog nevladinog sektora u vlastite okvire. 53

10. Zaklju~ak Prethodna analiza je pokazala da u BiH postoji stogodi{nja tradicija gra|anskog organiziranja. Karakteristi~no je za ovo naslije|e da se razvijalo u dva paralelna kolosjeka, kao grupacija subjekata s nacionalnim i vjerskim predznakom i kao grupacija multietni~kih subjekata. Ovakve historijske predispozicije imale su za rezultat aktuelno stanje dihotomne podjele u nevladinom sektoru. Me|utim, ne smije se zanemariti~injenica da kvantitativni odnos, tokom trajanja fenomena ekspolozije nevladinog sektora, nakon 2000. godine, prelazi u korist subjekata bez etni~kog predznaka i da se ovo desilo prvi put u povijesti gra|anskog organiziranja u BiH. Ova podjela je bitna karakteristika nevladinog sektora u BiH, ~ime su ustvari potvr|ene hipoteze postavljene na po~etku ove analize. U funkcionalnoj ravni, kao i u kontekstu daljeg razvoja nevladinog sektora i civilnog dru{tva BiH u cjelini, ova podjela ima zna~aj koji se ne smije zanemariti, posebno ako se`eli govoriti o konkretnim funkcijama nevladinog sektora u procesima demokratske izgradnje bosanskohercegova~kog dru{tva. Isto tako, imaju}i u vidu prezentirane kapacitete nevladinog sektora u BiH, kao i iskustva razvijenijih demokratija, nu`nim se~ini dalji intenzivni dijalog, kako unutar kontingenta gra|anskih asocijacija, tako i izme|u politi~ke, civilne i ekonomske sfere. U tom smislu i ovaj rad nema pretenziju da postavlja bilo kakve kona~ne ocjene, ve} da poslu`i kao osnova za dalju diskusiju. U centru ove diskusije, imaju}i u vidu prethodna razmatranja, i dalje stoji otvorenim pitanje: da li kontingent civilnih asocijacija u BiH, imaju}i u vidu njegovu„ograni~enu historiju“ kao i „ograni~ene“ civilne kapacitete, zaista mo`e postati relevantnim akterom demokratske transformacije? Svakako, u ovoj ravni su dalja znanstvena istra`ivanja i teorijske elaboracije vi{e nego potrebne. 54

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O autoru: Dr. sci. Ismet Sejfija, politolog,`ivi i radi u Tuzli i Sarajevu kao publicist, slobodni savjetnik Friedrich Ebert fondacije, predava~ na univerzitetima u BiH te konsultant i savjetnik vi{e lokalnih i inostranih nevladinih organizacija i drugih institucija. Politi~ke nauke, komunikologiju i kulturologiju studirao je u Sarajevu, Sofiji i Frankfurtu. Doktorsku disertaciju u oblasti teorije civilnog dru{tva odbranio je na Fakultetu politi~kih nauka u Sarajevu. Nau~ne radove o problemima civilnog dru{tva u Bosni i Hercegovini objavio je u vi{e nau~nih~asopisa u zemlji i inostranstvu. 58

Historical Preconditions and Current Development of Civil Associations in BiH Dr. Ismet Sejfija Sarajevo, 2008

Foreword Civil Society Organizations play a key role in countries where democracy is not yet fully established, particularly because they contribute substantially to the practice of grassroots politics. In addition, civil society organizations contribute by impacting the improvements of social, economical and the societal situation of different groups within society. By doing this, they are not always welcome by the society because of their sometimes challenging opinions. Nevertheless, all responsible actors in a state should motivate their citizens to organize themselves in order to achieve a lively, participatory and forward- looking society. This publication offers important insight into the historical development of civil society organizations. Bosnia and Herzegovina has had a long tradition of religious and humanitarian oriented civil society organizations. Particularly after the war, the number of organizations rose dramatically; however, the receding interest of the population coupled with the lack of financial resources resulted in the closure of many organizations. A further obstacle to this situation has been the destructive position of many politicians, and the attempt to abuse civil society organizations for their own personal interests. Dr. Ismet Sejfija’s study offers multiple comments towards a better understanding of the situation of civil society organizations, while at the same time offering advice on how their work can be more constructively based on their experiences. In addition, the Friedrich- Ebert- Stiftung hopes that by reading this publication, the interest in strengthening further civil society groups will increase. Helmut Kurth Director of the Office Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Bosnia and Herzegovina 63

Dr. Ismet Sejfija Historical preconditions and current development of civil associations in BiH 1. Limited history of civil society in BiH Sources on civil society and the non-governmental sector in BiH mainly provide general assessments of the tradition of civil organisation in this region. The standard claim is that one can only speak about limited history of civil society, 1 without any clear explanation as to what this claim is supposed to mean. Historiography and analyses indicate a rich tradition of popular(self) organisation in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Still, it would be difficult to speak about a long and influential tradition of civil organisation whose original civil nature would indicate decades of continuity. At the same time, one cannot deny that there has been considerable(self) organisation in the past. The text below will indicate principal structural and functional associations established in different periods, starting from the Austro-Hungarian administration until the present day. Specifically, the text will attempt to prove the following hypotheses: - ethnicity appears as the dominant factor of integration and motivation and an important feature of programmes of organisations established in BiH up until World War II, but also of importance for the development of the NGO sector after 1989, - until World War II subjects of civil/ multi-ethnic character have limited influence, in comparison to those with ethnic character, were inline with societal transformations, particularly after 1995 civil/multi-ethnic contingent of the NGO sector in BiH strengthened considerably, 1 For example, see OSF report on civil society in BiH for 2004, which says at the very beginning "BiH has a fairly"limited" history of the"third estate." As it is known, prior to the war(19921995) there was a host of social organisations whose activities were mainly focused on culture and sports." Open Society Fund BiH, Reports, Civil Society, Sarajevo 2004, p. 1. 65

- civil organisation in BiH is marked by discontinuity caused by general societal changes in the past two centuries; several stages can be identified from this, within which organisations functioned under different conditions and served different purposes, 2 - in addition to the existence of parallel ethnic and multi-ethnic associations, the history of civil organisations in BiH has always been marked by foreign influences, where, even in the current context, they exercise considerable influence on the direction of development of civil associations as well as their functions within the context of democratic transformation of BiH. An analysis of several historical phases presents the development, features and key functions of civil associations in BiH in the past two centuries. The purpose of this analysis is to use historical data to indicate the importance of historical predisposition for the current situation and its influence on current developments in this area. In addition to history, the analysis includes certain political considerations and assessments. 2. Pre-civil forms of association in BiH until 1878 - guilds and church-based educational communes Prior to the Berlin Congress(1878), BiH was a late feudal society slow to receive the unstoppable western influences, as they impacted global trends(the Ottoman issue). The Ottoman absolutism was maintained thanks to outdated administration and repressive administration, preventing the creation of citizenry of the Western European type. Some 90 % of the population lived in rural communities, with no possibility for political or other civil organisation, or public action. However, some authors see the end of the Ottoman rule as the beginning of civil reasoning and organisation. 3 Namely, the 1839 Gülhane Hatisherif abolished 2 In the past two centuries, BiH society has been marked by at least six changes of social and political context caused by actions by external political factors, as follows: Ottoman, AustroHungarian, Yugoslav(kingdom), Independent State of Croatia, socialist Yugoslavia, and this period of conditioned independence which can be called transition. 3 See in: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i konteks,", Revija slobodne misli No. 9-10, Association of Independent Intellectuals Circle 99, Sarajevo 1997, p. 48. 66

the Ottoman timar-spahi system of military rule, and the 1856 Hatihumajjun provided formal equality of all citizens of the Ottoman Empire. The population was granted the right of association only after 1862; during which period saw the establishment of the first autonomous institutions – church-based education communes serving as religious, educational and cultural institutions. Another type of association were guilds. According to some sources, in the 18 th century in Sarajevo alone, there were 31 guilds with some 2,000 members. 4 Guilds included all craftsmen irrespective of religion, however, according to Enes Pelidija, sometimes all members were of the same religion. 5 According to this author, guilds were of great importance for the(then) city life, articulate in expressing their dissatisfaction with certain administrative decisions. The çarsi clearly functioned as a kind of guilds’ public opinion poll, taking clear stands in relation to government decisions. This is confirmed by the period of the so-called Sarajevo anarchy(1747-1757), elaborated by Mula Mustafa Ba{eskija in his Journals, whereas Pierre Daville, the French consul in Travnik, said that“in early 19ths century, Sarajevo was the guild republic.” 6 The then historical and political context, as well as the nature of the Ottoman rule, left no possibility for the creation of anything that could be deemed civil society. 7 3. Creation, development and functions of the first civil organisations in BiH(1878-1914) During the forty years of Austro-Hungarian rule in BiH, a modern administration was created, though assisted by military elements and with 4 Pelidija, Enes:"O privredi Sarajeva u 18 stolje}u" in Contributions to History of Sarajevo, p. 98, 5 Ibid., p. 98; 6 Ibid., p. 100; 7 A separate issue not considered here, but of interest for further research, is the specific social and cultural context of Carsija, the town centre, as the milieu which engendered pre-war and subsequent forms of association. As the social and cultural core of living in BiH towns, it produced non-formal yet very strong norms of behaviour, a hierarchy of values and positions which an individual must conform to, if he or she wishes to find their place in it. In other words, the nature of its social capital probably influenced the types of associations and their functioning. (I.S.) 67

a considerable reduction of civil rights and freedoms. 8 Under a prohibition of political organisation, the first civil associations were established on national, cultural, religious and humanitarian bases. The creation of these societies was, according to Had`ibegovi} and Kamberovi}, the result of the inner development of the local society, but also of“contacts between traditional citizenry of the craft-trade-rent type and the immigrant citizenry moving to the area from different parts of the Monarchy. Thus, enabling the building of a new national and religious mosaic of modern citizenry needed by Austria-Hungary in order to integrate this region into its economic, social, political and cultural system.” 9 Civic associations created in this period may be presented in five categories: - national, cultural, and educational societies, - mixed associations bringing together members of two national groups, - multi-ethnic associations, - immigrant associations, - workers’ organisations. The first Bosnian civil organisations of importance were humanitarian and cultural-educational societies with national or religious orientation. One of the first was the Jewish humanitarian association, La Benevolencia, established in 1894 and renamed in 1902 as Educationalcultural society La Benevolencia. The changing of the name expanded its activity from charity, to culture and education among members of the Jewish community in BiH. In addition to La Benevolencia, there were, until 1941, several other Jewish organisations with nearly identical programmes: La Lira, Matatja, La Gloria, Tarbut, Jevrejski klub, Safa Berura, though they were short-lived and less successful. 10 A decision of the Provincial Government made on 28 June 1902, approved the establishment of two more organisations: Croat society to support secondary and higher school students and Serb cultural and 8 More on this period in: Ibrahimagi}, Omer: Constitutional Development of BiH, Sarajevo 1998, pp. 40-46; 9 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst,"Revija slobodne misli No. 9-10, Association of Independent Intellectuals Circle 99, Sarajevo, 1997, p. 49; 10 Petrov, Krinka:"Kultura Jevreja na tlu Jugoslavije," Belgrade 1997, p. 14; 68

