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Aɪ°SC’G √ ÒãJ …òdG RôHC’G ∫ DhÉ°ùàdG π q ©d √ òg êÉàfEG øY ∫ hDƒ°ùŸG ƒg π gh ,QÉ«àdG Gòg äGQóbh Iƒb áLQO»g Éeh ,¿OQC’G π NGO QÉ«àd Gk OGóàeG A’Dƒg π ãÁ .?iôNCG π eGƒY ∂ dÉæg ¿q CG Ω CG äÉ«°üî°ûdG ‘ É¡JGP É«LƒdƒjójC’G π ªëj …òdG QÉ«àdG Qƒ°†M π« ∏ –h á°SGQO»Yóà°ùJ ∫ GDƒ°ùdG ≈∏ Y áHÉLE’G äGöûY øY ∞°ûµdG øY, ∞°üfh ó ≤ Y øe ÌcCG òæe ,Ék«ª°SQ ¿ÓYE’G ∞ bƒàj ⁄ PEG.ÊOQC’G» ∏ ëŸG ó¡°ûŸG á°SQɇ hCG ,¿OQC’G π NGO áë ∏°ùe äÉ« ∏ ª©H Ω É« ≤∏ d ≈©°ùJ»àdGh ,°ùØf ôµØdG ¤EG»ªàæJ»àdG áë ∏°ùŸG äÉYƒªéŸG ÉjÉ°†b â°qüZh .°ûaEGh «µØJ øY ø ∏ YCGo ôNB’G É¡°†©Hh ,í‚ É¡°†©H ,IQƒ¶ fi á«°SÉ«°Sh á«æeCG äÉWÉ°ûf .ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG √ òg á«Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y Úª¡àŸG äÉÄe Aɪ°SCÉH ¿ÉªY ᪰UÉ©dG‘ ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi OGôaC’ Oƒ©J ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi Ω ÉeCG á«æeC’G ÉjÉ°† ≤ dGh äÉYƒªéŸG Ö ∏ ZC’ áeÉ©dG ᨫ°üdG ¿q CÉH ∫ ƒ ≤ dG øµÁ øe äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ó ≤ Y ájGóH òæe ƒªæjh π µ°ûàj CGóH QÉ«J ƒgh ,¿OQC’G‘ zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ QÉ«J QÉ°üfCGh IÉ« ◊ G á ∏°UÉØe IQhö†H …OÉæjh ,á«Hô©dG äÉeƒµ ◊ G™«ªL ÒصJ ≈∏ Y Ω ƒ ≤ j Ék HÉ£N ≈ æÑàjh ,»°VÉŸG ¿ô ≤ dG í ∏°ùŸGh …öùdG 𠪩dÉH ¿ÉÁE’G ¤EG øcôjh ,á«fÉŸÈdG äÉHÉîàf’Gh á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ¢†aQ ¤EG óæà°ùjh ,á«°SÉ«°ùdG á«°SÉ«°ùdG áÑ© ∏ dÉH ø ∏©j …òdG ,»°SÉ«°ùdG Ω Ó°SEÓd ôNB’G QÉ«àdG Gòg π ãÁh.»°SÉ«°ùdG Ò«¨à ∏ d è¡æªc »eÓ°SE’G§°SƒdG ÜõM hCG(á°VQÉ©ŸG) Úª ∏°ùŸG ¿GƒNE’G áYɪL ∫ ÉM»g ɪc, Ω É©dG ÊóŸG 𠪩dG‘ ∑ QÉ°ûjh .(áeƒµ ◊ G øe Üô ≤ ŸG) 10 ¤EG:…Qƒ fi ∫ GDƒ°S ≈∏ Y áHÉLEÓd Ék«©°S ,QÉ«àdG Gòg øe ÜGÎbÓd Ék jƒ«M Ék©aGOh Ék©æ ≤ e Ék ÑÑ°S äÉ«£©ŸG √ òg π ã“ ? ∂°SɪàdG Ω CG ájDhôdG Ω CG IOÉ