educational society“Prosveta.” These two organisations were based in Mostar. On 11 December 1902, the Croat society changed its name to Croat cultural society“Napredak,” based in Sarajevo. The Muslim charitable society“Gajret” was established in 1903. 11 By the end of World War I, there were 1,256 societies registered in 258 settlements across BiH. 12 Immigrant associations had functions similar to those of local associations, with ethnic orientation, i.e. working on preserving the national identity of immigrant communities, while developing solidarity and links among its members, on the basis of their ethnic affiliation. By World War I, there were 31 such associations registered in the country. 13 Mixed societies were few and with obviously little popularity or influence in the community. Husnija Kamberovi} cites three such associations on the eve of World War I: Serb-Croat Club in Sarajevo, Croat-Muslim Club in Vi{egrad and Croat-Muslim Soko Association in Maglaj. 14 Multi-ethnic societies brought together members of different national affiliation. However,\or|e Pejanovi} indicates that most of the members were immigrants, whereas local members were few, indicating their propaganda functions on behalf of the occupying power. 15 They were quite numerous, boasting 391 out of a total of 1,296 associations until World War I. However, this number can be explained by the fact that the authorities in BiH did not support the establishment of ethnically-based societies, which they saw as a threat to the dualist imperial concept of the Monarchy, willing to support entities of“international” character, even 11 For details see: D`aja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva," Sarajevo-Zagreb 2004, pp. 74-78; Kemura, Ibrahim:"Uloga Gajreta u dru{tvenom`ivotu Muslimana Bosne i Hercegovine," Sarajevo 1987; Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," Revija slobodne misli No. 9-10, Association of Independent Intellectuals Circle 99, Sarajevo 1997, p. 48; 12 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija: op. cit., p. 48; The authors indicate their territorial distribution:"Most of them were in the Sarajevo county(300), then Banja Luka(248), Tuzla (222), Mostar(198), Travnik(181) and Bihac(107);" 13 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:"Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. Stolje}a," Institute for Historical Studies, Sarajevo 2004, p. 89; 14 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:" Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. Stolje}a," Institute for Historical Studies, Sarajevo 2004, pp. 90/1; 15 See: Pejanovi},\or|e:"Kulturno-prosvetna, humana i socijalna dru{tva u Bosni i Hercegovini za vrijeme austrougarske vladavine," Sarajevo 1930, pp. 28-49; 69

supporting them financially and in other ways. This certainly questions their authenticity and originality. 16 The only organisations capable of bringing together members of all the three ethnic groups were trade unions. The very beginning of union activity in BiH was on 27 August 1905, marking the establishment of the Main Workers’ Alliance was. The first trade union was established in 1906( Metal Workers’ Union), upon the initiative of the Social-Democratic Party of BiH. Until World War I, there were fewer trade unions than other organisations, which was understandable in light of the fact that workers were no more than a few percent of the total number of employed persons. On the eve of World War I, the international trade union movement brought together 17 trade unions and more than 120 branches, under the umbrella of the Main Workers’ Alliance. It is interesting that several ethnically or religiously based organisations, the so-called national unions were established within the trade union movement(such as Organisation of Croat Workers, Organisation of Young Catholic Workers). World War I marked the end of the period of onset of civil organisations in BiH. Specific features of popular organisations in BiH, as presented above, were clearly evident in the period of Austro-Hungarian rule. Programmes were very similar, with aims such as charitable work, cultural advancement of their membership, literacy, reading clubs and publication of magazines. Those organisations were marked by social, historical and political circumstances of the time: first and foremost, the religious and ethnic division of the population, still burdened by recent past, with a pronounced crisis of national identity and the need to solidify and build it further. 17 That is why it is understandable that these or16 On this see: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH - porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit., p. 50; 17 Ibid, p. 48/47; also see: Mad`ar Bo`o:"Prosveta. Srpsko prosvjetno i kulturno dru{tvo 19021949," Academy of Arts and Science of Republika Srpska 2001, pp. 3-12; I{ek, Tomislav:"O utemeljenju i po~etku rada Hrvatskoga kulturno-prosvjetnog dru{tva'' Napredak' in the Napredak Calendar for 1993, Sarajevo 1992;" also: Babi}, Du{an:"Pozadina i smisao na{ih animoziteta" in Regional Parallels- examining our recent past, Stina Zagreb,[kola novinarstva Beograd, Media-plan institut Sarajevo, 2005, pp. 9-10:"In addition to strictly educational institutions, cultural societies were formed on ethnic and religious grounds- Gajret, Prosvjeta, Napredak, La benevolencija. Development of press also followed the national-religious matrix, as well as sports clubs-\erzelez, SA[K, Slavija, Makabi;" 70

ganisations had a clear ethnic denomination, i.e. they brought together citizens of the same ethnicity, and were thus the first national institutions of the peoples in BiH created through civic self-organisation. However, in the social and historical context of the time, these associations had important“additional” functions: - education – evident in the field of national culture, folklore, literacy, etc., leading to further strengthening of national emotions and consciousness within ethnic groups; at the same time, these associations were the early“schools of democracy,” allowing their activists to gain experiences in public engagement and in building a stance towards the authorities; - during the period of prohibition of political organisation(until 1910) they had a certain substitute-mediation function, presenting requests to the authorities, and acting as a kind of political party substitute, trying to participate in initiating and making certain political decisions, even acting as a corrective of the government; 18 - wide territorial organisation allowed for mobilisation of members and sympathisers to establish subsequent national political parties; 19 - intensive publishing work, particularly of magazines, served the purpose of building a political public opinion in BiH. 20 The fact that they were created during the period of considerable restrictions of civil and political rights and freedoms(imposed by Austria18 An example of the first Muslim association in BiH- Society for autonomy of endowments and religious institutions,"Dru{tvo za vakufsko-mearifsku autonomiju," founded in 1899 in Mostar, can illustrate this. The basic aim was to return endowment property, originally owned by the Islamic Community and taken away after the occupation, and the right to administer it, as well as the struggle for renewed autonomy in the selection of religious leaders and clerics. 19 These societies were the basis of creation and development of national movements in BiH. Political parties founded after 1905 found in them strong organisational and activist support. See: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit, p. 50; 20 For details, see: Nuhanovi}, Asad:"Fenomen javnosti," Promokult Sarajevo, 1998, pp.207-222; Also see: Osman~evi}, Enes:"Historijat i osobenosti javnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini," Pogledi vol. 8, University of Tuzla, July 2001, p. 86:"During the Austro-Hungarian rule, there were 125 magazines and publications, mainly as media outlets of the foreign rule or with religious or national focus. A number of them(some 80%) were initiated from abroad. Although nationally divided, the BiH press of the time managed, almost two centuries after the rest of Europe, to move some of the public functions. Thus, thanks to the press, in 1907/1908 the public developed a critical attitude to wards some actins by the occupying force." 71

Hungary) reduced their democratic potential and effects. It is also clear that in this period and under such circumstances, there was no onset of a powerful and authentic tradition of organisation in the classic sense of civil, grass-root development. International and multi-ethnic organisation was initiated from abroad and remained rather restricted in comparison with the authentic contingent of ethnically based organisations, which turned out later to have had no significant influence on ideas to be recognised in later stages of development. On the other hand, this period also saw the onset of a tradition of organisation within national groups in BiH. 4. Civil organisations in BiH between two world wars (1918-1941) Following World War I, the society in BiH found itself in a new regional political context, as it became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, and later of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The St. Vitus Day Constitution(28 June 1921) recognised civil association, provided that the aims of such association were not punishable under applicable laws. However, this category was prohibited in practice, for example, during the“6 th January dictatorship”(from 1929 until the adoption of the imposed constitution in 1931), or at least restricted. 21 National cultural and education societies, the Serb Prosveta, the Croat Napredak and the Muslim Gajret, along with Narodna uzdanica,(a Muslim association established somewhat later in 1923), revived their activities with the same aims and organisational structures, but with an evidently greater number of branches across BiH(for example, in 1920 Gajret had 46 branches, and in 1940 121; the situation was similar with other associations). 22 These associations were still the axis of national grouping, act21 For details see: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit., p. 52; 22 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:"Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. stolje}a," op. cit, pp. 90/91- see the tables with distribution of these societies in BiH. Also see: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit., p. 53; 72

ing as“satellites” of national political parties, building networks of similar institutions in the entire territory of BiH. 23 In addition to these authentic national associations, there were also branches of organisations established in other countries, such as national sports associations( Savez Hrvatskih sokolskih dru{tava, Sokolski savez Srba...) 24 and organisations spreading the idea of the Yugoslav national identity(such as Jugoslovenski sokolski savez, ORJUNA – Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista...) or were simply a response to this idea(such as MUNAO – Muslimanska nacionalna omladina, HANAO – Hrvatska nacionalna omladina, SRNAO-Srpska nacionalna omladina, ORKAN – Organizacija katoli~kih nacionalista...). 25 In addition to the threefold national pattern, there was a fourth, pro-Yugoslav idea, bringing together different forces at different times(for example, the national sports associations merged into Sokolski savez Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, and in 1920 they changed their name to Jugoslovenski sokolski savez). Most authors agree that such mergers were more or less pro-regime. 26 It is also interesting to note that there were quite a few women’s organisations in BiH, including national organizations(the Serb Dobrotvorna zadruga Srpkinja, Kolo Srpskih sestara, the Croat Hrvatska katoli~ka`enska udruga, Hrvatska`ena, the Muslim Muslimanska`enska zadruga, the Jewish@ensko a{kena{ko dru{tvo...) as well as multi-ethnic organizations( Dru{tvo za prosvje}ivanje`ena i za za{titu njihovih prava, Zajedni~ko udru`enje`ena bez plemenskog i vjerskog obilje`ja, Materinsko udru`enje, Udru`enje univerzitetski obrazovanih`ena...). Women’s associations served the purpose of emancipation, particularly in urban areas. 23 One illustration is the relationship between Gajret, Narodna uzdanica and Muslim political parties struggling for influence over social life of the Muslim community in BiH. See: Kemura, Ibrahim:"Uloga Gajreta u dru{tvenom`ivotu Muslimana Bosne i Hercegovine," Sarajevo 1987; pp. 3-7; D`aja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva," Svjetlo rije~i, SarajevoZagreb 2004, pp. 202-232; 24 For details see: D`aja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva," op. cit., pp. 40-45; 25 Ibid, pp. 47-48; 26 For example, see D`aja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva," op. cit., p. 43; as well as foreign authors, such as: Jakir, Aleksandar:"Dalmatien zwischen den Weltkriegen: Agrarische und urbane Lebenswelt und das Scheitern der jugoslawischen Integratio," Südosteuropaische Arbeiten 104, Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg 1997, Skript 422, pp. 376-377; 73

Allowing women to become socially active in a fairly patriarchal environment. 27 Between the two world wars, trade union organisation was mainly multi-ethnic, but along with“independent international unions, there were also unions loyal to the authorities, and a handful of ethnically based unions. These unions worked under difficult political conditions of frequent prohibitions, but most of them survived throughout the interwar period.” 28 In general, key features of organisation in BiH typical for the period of Austro-Hungarian rule were preserved throughout the inter-war period. Ethnicity was still the basic element of integration both in political and in the non-partisan sphere. In such complex national relations in the now unique Yugoslav state, the BiH social and political territory was to become the playing feild of imported political interests from the east and the west, without any internal forces to generate development or real influence of civil subjects in the political discourse, including civil organisations with clear civil objectives. 29 The importance of organisations from this period for the then and subsequent development of civil organisation in BiH was twofold. On one hand, they played an important educational and humanitarian role, visible in scholarships, construction and maintenance of student dorms, and generally, the involvement of general population into societal life. On the other hand, the individual citizen failed to become the basic subject of society, the foundation and the holder of civic structures and developments. Thus, in the period between two world wars, the tradition of national grouping and organisation in the then non-partisan, civic 27 Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas:"Bosanskohercegova~ki gradovi na razme|u 19. i 20. Stolje}a," op. cit. pp. 90/91; See tables with distribution of these societies in BiH; Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit., p. 54; 28 Ibid., p. 54; 29 There are many sources on political circumstances, political and other forms of organisation in BiH. The same conclusion of supremacy of ethnicity over civil views can be found in: D`aja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka realnost jugoslovenstva," op. cit., pp. 202-232; Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit., p. 52; [ehi}, Nusret:"Bosna i Hercegovina 1918.-1925," Svjetlost, Sarajevo 1991, p. 100; Nuhanovi} Asad:"Fenomen javnosti," Promokult, Sarajevo 2005, pp. 222-223; 74

sphere, was solidified. World War II interrupted the work of these organisations, or they were integrated in the system of occupying forces. 5. Civil associations and civil initiatives in socialism(1945-1985) In recent texts about civil society in BiH during the forty five years of socialism, there seem to be two approaches: the first approach is the denial of anything that may be defined as civil society in this historical and political context; the second indicates the presence of civil organisation in the socialist environment, i.e. the existence of certain subjects which were created or maintained in World War II and remained an active part of the non-governmental sector. The first approach has a theoretical basis in the critique of totalitarian systems as ideological entities closed off to the outside, usually linked to Karl Popper and his Open Society and Its Enemies, at least when it comes to civil society. Popper believes that the doctrinarian eschatology was inherent to socialist teaching and that, as state teaching, it justified the use of revolutionary terror. Just like any closed off society, communism moves its social mode into a perfect future, the political elite assumes the right to rule over history, and the official sphere – the party/state – is elevated to the level of political absolute. The relationship between civil society and the socialist state is commented in a similar way by Ugo Vlaisavljevi}. He claimes, “ It is interesting to look at the role of major civic associations established and provided for by the party/state. Civil society is known to be the authentic location for voluntary civic associations. If we look at the role and place of associations such as the Workers’ Socialist Alliance, Socialist Youth Alliance, associations of veterans of war, women, trade unions, etc., it becomes clear that the people’s state left no room for civil society in the real sense of the word. It cannot be an extended arm of the state or the party in power, but instead a place where, for want of a better word, its arms twisted or maimed.” 30 30 Vlaisavljevi}, Ugo:"Opet narodna dr`ava," Nezavisne novine daily, Banja Luka, 13.01.2006; 75

According to Vlaisavljevi}, it is true that such alliances were created and managed under state/party auspices, not as a counter-balance to centres of power or as a means of protection of the citizens from those centres, but rather, on the basis of a single ideology and within the front of socialist forces. They were essentially, branch offices of mass implementation of party ideology. For example: - incentives for establishing such alliances came from the communist party, i.e. they were expressions of free will of the citizens, - membership was an obligation that had to be fulfilled, i.e. it appeared automatically at a certain age(children had to join the Pioneer Alliance when they started primary school, and the Socialist Youth Alliance once completed) or at a particular job(membership in a relevant trade union), - financially, and thus in terms of programme, these organisations were totally dependent on the state budget. By definition, these alliances were the ideological and political transmitters from the party/state elite to the masses. However, these functions were slightly reduced as they(socio-political organisations) became incorporated into the political system, with the 1974 Constitution of SFRY ( socio-political councils in assemblies on all levels), where they were designed to ensure a two-way transmission of ideas, needs and interests of the masses towards the centres of power and vice versa. Still, as it turned out( the citizen – in the classical sense of a free individual entering integration processes on the basis of his/her own interests, needs, or other motives) was not the basis of integration. Instead, there was the working man as a creative being and the basis of collectivist socialist policy. The socialist mode of societal and political relations was an almost absolute domination of the political over civil society, whereby, according to Vlaisavljevi},“(…) the state left no room for civil society in the real sense of the word.” 31 Mihajlovi} refers to this type of civil society as aborted or un-established. It is also clear that in this environment, the NGO sector could not be considered to be part of civil society. 32 Juan J. Linz and Alfred C. Stepan see it in a similar way arguing, 31 Ibid. 32 Mihailovi}, Sre}ko:"Kako nevladine organizacije vide politi~ku mo} i kako politi~ka mo} vidi nevladine organizacije," presented at the conference Analyses of NGO's- challenges of transition, OSF Serbia, Belgrade, June 2005, pp. 5-6; 76

“Not only that most of the organisations normally considered to be part of civil society were integrated into the party states of communist Europe, but they were also financially dependent on those states. That is why such political stakeholders have no interest in becoming autonomous.” “Inklings of civil society” had no real chance of expanding in such an environment. 33 However, an analytical approach demonstrates that in the period from 1945 to the dissolution of Yugoslavia, there was in BiH an active set of subjects“on the verge of civil society.” The Law on Associations, Assemblies and Other Public Gatherings(25 August 1945) allowed all the associations in BiH active until World War II to renew their activities. Some 30 associations were activated between 1945 and 1950, as well as the establishment of new ones. The four national organisations were among the first to revive their work: Napredak, Gajret, La Benevolencia and Prosveta. In 1948 Gajret changed its name to Muslim Cultural Society“Preporod”, but was subsequently banned in 1949. The same happened with other national societies, but not those of national minorities, or those which the government held to be of use in implementing specific political interests. 34 Pre-war workers associations also revived their activities, and a number of cultural and artistic societies were to be established in the following decades, united into a single alliance at the level of the then Socialist Republic of BiH. According to Kamberovi} and Had`ibegovi}, after 1949 these societies had a certain ideological and educational function in the sphere of culture, promoting the ideas of socialist development, brotherhood and unity, etc. 35 According to the sa33 Linz, Juan i Alfred Stepan:"Demokratska tranzicija i konsolidacija,""Filip Vi{nji}," Belgrade 1998, p. 203, also pp. 54, 71; 34 For more details see: Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit., pp. 56-57,"Selja~ka slog," which was an economic, political and cultural institution in mid-1930's, had branches in all Croat villages in BiH. After 1945 it became active in culture and education, literacy and reading clubs, cultural events in Croat villages, etc. It was not a state institution, but the state used it to maintain political control over Croat peasantry." 35 Ibid, p. 57:"Because of that 1949 was a watershed year. Different conditions for development of civil society started to develop after that. Since then, the key role was assumed by amateur theatres and education institutions, and community colleges. Their task was to cherish the cultural heritage as joint heritage of BiH peoples, rather than emphasizing particular national traditions. They focused on mutual influences with a tendency of creating a new future based on new ideas of commonality(the idea of brotherhood and unity)." 77

me authors, in 1954 there were in BiH“(…) 388 cultural and artistic societies, 7 amateur theatre groups, 88 community and workers’ colleges(…)” mainly in urban areas. Numerous professional associations were in existence(Historical Society, Philosophers’ Association, Writers’ Association, Lawyers’ Association, Association of Fine Arts, Journalists’ Association, Composers’ Association, Film Professionals’ Association, Musicians’ Association, Association for Performing Arts…), associations of citizens with special needs(such as persons with muscular dystrophy, paraplegics, etc.), hobby associations(radio amateurs, scouts, hostels etc.) as well as sports and environmental associations(hunting clubs, environmentalists, etc.). Of course, all were united into a single umbrella institution, Socialist Workers’ Alliance of BIH (Socijalisti~ki savez radnog naroda Bosne i Hercegovine- SSRN), which either supported or denied their work. 36 As for the preconditions for the subsequent development of civil society and the NGO sector in BiH, a certain tradition of organisation, i.e. an acquired habit by individuals to enter organisations for the purpose of exercising their needs or interests played an important role, as it allowed for the creation of a number of such subjects even after the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Thus, An|eli} claims that in 1989 there were some 5,000 active associations in BiH. 37 In addition to this basic potential, one should take into account the fact that the political territory of former SFRY, including BiH, cannot be observed outside the then Yugoslav context, as it wasn’t always a peaceful, ideologically homogenised whole. The idea of a particular Yugoslav, more“liberal” type of socialism, advertised here and abroad, successfully suppressed the fact that there was a critical and liberal initiative and action in the region. Unlike the Czech or the Soviet case – where prominent intellectuals – dissidents in a socialist environment, played an important role in the process of liberalisation of authoritarian systems(Havel, Mihnyik, Sacharov, Solzhenyicin...), in the states created in the territory of former Yugoslavia, the role of individuals who acted from“dissident” positions was deliberately pushed aside. Neboj{a Popov believes that this was caused by“(…) exclusion from the realm of real-socialism, the belief that it did not happen here, or demonisation of the very phenomenon – enemies, treason, ex36 Ibid., p. 58; 37 An|eli}, Neven: Bosnia and Herzegovina between Tito and War, transl. Ranko Mastilovi}, Samizdat B92, Belgrade 2005, p. 111; 78

tremism, the most conservative bolshevism and napalm-humanity – thus making any analytical approach redundant.” 38 In addition to these arguments, it should be noted that“ dissidence” 39 in this area wasn’t just a matter of critique which may be described as liberal-civic. Marxist positions were often presented, with an attempt to keep any criticism“acceptable” to the then ideological elite. 40 Moreover, dissident circles often included individuals and groups representing nationalist positions and assuming leadership over nationalist movements of the late 1980’s. 41 Popov denies their dissident status, warning that, “Once ethno-nationalism takes hold [ … ] critical thinking subsides and autonomous public as a democratic institution is replaced by its substitute – instrumentalised public opinion – as the venue for nationalist show-downs. When they reject the ruling ideology and regime, nationalists do it with no analyses or arguments, refraining from public exposure and with no hope for democratic change. That is why nationalists cannot be defined as dissidents. At best, nationalists delay democracy for the time of the final solution to the national question.” 42 It is indicative that dissention was not excluded from a clear division into “national” and the part which may be defined as“critical and liberal.” In a way, this division confirms the continuity of coexistence of ethnic and civil positions in the then anti-regime initiatives. While some“ethnodissidents” assumed and maintained political initiative following their decisive role in the“solution” to the Yugoslav crisis, 43 the other part of the dissident group continued their work throughout late 1980’s as peace-makers, trying to define and establish the civil alternative to the 38 Popov, Neboj{a:"Disidentska skrivalica,""Republika" No. 242/243, Beograd 2000.; 39 Etymologically, the term dissident and dissention are derived from the Latin dissidere- to be distant, to be different(according to Klai}, Bratoljub:"Rje~nik stranih rije~i," Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske, Zagreb 1978); 40 For example, Milovan\ilas, a well known dissident, initially refused to abandon Marxist ideas when advocating party liberalisation, and liberal positions were maintained by Kosta^avo{ki, whereas Mihajlo Markovi} remained with his Marxist positions. For details, see: Popov, Neboj{a:"Disidentska skrivalica,""Republika" No. 242/243, Beograd 2000, p. 67; 41 Ibid, p. 68; 42 Ibid, p. 68; 43 Examples are clear and well known. The former"national dissidents" assumed leading positions in national movements of the late 1980's and the subsequent national parties, from activists of the Croatian spring and the Petition movement(Savka Dap~evi}, Vladimir[eks), nationalists among party lines(Franjo Tu|man, Dobrica]osi}…), political immigrants(Adil Zulfikarpa{i}, Gojko[u{ak), to personalities whom socialism convicted for certain religious beliefs (Alija Izetbegovi}, for example); see: Veljak, Lino:"Civilno dru{tvo, raspad Jugoslavije i budu}nost Jugosito~ne Europe," Zagreb 1997, p. 6; 79

looming ethno-nationalist conflict. Dissention is thus interesting as a personal milieu which engendered mainly civil initiatives in the 1980’s, some of which remain to this date in different parts of former Yugoslavia, including BiH. 44 Quite a number of intellectuals from BiH took part in the Kor~ula Summer School(1964-1974, founded by Milan Kangrga and Rudi Supek) and the Praxis magazine. Although the school was officially aimed at “ [ … ] professional education in philosophy and sociology for teachers working at secondary and higher education institutions, different institutes, societal organisations and journalism [ … ] it can be said that its nature and discussions, it developed a form most appropriate for a philosophical and sociological gathering: open exchange of opinions, free and critical debate on important issues of modernity and modern life, often a passionate defence and elaboration of one’s own ideas and free thinking – all essential to thoughtful social development. We can thus say that the Kor~ula Summer School, rather than being academic, transformed itself into a superb social event of international prominence, an important source of ideas, easily superseding its formal frontiers and bringing together the most distinguished names in European and international philosophy, sociology and general theoretical thinking of our times( Erich Fromm, Henri Lefebvre, Lucien Goldman...).” 45 The school included various intellectuals from BiH: Franc Cengle, Esad]imi}, Branislav Djurdjev, Ivan Focht, Bo`idar Jak{i}, Olga Kozomara, Rasim Muminovi}, Besim Ibrahimpa{i}, Kasim Prohi}, Bo`idar Gajo Sekuli}, D`emal Sokolovi}, Vojin Simeunovi}, Abdulah[ar~evi}, Arif Tanovi} and Zoran Vidakovi}. 46 Although these were not dissidents in the true sense of the word, the inertia of critical 44 For example, the founders of UJDI(founded inn 1989 in Zagreb) included names found in the NGO civil sector in BiH today: Bo`idar Sekuli}, an active member of the Korcula School, a philosopher and sociologist from the Praxis group, is also an active member of the Association of Independent Intellectuals Circle 99, which maintains the continuity of free thought and criticism, and is an extension of UJDI work in BiH; others include: Neboj{a Popov in Serbia, who launched the magazine"Republika" with support of local UJDI members; Vesna Pe{i} is a distinguished activists of the Civic Alliance of Serbia; 45 Kangrga, Milan:"Kor~ulanska ljetna{kola" in:"Izvan povijesnog dogadjanja. Dokumenti jednog vremena," Feral Tribune biblioteka, Split 1997, p. 281; 46 Ibid, p.282; 80

thinking, engendered by the years of work of the school, remained present even until today, thanks to the work of those intellectuals who maintained their critical positions throughout the events in the past two decades of BiH history(Sekuli}, Prohi}...). In 1964, the Department of Philosophy of the University of Zagreb launched, in collaboration with other centres of philosophy in the then Yugoslavia, the Praxis magazine(with editions in English, German and French). The magazine, and its international editions, developed collaboration with a considerable number of leading philosophers of different orientation across the world. This meant collaboration with world philosophy, and the Zagreb circle of philosophy became an equal participant in modern philosophical debates. The Praxis magazine and the Kor~ula Summer School were banned in 1974 by an administrative prohibition. A whole series of examples such as magazines and publications Delo, Filozofija, Sociologija, Gledi{ta, Danas, Vidici, Student, Susret(Belgrade), Pogledi(Zagreb), Besede, Revija57 and Perspektiva(Ljubljana), Pregled(Sarajevo), strikes(1958) and student demonstrations(1954 in Belgrade, and 1959 in Zagreb), critical movements in u Ljubljana in, 1962–63, Zagreb, Belgrade and Sarajevo in 1966–68,“an explosion of movements to challenge,” which spread to all the Yugoslav Universities on June 1968, along with engaged individuals(Milovan\ilas, Mihajlo Mihajlov, Du{an Bogavac...), illustrate the activities of critically focused political circles of the then socialist ideological and political context. 47 At the same time, as it is well known, continuity was also preserved by nationalist forces, as illustrated by the“Croatian spring”(1971-1972), the Kosovo demonstrations in 1970’s and 1980’s, and the subsequent “events of the people” in all parts of former Yugoslavia. In order to examine the phenomena of dissent and civil initiatives in socialism, one would have to examine a considerable number of individuals, groups and events, whose true significance has never been researched in detail, particularly in BiH. 48 47 For details see: Popov, Neboj{a:"Disidentska skrivalica,""Republika" No. 242/243, Beograd 2000; 48 For example,\or|evi}, Mirko:"Disidenti- izmedju reforme i revolucije,""Republika" No. 187, Beograd, 1998. pp. 13-18; Jaksic, Bo`idar:"Disidenti-(ne)zavrsena prica," in: Balkanski paradoksi, Beogradski krug, Beograd 2000, p. 186-195; Mihajlov, Mihajlo:"Disidenti danas i juce" in:"Domovina je sloboda," Radio B 92, Beograd 1994, pp. 51-54; 81

6. Civil initiatives and organisations in the pre-war period (1985 – 1992) In view of the domination of ethno-national forces over civil initiatives in BiH history coupled with the absence of a clearly defined civil space in the socialist political and societal context, civil activities in the 1980’s, prior to the war, are often forgotten. We thus find opinions that inklings of civil society appeared only during the war. 49 This approach ignores the continuity of activities of authentic civil forces whose roots go back to 1970’s. There have been numerous analyses of the dissolution of former Yugoslavia, as well as of the role of civil society in the events of the 1980’s and 1990’s. 50 According to Veljak, underdevelopment of civil society cannot be seen as the cause of dissolution of the country; one should consider the role of civil initiatives in the then historical and political context, in light of the specific features of socialist, political, cultural and historical development of Yugoslavia. 51 Primarily, this means that civil initiatives did exist in the pre-war period – the question pertains to their overall efficiency,(in) ability to oppose successfully the liberal concept of a political community to the diverging models and practices of ethno-nationalist forces. Still, the existence and continuity of such initiatives must not be ignored, especially in light of the subsequent development of civil society in the republics of former Yugoslavia, including BiH. 49 For example, the OSF BiH report for 2004 does not mention the pre-war action by authentic civil initiatives:"BiH has a fairly"limited" history of the"third estate." As it is known, prior to the war(1992-1995) there was a host of social organisations whose activities were mainly focused on culture and sports. After the war we see numerous newly established NGO's, particularly in those parts of the country where international community representatives are located:" Civil Society, OSF BiH report on civil society in BiH for 2004, Sarajevo 2004, p. 1; 50 An interesting view of the controversy typical for the Yugoslav crisis is proposed by Sekelj: 1) the relationship between state and nation: preference of a nation-state as a form of modern political community 2) relationship between federalism and centralism, i.e. absence of democracy 3) social integration, i.e. absence of integration of the Yugoslav society 4) crisis of modernisation 5) relationship between the individual and the collective, failure of the individual and the creation of a new(ethno) authoritarian system after the collapse of the party state. For details, see Sekelj Laszlo;"Uzroci raspada Jugoslavije," Institut za filozofiju i dru{tvenu teoriju, Beograd, 2003, p. 6; 51 See Veljak's comment in Veljak, Lino:"Civilno dru{tvo, raspad Jugoslavije i budu}nost Jugoisto~ne Europe," Zagreb 1997, p. 6,7; 82

Parallel to the growing crisis of reforms in former Yugoslavia, activities of the international community as well as the local democratic forces in the late 1980’s were focused on attempts to prevent war. The then Yugoslav public reacted to events taking place. In the early 1990’s, numerous civil peace initiatives were launched across Yugoslavia. A worthy example is the campaign of the Association for Yugoslav Initiative (UJDI), established in early 1989 in Zagreb( the first autonomous political organisation in the territory of former Yugoslavia). By its nature, UJDI was not a political party, but rather a civic initiative aimed at creating procedural preconditions for a peaceful solution to the political crisis in the country and establishment of a liberal-democratic order. The initial membership of UJDI took part in the establishment and subsequent activities of civil society institutions in the newly formed States. One could thus speak of a single root of the NGO civil sector in former Yugoslavia, as UJDI was an all-Yugoslav organisation with branches in all the Republics and Provinces. On the other hand, the UJDI membership confirms continuity of action of critical forces and forces of liberalcivil orientation. On 3 June 1991, UJDI organised a press conference in sixteen different cities, under the motto“Stop fascism – power to the citizens.” A Pre-Parliament of Yugoslavia was held in Sarajevo, bringing together all the civil opposition parties, organisations and associations, promoting the establishment of peace-oriented coalitions, as opposed to the war-oriented ones. The Pre-Parliament organised a round table on the government and the opposition, which was in session from July 1991 to February 1992, also in Sarajevo(on the topic: How to prevent total war in BiH), trying to extend the circle of anti-war activists by signing a Peace Treaty. This part of Gajo Sekuli} refers to this deliberate omission of such events and initiatives in the post-war historiography and texts on civil society as neglected history, which was elucidated in his book Violence and the Individual 1991: Open Letters Against the War, where he presented these peace efforts as well as his own letters to different institutions and personalities in the then pre-war Yugoslavia. This author, just like other participants, tried to instigate dialogue among the new/old ethno-national elites, to move them towards institutional solutions to the Yugoslav crisis.“These letters demonstrate,” says Sekuli}, 83

“the existence of tens of thousands of actors who were against the war and active in favour of peace and democratic peace efforts in order to resolve very complex controversies and contradictions among the six elites of the republic, like six symbolic phantoms of destructive powers ( … ) . Wartime violence and crimes, have been and continue to be, presented falsely and ideologically, from the point of view of ethno-ideological hysteria as some kind of natural inevitability, which closed off any historical opportunity for a peaceful solution to the complex crisis of Yugoslav state and society. At the same time, it continues to be an insurmountable obstacle to the very first steps towards reconciliation in the region of what was once Yugoslavia.” 52 The Peace Treaty accepts the discontinuity of“the old regime” but also the“flaring conflicts,” and this Treaty would rest on“ ( … ) guaranteed human rights, transformation of property under the principles of modern economy, parliamentary democracy, and rational and just solutions for key hotspots of the conflict.” 53 The conflict between ethno-nationalist elites soon became an armed conflict, demonstrates that these initiatives were no match to the ethno-populist propaganda.“The only opportunity to prevent total war is in synchronisation of actions of marginal civil parties and groups, emerging peace and union organisations, as well as their links with peace efforts outside Yugoslavia,” said Neboj{a Popov, an UJDI activist. 54 A prominent civil initiative of the time was also the Centre for Anti-war Action(established in Belgrade in July 1991), the Belgrade Circle (1991), the Helsinki Committee(1991 in Belgrade and later in the entire former Yugoslav Republics), the Centre for Cultural Decontaminations, numerous women’s anti-war groups. Various mass peace demonstrations were organised, such as the Peace March to the Assembly(Beograd 1990), signing of the Save Dubrovnik petition(Zagreb 1991), the Belgrade anti-war marathon(1991), lighting candles to protest the war, etc. 52 Sekuli}, Bo`idar, Gajo:"Individuum i nasilje 199: Otvorena pisma protiv rata," Rabic, Sarajevo, 2006, p. 12; 53 Ibid, p. 318; 54 Popov, Neboj{a:"[ta radi UJDI u ratnim uslovima,""Republika," No. 29 of 1.10.1991, Beograd, p. 8; 84

Anti-war protests had a massive response and they became the clearest expression of anti-war sentiments of one part of the population in BiH. On 11 March 1992, 200,000 citizens of Sarajevo came to a rally before the BiH Assembly building. Similar anti-war rallies were held in several major towns and cities in BiH(Zenica, Mostar, Banja Luka, Travnik…). 55 Still, these civil initiatives failed to re-direct the developments. At the same time, just like in other parts of Yugoslavia, BiH saw a boom in national movements which were to later become national political parties. Parallel to the creation of national parties in BiH, there was also reassertion of national associations. Some of the first to become active were the traditional cultural societies: Prosveta, Napredak and Preporod, supporting national movements in the already segregated ethno-national“cultural and historical circles.” 56 Alongside these, some other, previously prohibited bodies also revived their work, and some new ones were established – of clearly ethno-patriotic nature, often somewhere between national, religious and political integration platforms(for example “Mladi muslimani,”“Muslimanski forum,”“Kolo srpskih sestara,” “Pokret hrvatske katoli~ke mlade`i” etc.) 57 55 According to data in: Popov, Neboj{a:"[ta radi UJDI u ratnim uslovima," op. cit, p. 8; Milardovi}, An|elko:"Spontanost i institucionalnost," Kairos, Beograd, 1989, p. 91; brochure: "Dezerteri rata u biv{oj Jugoslaviji," Women in Black, Beograd, 1994, p. 29; 56"Reconstruction of Napredak was part of the process of removal from the historical arena of the totalitarian communist system which interrupted its work. The renewal assembly was held in Sarajevo on 20 September 1990. A new statute was adopted, which defined it as: action in culture and education, economic empowerment and social advancement of the Croat people. For details see"Povijest HKD Napredak"(longer version), HKD Napredak, Sarajevo 2005, p. 41; Miljanovi}, Mirjana:" Prosvjeta was revived(in BiH, I.S.) in 1992, again in a new state. According to professor Miki}, the work of the new Prosvjeta should follow the footsteps of its intellectual predecessors from the turn of the century, although the spiritual dilemma of Serb intelligentsia today is somewhat different from that of those days." Patriot, Banja Luka 2002. In"100 godina Preporoda:""the same ideas that led the founders of Gajret(1903), Narodna uzdanica(1924.), KDM Preporod(1945 and the renewed one in 1990), contained in their focus thorough scientific research, collection and development of Bosniak culture, which remain the dominant guidelines of today's Preporod ," Preporod, Sarajevo 2003, p.5; 57 For example:"After serving their prison sentences and within the changes which were evident at the time in former SFRY and international, the Young Muslims group, strengthened by other Bosniak intellectuals, developed the idea of a new political party to represent interests of the Bosniaks. Thus, SDA was created. After that, Young Muslims revived the work of Merhamet, KZB Preporod, Trezvenost and other Bosniak associations which had been closed by the communist government after World War II. See: Mehmedovi}, Emir:"Kratak prikaz nastanka i historijskog razvitka MM,, Sarajevo, 28.08.2001,(at http://www.mm.co.ba/organizacija/historijat/art7.html), also: Trhulj Sead:"Mladi Muslimani," Globus, Zagreb 1992, p. 4, 85, 122, 126; 85

The pre-war civil activism did not result in the creation of a unique civil movement which could have opposed liberal democracy to the ever growing trend of ethno-politicization of social and political life. Typically, ethno-national as well as civil forces used the motto of“combating communism” and“advocating the European way.” Civil forces used it as a call for reforms and gradual democratic liberalisation and institutionalisation of the state and society; 58 ethno-nationalists used them to make their programmes acceptable internationally, particularly in Europe. 59 In light of the functions of these organisations and initiatives, it is clear that they used peace-oriented positions to participate in the events. The public of former Yugoslavia and of BiH, with no significant critical tradition to allow a more sophisticated approach to events, saw the victory of mythologized populism of the ethno-nationalists. Civil society, including the nascent NGO sector, had no time or political clout to oppose this or to develop their functions. Still, it must be noted that this period also saw strong resistance from authentic civil forces of peace, reform, critical and liberal orientation, those which are the core of the current civil structures in BiH. 7. Civil initiatives and organisations in the period of war and immediately after the war The war in BiH started with its declaration of independence, following a referendum which returned 65% of the vote in favour of State inde58 See, for example: Popov, Neboj{a:"Bilans jednog projekta slobode," Republika No. 179/180, Beograd, 1998:"Noting the depth of the crisis in the then Yugoslavia and seeking a democratic way out of it, a group of intellectuals from across the country founded in February 1989 an Association for Yugoslav Democratic Initiative(UJDI) [ …. ] Ideas and the aim of the project were lasting ones: legalisation(by laws and constitutions) of the three freedoms- of the media, political action and choice- to resolve in parliament, rather than in combat, disputes and conflicts arising from the social and state crisis." 59 See, for example, political programme of HDZ BiH, chapter on foreign policy:"HDZBiH advocates the entry of BiH into European and Euro-Atlantic political, economic, military and security integration processes, with protection of national and state interest. The priority of BIH is full membership in the EU, proven as the core of stable peace, freedom and high living standards. We understand Europe as a continent whose peoples are, despite all three national, political and economic differences, connected by a shared historical heritage, present and future. The unity of Europe should rest on the principles of respect for diversity, partnership and equality. We hold that security in Europe can only be achieved by joint efforts." 86

pendence. 60 Very soon, the territory and society of BiH were divided into three parts, controlled by the dominant ethno-national political forces, which tried to solidify their positions in the long term. 61 The pre-war structure of the society was destroyed almost entirely. Ethnic stratification of political and other forms of public life in conditions of war and with no important centre capable of producing a generally accepted civil position and action was almost 100% abolished. However, it was also during the war that structures began to develop, which were to grow into what we now call the NGO civil sector in BiH. Several avenues of development can be identified in this period: - authentic local base of society, associations, clubs and other organisations of the pre-war socialist period either disappeared or suspended their activities due to the war, - new authentic, local, multi-ethnic civil initiatives tried to oppose ethno-national divisions during the war, speaking from peaceoriented and liberal positions, - as a counter-balance to ethno-national associations, entities with national denomination appeared, with programmes and activities indicating acceptance of multi-culturalism of BiH society whilst trying to preserve its integrity(Serb Civic Council, Croat National Council...), - a considerable contingent of international, foreign civil NGOs arrived to the country, - new local NGOs were established as“daughter organisations” of foreign associations, 60 The independence referendum was held on 29 February and 1 March 1992 and 64 to 67% of the electorate voted, and almost 98% returned a vote in favour of independence. The war in BiH went on from 6 April 1992 to 14 September 1995. It ended with the official signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Paris on 14 December 1995. Results of the referendum showed a clear national division of the society as it included the vote of a vast majority of Bosniaks and Croats, whereas the Serb political elite urged Serbs to boycott it, a policy which was largely successful. See: Istra`iva~ko-dokumentacioni centar Sarajevo,"Dani" magazine, 23 December 2005,(preliminary and incomplete data!!!). 61 On 9 January 1992, an assembly comprising representatives of the Serb people adopted a declaration of the"Serb Republic of BiH." On 18 November 1991 the"Croat Community HercegBosna" was declared as a separate political, cultural, economic and territorial unit within BiH. On 28 August 1993"Croat Community Herceg-Bosna" declared itself as the"Croat Republic of Herceg-Bosna," whereas"the rest" of the country was still controlled by the authorities in Sarajevo. 87

- ethno-patriotic associations spread as a form of support to national political movements, - a number of religious organisations appeared in missions of humanitarian as well as religious and educational character. Division of the society and territory were according to ethnic criteria generated by the war. Additionally, the interruption of communications, absence of financing and other conditions of integration, led to termination of a number of associations which had been active across the country or their real activist arsenal was reduced to ethno-territorial or ethnosocial boundaries. For example, the previous republic-level professional associations(doctors, pedagogues, engineers...) were to become entity associations, as well as trade unions, sports or environmental associations, and many others. 62 There is no exact data on the number of such associations, 63 but it is well known that entity or ethnic denomination was attached to trade unions, sports alliances, clubs and other associations( Trade Union of Republika Srpska, Pensioners’ Association of Republika Srpska, etc.). Thus, civil society failed to assert itself as the key factor of liberalisation of both state and society, whose normative and practical inertia would have outlived the collapse of socialist state structures. The NGO sector itself was, as it turned out, overpowered by the logic of ethnic self-organisation. Still, even during the war, authentic local civil initiatives continued to promote a multiethnic, democratic and peaceful alternative to the war and partition. In addition to the above peace groups and initiatives from before the war( Women in Black, Women for Women, Centre for Anti-war Action...), after the initial shock of the war, BiH saw the consolidation of certain groups of civil and multi-ethnic nature. Examples include Tuzla Civic Forum and Independent Intellectuals’ Association“Circle 99” in Sarajevo. 62 For details, see: Qualitative study 3: Employment, provision of social services and the NGO sector- status and perspectives for BiH, analyses and policy implications, Document 1: Introduction and a short summary of recommendations, DFID, IBHI, Sarajevo, April 2005, p. 22; also see: Sejfija, Ismet in"Von dem Zivilsektor zu der Zivilgesellschaft" in"Medien und Interkulturelle Kommunikation," SOEMZ, Frankfurt/Sofia, 2005, p. 68/69; 63 There is an illustrative example in Tuzla, where only 44 organisations remained out of the wartime number of 800, in: Agi}, Novka:"Specifi~nosti sektora NVO i njihova uloga u tranziciji sistema" in"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini," working document, IBHI, Sarajevo, October 1998, p. 24; 88

The Dixi publication states that the Tuzla Civic Forum was established on 28 February 1993“ ( … ) as a response to growing nationalism and its surroundings as well as the need and determination to preserve BiH as an integral, independent and decentralised sovereign state, organised as a parliamentary democracy, within its historical and geo-political internationally recognised borders, and that no part of its territory is to be considered a separate national territory of any of its peoples.” The Forum focused its wartime activities on similar initiatives in the country and abroad. On 9 March 1993, it sent a“call to all the progressive forces in Serbia and Montenegro to stop the war.” It also made public statements about problems related to nationalism in BiH:“a proposal was sent to the public prosecutor requesting a case to be brought against the Zmaj od Bosne magazine, for instigating national and religious hatred (17 November 1993) ( ... ) there was a reaction against the removal of the State flag at the regional HDZ board meeting(5 June 1994); against ideological and political instrumentalisation of the BiH Army(7 February 1994); and protests were made against Hang the Serbs graffiti which appeared at the Kapija just a few days after the youth massacre at the same location. These kind of public statements by the Tuzla Civic Forum in the then political environment were true expressions of civil protest.” 64 The Independent Intellectuals’ Association“Circle 99” was established in 1992, as a non-partisan, non-governmental civic association. Its key principles and activities were set by its founding documents, based on its efforts“ ( … ) to preserve BiH as an integral, independent and decentralised sovereign state, organised as a parliamentary democracy, within its historical and geo-political internationally recognised borders. Thus the organised, democratic, civil and highly decentralised state should include the idea of a free and open civil society of equal individual citizens, irrespective of their particular sexual, social, political, religious, national or cultural identities, preserved through concrete and complete constitutional and legal guarantee of all the fundamental human rights and freedoms. The position of the founders of Circle 99 was that this was the only basis to renew the multi-national, multi-religious 64 Dixi brochure, Tuzla Civic Forum, Tuzla 1996, p. 3; 89

and multi-cultural fabric of BiH demonstrated through its long tradition and wealth of cohabitation in tolerance and respect for diversity and particularity of each ethnic group living in its territory. This was also the only way to conquer nationalism and mistrust and additionally, preventing an ethnically based partition of BiH.” 65 Since April 1995, the Circle has been publishing a magazine entitled“ Revija slobodne misli.” During the war, the Circle organised a considerable number of sessions, round tables, debates, etc., with participation by distinguished scientists, politicians, artists and other public figures, thus confirming importance and expressing support to the aims of the association. 66 Together with the Tuzla Civic Forum, Circle 99 organised and implemented the Citizens’ Alternative Parliament. Its founding assembly on 31 August 1996, emphasized that it was a movement of the civic initiative in BiH: an association of individual citizens, non-governmental and non-partisan associations and civil stakeholders in BiH, as an expression of the need to coordinate and harmonise activities and initiatives aimed at establishing institutions of parliamentary democracy and civil society. The Parliament was joined by other civil organisations in BiH: Civic Forum Banja Luka(registered at the Banja Luka Court on 29 July 1996); Democratic Circle Biha}; Helsinki Human Rights Committee in Republika Srpska( founded in Bijeljina on 10 May 1996); the Zenica Association( founded in Zenica on 27 December 1992); Centro for Civic Cooperation(CGS – established in early 1996 in Livno); Tuzla Women’s Association; Independent Civic Group from Mostar(an informal group with specific activities established in 1995); Helsinki Human Rights Committee in BiH( established on 11 February 1995); Breza Intellectuals’ Forum(established in early 1993); Association of Persons in Mixed Marriages from Zenica; Zavidovici and Kakanj(established on 20 September 1993); and the Helsinki Citizen’s Assembly(hCa) in Tuzla(as of 8 April 1995). 67 In conditions of almost total destruction of public life in BiH, coupled with constant pressure from ethno-national propaganda, these and similar institutions(and their wartime activities) were unable to 65 See the Statute and programme documents of the Circle 99; 66 Dixi brochure, Tuzla Civic Forum, Tuzla 1996, p. 40; 67 See the brochure"Nevladin sektor u Tuzli- stanje 1999." Agencija lokalne demokratije Tuzla, 1999, p. 12-13; 90

effect any real changes, but still managed to preserve the continuity of pre-war civil initiatives, setting the foundations for the development of an authentic non-governmental civil sector in BiH. It is interesting that the founders of the Circle 99 also include a number of founders and activists of UJDI, indicating that the idea of a civil society as a novelty in former Yugoslavia was not understood as a true alternative to ethnonationalism. Its development during the war can be linked to civic intellectual elites, reduced to a small social and public space by the reality of wartime events. The spectrum of different associations includes those with national denomination, but with a clear distance from exclusivist ethno-nationalism while maintaining civil legitimacy. Examples include the Serb Civic Council(SGV) and the Croat National Council(HNV). SGV was preceded by the Civic Forum of Bosnian Serbs in Sarajevo, whose public statement made on 27 June 1992 demanded an end to the war, negotiations and dialogue as a way to peace in BiH. 68 The Serb Consultation Council was then established(9 April 1993 in Sarajevo) with similar demands for peace and revival of parliamentary democracy. 69 On 27 March 1994, the first Assembly of citizens of Serb ethnicity(428 delegates from the country and abroad) established the Serb Civic Council. Its aims were clearly defined: a lasting and just peace in BiH, preservation of integral and internationally recognised borders of BiH; revival of parliamentary life and new elections; bringing war criminals to justice and the return of refugees. 70 The Croat National Council was established at the Croat Assembly held in Sarajevo on 6 February 1994, as its executive body. The Assembly presented its determination in favour of an integral BiH as a state of all its peoples. 71 Similar positions were to be adopted by VKBI – Council of the Congress of Bosniak Intellectuals(22 December 1992, Wartime Congress of Bosniak Intellectuals included some 800 68 This statement said:"Free Sarajevo, free, integral and sovereign Republic of BiH, with guaranteed civic freedoms and national equality of Muslims, Serbs, Croats and other peoples in BiH." Group of authors:"Deset godina SGV-pokreta za ravnopravnost u BiH," Fra Luka Marke{i}: "Knjiga zejedni~kog dogovora ili odgovora," SGV, Sarajevo 2004, p. 335; 69 Ibid, p. 335; 70 Ibid, p. 7; 71 See: Marke{i}/fra Luka:"Kako smo sa~uvali Bosnu i Hercegovinu," HNV, Sarajevo, 2004; p. 8, 23; 91

participants). These associations appealed for the observance of the multi-cultural structure of the society in BiH as expressed in the organisation through the category of constituent peoples. In addition to their clear focus on peace and democracy, an important message sent by these associations is the confirmation of the possibility of an inter-ethnic consensus and acceptance of basic features and values of BiH society as a unity of diversity which presents no hindrance to its democratic order. Authentic organisations and initiatives presented in these examples are characterised by legitimacy derived from the local civil base which initiated their creation and gave them the necessary dynamism. It was different to be the corrective of the authorities and to provoke reactions by the wider critical public to different events in conditions of war, however, activities by these organisations indicate clearly that these functions did survive even in that period. Collaboration with civil initiatives and groups in the region was an attempt to mobilise regional critical public to support an end to the war. Thanks to this continuity in peaceful action (secured primarily through engagement and contacts of individual peace activists, whose collaboration dates back to the days of UJDI work) these efforts led to a series of activities in this area of which the most prominent were: contacts and activities with the Belgrade-based Living in Sarajevo group, which also included anti-war parties( Civic Alliance of Serbia), groups( the Belgrade Circle, Women in Black, etc.) and trade unions. In addition to collection and despatch of humanitarian aid, the public was informed regularly about anti-war stances expressed at different debates and activities. In collaboration with UNPROFOR a visit to Sarajevo was organised in July 1994, and a visit to Belgrade in February 1995. Despite the restrictions generated by the war, these regional initiatives illustrate the strength of civil forces in the region, and run contrary to the commonly accepted image of total ethnification of the political arena. 72 The onset of the war in early 1992 also meant the arrival of numerous international organisations. Those were international humanitarian and other non-governmental organisations which provided different forms of 72 Rosandic, Ru`ica/ Milenkovic, Nata{a/ Kova~evic, Mirjana:"Te`i put; Mirovne akcije na tlu biv{e Jugoslavije," Centar za antiratnu akciju, Beograd 2005, p. 24; 92

aid to the population, varying from humanitarian, to protection of human rights, property, etc. The arrival of international NGO’s was preceded by the arrival of international organisations within the UN system: UNHCR, UNDP and UNICEF, and a host of other international institutions, media outlets and troops. They were followed by bilateral agencies such as USAID and SIDA. 73 Open Society Fund opened its office in the summer of 1992, which was the first office registered also as a local foundation. Among the first to appear in BiH were: CARE International(August 1992 in Sarajevo, Tuzla, Banja Luka, Mostar and Zenica), OXFAM and IRC, mainly providing humanitarian aid and health and social care. 74 Of the 123 countries which recognised BiH, 34 of them collaborated with BiH through their humanitarian NGO’s. Germany had the largest number of organisations(54), followed by USA(47), United Kingdom(41), Italy(26) and France(24). These NGO’s took almost all the humanitarian work upon themselves and became an important factor in mitigating the consequences of a very difficult situation. 75 The arrival of international NGO’s initiated the establishment of local initiatives as early as 1993. Unlike the authentic basic organisations inherited from the socialist period and civil organisations established earlier, these new organizations had certain specific features: - they were established out of the necessity to maintain continuity of work of foreign organisations which used them as local partners, 76 - they were established with an incentive from abroad and their legitimacy is not derived directly from the local civic base, but rather receives confirmation“from above,” questioning the purpose of its 73 Sali-Terzi}, Sevima: Civil Society, in International Support Policies in Countries of Southeast Europe: Lessons(Not)Learned in BiH ," Sarajevo, Müller, 2001, p. 177; 74 Group of authors: IBHI, Sarajevo, 1998, p. 4; 75 See: Qualitative Study 3, op. cit., p. 6. Although there is no exact data, it seems that the term NGO entered the general vocabulary with the arrival of foreign subjects, as earlier sources used it very rarely(NB. I.S.); 76 Document 3:"NGO telephone survey," FOS, BHAS and RSIS, 2005, p. 7; There are numerous examples of organisations established under conditions of war. For example, in the Tuzla Canton, there were: IPAK- Mladost gradi budu}nost(as the"daughter" of the German"IPAK Zukunft fuer Bosniens Jugend"), Amica Tuzla, Prijateljice, Vive`ene, Koraci nade and some 20 other organisations. See:"Nevladin sektor u Tuzli- stanje 1999," Agencija lokalne demokratije Tuzla, 1999, p. 19; also see: Group of authors:"Godine podr{ke 1994.-2004." Bosanska rije~, Tuzla, 2004, p. 8-11; 93

existence through project mechanisms based on participation and beneficiary response 77 to the activities offered. It is interesting to note the data provided by Entity statistics bureaus and the statistics bureau of the Br~ko District, when compared to the largest number of local organisations registered in BiH during the war, the number of local NGO’s registered in the period 2001-2004 amounted to 40%, whereas most of the international NGO’s- 43%, were first registered in the period 1996-2000. 78 Essentially, it is incorrect to say that the NGO sector developed solely as a consequence of the war and, in fact even during the war. However, the way they were established and the situation they worked in determined the functions of foreign organisations, as well as those which were the result of foreign initiatives during the war. Humanitarian and charitable work, as these sources indicate, was conditioned by the war and their efforts to provide basic aid to the population. The mediation function between civil society in European and global terms and the authentic local civil initiatives was suppressed during the war, however was of great importance for the subsequent development of the civil sector in BiH. The links between newly established organisations and those who were visiting became the channels of initial interaction between local and international civil spheres. Even if these links were manifested through humanitarian work during the war, they were transformed into something else after it, determining the profile and function of the non-governmental civil sector in BiH. These organisations also developed a service-substitution role during the war. In areas such as social care, they assumed functions of the state, working with vulnerable categories of people endangered by war and their social circumstances(such as women, victims of violence, children and youth...). Acting as substitutes for state-provided social functions, they created their own field of service provision, which begame evident after the war as a functional determination of civil sector development. 79 77 With the establishment of new organisations, some notions acquire new meaning: project- a series of activities under a set plan of project flow: idea- project design- implementation- evaluation; beneficiary- persons or others(associations, groups…) that the project was designed for, who take part in its implementation; 78 NGO Telephone Survey, FOS, BHAS and RSIS, 2005, p. 8; 79 See: Latinovi},\or|e:"Nevladin sektor i lokalna samouprava" in"Lokalna samouprava je va{e pravo," Kulturni centar Tuzla-Bologna, Tuzla 2001, p. 55; 94

In this period, traditional national cultural societies( Preporod, Napredak, Prosvjeta, La Benevolencija), continued their work, along with the newly fomed organizations with ethno-patriotic elements. It is certain that national societies gave an enormous contribution in terms of collecting and distributing humanitarian aid, but they also developed more as national cultural institutions, bringing together intellectuals and professionals in the field of culture and on a single-ethnicity basis. 80 8. Post-war development of the NGO sector in BiH – the phenomenon of“booming NGO sector”(1995-2007) Following the establishment of peace in BiH, the number of NGO’s rose quickly. This phenomenon of boom of the NGO sector is no novelty in societies in transition, as illustrated by examples of Hungary(some 55,000 NGO’s), Croatia(27,000), Serbia and Montenegro(22,000), Albania(4,500). 81 Table 1 shows the increase in the number of registered civic associations in BiH in different periods. 82 80 Data in the brochure"Nevladin sektor u Tuzli- stanje 1999," Agencija lokalne demokratije Tuzla, 1999, p. 65/66, speak of"tonnes of humanitarian aid transported and distributed via Merhamet and Napredak." Their role in profiling national movements in BiH was the basis of their programme orientation, according to Had`ibegovi}/Kamberovi}:"The importance of these societies is in that the most important ones became the matrix of national movements in BiH. That is the special feature of national integration processes in this region." See Had`ibegovi}, Ilijas/Kamberovi}, Husnija:"Organizacije civilnog dru{tva u BiH- porijeklo i kontekst," op. cit., p. 60; 81 For example, the number of associations in Croatia grew from 12,000 in 1990 to some 27,000 in 2005. According to: Be`ovan, Gojko/Zrin{~ak, Sini{a/ Vugec, Marina:"Civilno dru{tvo u Hrvatskoj u procesu stjecanja povjerenja i izgradnje partnerstva s dr`avom i drugim dionicima," CARANEO- Centar za razvoj neprofiitnih organizacija, CIVICUS- Svjetski savez za gra|ansku participaciju, Zagreb, May2005, p. 7; 82 Qualitative Study 3, op. cit., p. 3; 95

Table 1: Percentage of registered civil organisations in different periods in BiH, from 1892 to 2004 83 The table clearly shows that most of the associations in BiH were registered in the period between 1995 and 2000(38%), whereas the period from 2000 to 2005 showed a decline(36%). If we apply this percentage to the total number of registered NGO’s in BiH – 9,095, we see that some 3,000 associations were registered from 1892 until the end of the war, and the remaining 6,000 after the war. The reason for such a sharp rise between 1995 and 2000 could be interpreted in the following way: - extremely high social needs of the population which the state was unable to resolve in the post-war period, - the need of foreign non-governmental organisations and initiatives to have partners in BiH, - strategic orientation of the international community to strengthen civil society institutions in BiH, - greater number of countries and international organisations focusing their aid on BiH, - expansion of civil initiatives outside the field of humanitarian work into democratisation, different social services, political participation, etc. 84 83 Partly taken from the NGO Telephone Survey, DFID, IBHI, Sarajevo, April 2005, p. 8; 84 On the causes for the sudden increase, there is an interesting opinion in Qualitative Study 3, op. cit., p. 7, cit:"As it is difficult and slow for governments to obtain information, a group of citizens acting in an NGO can provide them much more quickly. Also, a government with limited capacities cannot respond to new needs. This situation is particularly relevant for BiH in the post96

Part of foreign and local bodies continued with humanitarian work even after the war, helping vulnerable groups. Research available from both entities 85 indicates that during the stage of quantitative expansion(1995–2000), the causes for creation of new organisations were connected to, “The need of international organisations to have local NGO partners in order to implement projects. Very few NGO’s were created as the result of individual or group efforts to respond to specific needs in local communities or in the society in general. As most of the projects by foreign NGO’s and initiatives focused at the time on reconstruction and humanitarian aid delivery, local NGO’s focused on the same thing. It is quite possible to note considerable influence of foreign donors/ organisations on the process of creation of NGO’s, as well as their main objectives in this period.” 86 A threefold democratic pattern(the concept of governments and international institutions supporting transformation processes in BiH and focusing on free elections, stable state institutions and civil society) in post-war BiH is partly realised through financial support of the development and work of NGO’s. There is no data on the number of foreign sponsors who supported civil society activities in the post-war period, nor on the amounts of money involved. Research organised in the Tuzla Canton in 1998, with a sample of 100 associations, states that 88 of them were fully dependent on foreign sponsor funds. All the organisations were registered during or after the war. 87 Most frequently cited sponsors include: the European Union – Humanitarian Affairs Office; UNHCR; UNDP; GTZ; USAID; embassies of Germany, Holland, Canada, Finland, Austria, Italy, Switzerland and USA. There were 48 foreign nongovernmental organisations from western European countries(27 from war period. A telephone survey shows that 74% of the NGO's were established after 1995. This huge percentage can be the result of a series of factors, including:(a) a tolerant attitude towards NGO's in the post-socialism period;(b) destruction of institutions during the conflict and an attempt to rebuild them; and(c) a response to new needs generated by the war." 85 Document 6: Opinions by practitioners in RS, Qualitative Study 3, op. cit., p. 2.; Document 7: Opinions by practitioners in FBiH, ibid., p. 4; 86 Qualitative study 3, Document 6 and Document 7, op. cit., pp. 2,3; pp. 4-7; 87 Sejfija, Ismet/ Pellicciari, Igor:"Pravci razvoja nevladinog sektora u Tuzlanskom kantonu," IPAK-Zukunft für Bosniens Jugend, Kulturni centar Tuzla Bologna, Tuzla, June 1998, pp. 18-20; 97

Germany, 8 from Italy, 3 from France, 3 from Finland, 6 from Austria, 1 from Switzerland), and during 1997, 7 organisations from the US came in. Of the total number, 61 established links with sponsors during 1997 and 1998, and 28 stated that they were establishing contacts with other sponsors during the year. 88 93 of the 100 staff interviewed stated that the number of sponsors increased in the first three years after the war. Some data available from that period speaks about the volume of financial assistance. According to data supplied by USAID, until September 1998, different international NGO’s donated a total of 80 million dollars for implementation of different projects across BiH. In the territory of the Sarajevo Canton, in 1997 alone, NGO’s registered projects valued at some 35 million marks, which was equal to 8% of the total revenue of the cantonal budget. 89 The initial expansion of the NGO sector was accompanied by enhancement of technical capacities and different forms of training aimed at developing human resources. 90 New bodies created as local initiatives or instigated from abroad, focused on new areas of work. In addition to advocacy for stabilisation of peace, authentic civic associations such as the Citizens’ Alternative Parliament, Circle 99( etc.) developed a wide spectrum of activities in different areas: mobilisation of democratic public through different public debates, round tables and publishing, trying to maintain their role as the corrective of the government(more details are found in the section on functions of the NGO sector in BiH). In addition to foreign and local civil organisations, national cultural societies, Preporod, Napredak, Prosveta, also developed their activities in the post-war period. However, access to funds from foreign NGO’s and major international organisations(such as those in the UN and the EU systems) was not possible for organisations with ethnic or religious 88 Ibid, p. 21; 89 For details see: Group of authors:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke," IBHI, Sarajevo, 1998, p. 31; 90 Sejfija, Ismet/Pellicciari Igor:"Pravci razvoja nevladinog sektora u Tuzlanskom kantonu," IPAK-Zukunft für Bosniens Jugend, Kulturni centar Tuzla Bologna, Tuzla, June 1998, p. 22; The sample showed that until 1998, 55% of all organisations resolved the problem of premises, 48% had all the equipment, 55% sent their staff to attend different forms of training, mostly in social management, non-violent communications, psycho-social assistance and mediation. 98

orientation. 91 These associations relied on religious and ethno-patriotic associations of similar orientation abroad, support from their members and other sources. 92 This meant an even clearer definition of the NGO sector which presents itself as civil and multi-cultural(non-governmental civil sector) and the segment which follows the ethno-patriotic, mono-national organisational pattern(ethnic non-governmentalsector). Until 2000, development of the NGO sector proceeded with no strategy at State, Entity or lower levels of governance, with no regulations or scientific research. According to data available at the time, it can be concluded that by March 1998, there were 542 NGO’s registered in BiH – 378 in the Federation BiH and 164 in Republika Srpska, 93 whereas current estimates indicate a much higher number – some 1,500, with no registration at cantonal or any other level. 94 Laws of the time were inherited from the socialist period and competence for the area of freedom of association was left to Entity institutions. 95 After the war, fragmentation of social and state structures, ethnic division and opposing ethnic policies, 91 Document 6, Document 7, Qualitative Study 3, op. cit., p. 10; 92 Joint research by the Research Group of the IPAK- Zukunft für Bosniens Jugend NGO and the Swiss Association of Social Pedagogues(Zurzach) found that in Zurich and in the Jura canton, 107 associations of citizens from former Yugoslavia were registered during the period of war. They were typically mono-national and with"local-patriotic emotions and programmes"( Udru`enje Br~aka, Hrvatski klub, Berbir, Hrvatska pleter etc.). Although they were formally registered as humanitarian and cultural associations, during and after the war they provided financial and other assistance through similar associations in the country. They were also branch offices of religious communities as well as branches of traditional, national, cultural, and humanitarian associations. For example, Merhamet works across Europe, as do Caritas, Preporod and others. For details see: Group of authors:"Problemi socijalne integracije bosanskohercegova~ke dijaspore u [vicarskoj, razmjena dobrih praksi i mogu}nost saradnje izme|u bosanskohercegova~kih i{vicarskih institucija," IPAK, Tuzla/IPAK Zurzach; 1999, p. 11/12; 93 Ibid, p. 25; 94 This problem is illustrated by the following:"From 31 July 1997 to 9 September 2004, the relevant ministry of the Herzegovina-Neretva Canton registered around 700 civic associations. Of course, not all of them are still active, but the ministry does not have a fully updated data base that would reflect the actual situation, particularly because some NGO's do not report changes to the ministry, despite and obligation to do so." Kotlo, Rebeka: Brochure"Uloga nevladinih organizacija i izgradnji povjerenja i dobre vladavine u Mostaru," Open Society Fund BiH, Mostar, March 2005, p. 15; 95 Federation BiH applies the Law on Civic Association, adopted in 1995, and Republika Srpska applies the Law on Civic Associations adopted by the Socialist Republic of BiH in 1990 and carried over by the RS Assembly in 1992. This means that both laws are from the time of war, i.e. the time before the Constitution of BIH(the Dayton Constitution), and they fully(Republika Srpska) or to a large extent(Federation BiH) maintained provisions of the law applied in BiH in the previous system. Details in: Group of authors:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke," IBHI, Sarajevo, 1998, p. 5; 99

as well as constant presence and assistance by the international community were the key features of the historical, social and political milieu that saw a rapid rise in the number of NGO’s in BiH during 2000. Civil organisations developed as a channel of intervention by the international community, as it was believed that they had certain potentials in the field of democratic consolidation and institutional development of BiH, as well as in the field of liberalisation of state and social functions. The questions are: what potentials are these; what are the current functions of the civil sector; and what interventions are needed for these potentials to become real factors of positive progress in these processes? 9. Current structure of the NGO sector in BiH Taking into account the indicators available, the NGO sector in BiH is an important number of subjects, versatile in their nature, field and level of action, as well as in the significance and impact of their activities on the overall social context. Prior to analysing their functions, it is important to indicate certain quantitative capacities of the NGO sector in BiH. 9.1. Capacities of the NGO sector in BiH – quantitative indicators Statistics show that the number of registered NGO’s in BiH is 9,095, of which 4,629 are active. 96 (Table 2: Number of NGOs in BiH according to area of work). 96 Document 3: NGO Telephone Survey, DFID, IBHI, Sarajevo, April 2005, p. 6; 100

Table 2: Number of NGO’s in BiH by area of work 97 This classification includes political parties which should not be acceptable in relation to the definition of non-governmental organisations, as their basic purpose is – fighting for power. If we exclude political parties form the classification(a total of 761), the number of remaining organisations is still very high – some 8,000, of which 4,000 are active. The NGO sector in BiH employs in different forms(full time, and temporary employment) some 17,000 persons in 2,365 offices across BiH. 98 Research indicates that in addition to employees, the NGO sector 97 Partly taken from the same source, p. 3; 98 Document I, Qualitative Study 3, op. cit., p. 2; 101

also includes some 63,000 volunteers. This number makes up some 5.36 % of total economically active population, and according to international standards is quite high. 99 According to assessments, the annual revenue of the NGO sector amounts to an average of 552,709,876 KM(4.5% GDP) in the post-war period, which is quite favourable compared with the situation in other countries(Table 3: International comparison of NGO revenue share in the GDP). 100 Table 3: International comparison of NGO revenue share in the GDP Some of these indicate the significant financial and human capacities of the NGO sector in BiH. However, the quantitative aspects of the NGO 99 Ibid., p. 3:"Economically active population comprises persons of employable age who are either employed or are actively seeking employment. Segment 3 of the Living in BiH survey estimated that 34.5% of the total population older than 15 were economically active in 2003. Using population estimates for the group above 15 years of age, of a total of 3,413,690 inhabitants, economically active population was estimated at 1,177,723."The highest percentage noted by Salamon and Sokolowski was 8% in Sweden, whereas the average is 2.5%. Salamon and Anheier(1996) demonstrated in their sample of eight countries which could provide complete data that operations expenditure of the NGO sector amount to some 5% of the GDP. Similarly, Salamon, Sokolowski and Anheier indicate that the employment level in NGO's in 22 countries examined amounts to 4.8% of the total non-agriculture employment, from 12.6% in Holland to 0.4% in Mexico. Voluntary work is also a considerable part of the work force. In 24 countries examined, Salamon and Anheier(2001) found that the average was 2.5% of non-agriculture employment, from 8% in Holland to 0,2% in Mexico"- from the same source, p. 4; 100 Ibid., p. 5; 102

sector do not guarantee its functionality. Technical capacities, numerous and well equipped offices, employees, volunteers, etc., guarantee successful organisation of work, communications and general participation of the NGO sector in social processes, but it still says very little about the role and functions of NGO’s in the context of the overall social change. This highlights the need to define the NGO sector as a whole, in order to see how these capacities are used and which functions of the NGO sector are particularly interesting from the point of view of advancement of processes of democratic transformation of BiH. 9.2. Consolidation of the NGO structure – specialisation and networking(2000-2007) Following the period of sudden growth of the NGO sector, with numerous newly created subjects working autonomously and often in several different fields at the same time, some of these NGOs consolidated through specialisation of NGO institutions in a particular field and their more intensive networking on different grounds. The“Humanitarian” and“social protective” nature of these institutions characterised their work during, and immediately after the war. Post-war development demonstrated a trend of expansion to new areas of life and specialisation in specific fields. According to data for 1998, some 53% of all the organisations in the Tuzla Canton worked in at least two areas. However, current research indicates that some two thirds of them(61%) specialised or were trying to specialise in one specific area. 101 The trend of specialisation was accompanied by the trend of networking at different levels – local, entity, regional, state and international, as well as by areas of work. The first networks were established in mid-1990’s, and according to data available for 2002, some 67% of the total registered NGO’s were members of some 80 existing networks. These networks came together at state level, through the NGO conference organised in June 2001, when the“Work and Succeed Together” NGO Coalition was established. In view of the number of members(307) and the 101 Group of authors:"Procjena gra|anskog dru{tva u Tuzlanskom kantonu," IPAK, Tuzla, 2004, p. 29; 103

fact that they were from across BiH, the Coalition managed to sign a Memorandum of Understanding between the Council of Ministers of BH and the NGO sector in BiH, thus establishing a possibility for dialogue with the government at the highest level. Some specific forms of networking are the so-called umbrella organisations, citizens’ assemblies, conferences etc., established in order to deal with one or more specific aims. These forms of activist networking usually last until a particular goal has been reached. Examples have already been cited – Citizens’ Alternative Parliament, and the Mt. Igman Initiative also works as an umbrella organisation, whose members include distinguished peace activists from Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, BiH, NGO representatives(some 140 NGO’s from the region) and governments, working mainly through joint conferences and other sessions or expert groups. 102 Targeted NGO coalitions/movements are characterised by common policy or other programme platforms, which serve as an integration and activity basis of these networks. GROZD – Gra|ansko organiziranje za demokratiju [ Civic organisation for democracy ] is an example of an NGO coalition established for the purpose of pressuring political parties with the aim of taking into account citizens’ economic and social requests, expressed in the common Citizens’ 2006 Election Platform, i.e. to accored with the work of the government. Such coalitions are trying to win mass support for their aims, but they have no clear organisational structure, and participants – either individual citizens or other civil society institutions – maintain their status as they come together for a common platform(in the case of GROZD it is the Citizens’ 2006 Election Platform). The situation is different with coalitions established on ethno-national basis, which publically support the aims of ethnonational elites. One example is SPONA – Srpski pokret nevladinih asocijacija [ Serb NGO associations’ movement ] , a coalition of 6 non-governmental associations ( RS Veterans’ Association, RS Detainees’ Association, RS Refugees’ Association, RS Pensioners’ Association, RS Association of families of combatants and civilians killed in the war, and the RS Students’ Union) 102 Ibid., p. 23-36; 104

which launched in May 2006 an initiative to call a referendum for secession of RS from BiH. Namely, the main purpose of these organisations (protection of specific vulnerable categories such as pensioners, students, former detainees …) was pushed aside in the interest of achieving a common goal which has nothing to do with their original purpose. In that context, their original and interest-based character is replaced by “ethno-character” in the service of ethnic policies defined by leading ethno-political circles. It is certainly worth noting that a number of civil initiatives joined around one or more common goals, bringing together individual citizens or groups and acting in different forms, from protests, strikes and other forms of civic disobedience(road blocks by dissatisfied workers, farmers, etc., different petitions and referenda...). There are frequent examples of this in BiH press and other media. Specialisation and networking processes indicate a certain organisational and functional consolidation of the NGO sector. It is apparent that internal horizontal division by field of work exists, and there is now a level where groups or individual subjects strive to attain their goals, from local to state, regional or international. In that sense, one could speak of a certain growing potential to bridge the social capital in the NGO sector. This area demonstrates the dual nature of the NGO sector in BiH, as its principal qualitative feature. 9.3. Dual nature and dichotomous structure of the NGO sector in BiH Historical development of the NGO sector in BiH progressed in two directions which determined its structure and values, norms and relationships between individual subjects, indicating the nature of the social capital it possesses. One direction is the development of institutions of multi-ethnic and civil character. Such subjects see the citizen and his/ her individual needs and interests as the key basis for integration, organisation and action and their principal motivation, and are the foundation of the authentic, civil NGO sector in BiH(member organisations of the Citizens’ Alternative Parliament, Circle 99, youth forums at municipalities, stu105

dents’ associations, environmental organisations, civic initiatives, consumer organisations...). Paul Stubbs defines this group as“ ( … ) civil political NGO’s expressing forms and alternative policies which do not have a voice in the formal political sphere. Some of these organisations include members who hold senior office and who were active in civil initiatives during the 1980’s, but they were all created as a response to challenge the hypotheses used by leading nationalist parties during and after the war, particularly to challenge the supposed domination of ethnonational principles as guaranteed by the Dayton Constitution.” 103 This group of authentic civil organisations also includes numerous basic organisations created in the socialist period( professional associations, hobby-based, cultural, sports and other similar organisations established on the basis of interests and needs of individual citizens with no ethno-national denominators). During the war, the NGO sector was in contact with foreign civil subjects, and after the war these contacts intensified and with considerable support“from the outside,” resulting in a sudden increase in the number of NGO’s in BiH, primarily those with civil and multi-ethnic orientation. Particularly indicative are the general criteria for allocation of funds, and the conditions that applicants must meet in order to receive funds from foreign sponsors( non-profit, nonpartisan, multi-ethnic and totally equitable when selecting participants of different ethnic or religious affiliation – acceptance of a multi-cultural identity, individual voluntariness of participation, publicity and transparency of work). As there was considerable dependence on foreign funds, these criteria impacted the profile of individual organisations and the NGO sector as a whole, at least in the part formally presented as multi-ethnic and civil. This is formally confirmed by analyses of statutes and programme documents of NGO’s which present definitions 100% identical to these criteria. Thus, they define themselves as“non-profit, non-partisan or supra-partisan, supra-national associations bringing together citizens irrespective of national affiliation, religion, race or sex.” 104 Therefore, 103 Stubbs Paul:"Relationship Between International Organisations and Local NGO's," in: Group of authors:"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke," IBHI, op. cit., p. 24; 104 Group of authors,"Lokalni NVO sektor u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi, analize i preporuke," IBHI, op. cit., p. 18;. 106

foreign financial conditionality and the necessity to collaborate with foreign civic organisations influenced the newly established organisations, making sure that they maintain their civil image. This includes daughterorganisations of international ones, established during and after the war, as well as others established thanks to support from the outside(such as, for example, the Helsinki Assembly, Centre for Civil Initiatives, International Bureau for Humanitarian Issues, Centre for Promotion of Civil Society, Youth Information Agency, etc.). This list includes branches of international organisations( Red Cross/Crescent, Amica, Sida, Deza, Ipak, SHL- Schuler Helfen Lieben etc.). Finally, this list should also include independent trade unions, although the issue of unions as traditional workers’ organisations(due to their specific role and position in relation to the political sphere and the economic power) are a separate problem requiring special scientific treatment. The situation is similar with independent media, universities, etc. whose examination requires yet another methodology, or rather a communicative study approach and research into civil society in all its varieties. The other direction can be identified in relation to associations with ethnic or religious denomination. The overlap of religion and ethnicity in(self) determination of local national groups led to a situation whereby all or most of the members of these associations were also members of the same religious or ethnic group. Other than during socialism, they existed in BiH ever since the Berlin Congress and were in full swing between two world wars. 105 Just like associations from that period, the mission, motivation and aims of current ethnic associations are focused on its own national collective and are defined on the basis of needs and interests set within that framework. Political engagement of these organisations is often reduced to public support of ethno-national political elites. Citizens as integrative factors are pushed aside; their interests are valued through the prism of national collectives, so that these organisations deal almost exclusively with problems related to a single ethnic group, collaborating with others only as much as it suits their interests. For example, there is no data on any form of collaboration between ethnic organisations of former detainees, civilian casualties of war, refugees, etc. Although they would have reasons to collaborate on the issue 105 For details see: Dzaja, Sre}ko:"Politi~ka stvarnost jugoslovenstva," Mostar, 1999. 107

of human rights violations, these associations work in total isolation on ethnic or Entity basis. These organisations are the ethnic NGO sector in BiH. Stubbs denotes them as ethnic NGO’s which“ ( … ) maintain close links, either formal or ideological, with closed projects at the official political level. Also, most of these organisations were created during the war and represent interests of one of the groups in conflict.” 106 Examples of such subjects are: SPONA – Srpski pokret nevladinih organizacija [ Serb movement of independent organisations ] , which only includes organisations fully dependent on state budget in the RS( RS Veterans’ Association, RS Detainees’ Association, RS Refugees’ Association, RS Pensioners’ Association, RS Association of families of combatants and civilians killed in the war, and the RS Students’ Union, Basic organisation for protection of identity and Croat national interests in Capljina, Office for protection of identity of Croats in Stolac, etc.). We find examples of ethnic fragmentation in areas which are supposed to be universal in their essence, based on interests, needs and desires of citizens irrespective of their ethnic affiliation. We thus have ethnically oriented sports associations, such as Croat Chess Club Mate Boban, Croat Aviation Club Mostar, Croat Bowling Club Neum, etc., as well as business associations such as Association of Croat Private Manufacturers Prohum etc.(ICVA – NGO directory in BiH, Sarajevo 2004). Although these examples are not that numerous, they clearly indicate ethnic fragmentation of the NGO sector in BiH. Titles and programme documents often do not indicate that an association belongs to a particular ethnic contingent. A good example are some local refugee organisations and associations of victims of war which do not have an ethnic name but which are, depending on the refugees’ pre-war residence, almost totally homogeneous(such as Association of Mothers of Srebrenica and Zepa Enclaves brings together Bosniak women victims of war, Ostanak association brings together only Serb refugees who do not wish to return to their prewar residences). Moreover, as said above, mono-ethnic membership does not always confirm a closed ethnic nature of the association. According to Stubbs,“Not all the NGO’s whose membership is limited to a single ethnic group should be listed under this category – some cultural 106 Stubbs, Paul, op. cit., p. 25; 108

associations are important for providing a source of self-esteem of a national community.” 107 One should certainly note here the traditional, national, cultural, societies and associations of members of national minorities. Namely, traditional national cultural societies( Napredak, Preporod, Prosvjeta), and associations dealing with tradition and culture which are independent from political influences, can be understood as promoters of national cultural heritage,(i.e. subjects not focused exclusively on their inner cultural space, but rather acting in the field of inter-cultural communication and dialogue in the general societal context). They are, thus, subjects with ethnic denomination but with activities and programmes which indicate their acceptance of the concept of multi-culturalism and the necessity to build a civil society in BiH. These are both civil organisations with national orientation ( Serb Civic Council, Croat National Council, Council of the Congress of Bosniak Intellectuals, etc.), which act in the public arena autonomously, not allowing themselves to be subordinated to exclusivist ethno-national policies. This is confirmed by their good and continuing mutual collaboration, as well as collaboration with other civil organisations. In that, they are the true bridges of dialogue and collaboration between national groups in BiH and are the transitional forms from national towards civil institutions of civil society. They differ from ethnic organisations in their openness towards society in general, their readiness to cooperate with civil associations and those bringing together other national communities, and their interest in social problems of all the citizens, rather than just of those of a single ethnicity. Examples are years of joint activities(1997-2000) of the Serb Civic Council, Croat National Council, Council of the Congress of Bosniak Intellectuals and Circle 99(which is, as said earlier, a multi-ethnic organisation) on implementing an initiative to establish the constituent status of all the three groups in the entire territory of BiH( Group of authors:“Bosno i mi smo tvoj narod” [ Bosnia, we are your people too ] , Zbornik Srpskog gra|anskog vije}a, Tuzla 2003, p 6). These associations can be said to be transitional forms from ethnic towards civic associations, subsuming both forms in their work. 107 Stubbs, Paul, op. cit. p. 25; 109

These historical developments resulted in a dichotomous structure of the NGO sector(Table 4) which clearly indicates two principal contingents of institutions and subjects – the civil NGO sector and the ethnic NGO sector. This dichotomy is an important feature of the current NGO structure in BiH. Between the two there are transitional forms which, depending on their openness towards society, or restrictiveness toward their own ethno-national collective and its interests and needs, lean towards either side of this dichotomy. Of course, when classifying different subjects, one should certainly bear each individual case in mind, as well as the fact that individual organisations may move from one category to another. That is why a functional analysis is required for each individual case. THE NGO SECTOR IN BIH CIVIL NGO SECTOR TRANSITIONAL FORMS ETHNIC NGO SECTOR - authentic local civil organisations and initiatives - basic organisations created during socialism with no ethnic markings - foreign NGO's - local NGO's created as daughter organisations of international ones, or with their support - open organisations with national denomination - humanitarian organisations with religious or national denomination - organisations of national minorities - national cultural societies - restrictive organisations with ethno-national denomination Table 4: Dichotomous structure of the NGO sector in BiH It is difficult to speak accurately about qualitative relations within this structure. A simple count at the ICVA database on the NGO sector for 2002 shows that out of 1,593 associations, some 180 were ethnically oriented, but some 300 could be assumed to be similarly oriented(refugee associations, veterans’ associations, cultural and sports societies with names indicating one people) indicating a trend of faster growth of the civil sector in relation to ethnic NGO’s. This means that, at least in terms of quantity, for the first time in the history of BiH multi-ethnic civil 110

organisations are realistically superior in numbers, compared to those with religious or ethnic marking, excluding only the period of socialism. It should also be borne in mind that the effectiveness of these associations is not directly dependent on their number, but rather(far more) on the impact they achieve in the public and the results of their activities. This dichotomy indicates the relationship of the so-called bonding social capital with an excluding effect(building links between persons and other subjects on the grounds of same sex, age, ethnic affiliation, etc.) and a bridging social capital with an inclusive effect, building links between different social subjects. These avenues of historical directions of NGO institutions illustrates a pronounced continuity of organisations based on ethnic or religious affiliation of its members, whereas in the post-war period one can speak of a quantitative growth of associations which can be assumed to be closer to the concept of the bridging social capital. The bridging of social capital is typical for connections within the ethnic NGO sector. It is inclusive as the ethnicised system of values and norms which connects ethnic collectives, remains acceptable only to its members, which then, leads to restrictive institutions of the ethnic NGO sector, limited to their own framework. 111

10. Conclusion This analysis has shown that BiH has a century-old tradition of civil organisation. This heritage developed in two directions, as a group of subjects of ethnic denomination and a group of multi-ethnic subjects. Such historical predispositions led to the current state of dichotomous division in the NGO sector. However, it should not be disregarded that during the boom of the NGO sector after 2000, the quantitative aspect changed in favour of the non-ethnic NGOs, happening for the very first time in the history of civic organisation in BiH. This division is an important feature of the NGO sector in BiH, thus confirming the hypotheses presented at the beginning of this study. Functionally, as well as in the context of further development of the NGO sector and the BiH civil society as a whole, this division cannot be disregarded, particularly if one wishes to speak of specific functions of the NGO sector in the process of democratic development of BiH’s society. In light of the above presented capacities of the NGO sector in BiH and the experiences of developed democracies, intensive dialogue seems to be necessary both within the circle of civic associations and between political, civil and economic spheres. In that, this paper does not intend to give any final assessments, but rather to be the basis for further discussion. In light of such considerations, the focus of discussion should still be the question: in view of its“limited history” and“limited civil capacities,” can the contingent of civil associations in BiH become a truly relevant actor in democratic transformation? Certainly, further scientific research and theoretical elaboration are still necessary in this field. 112

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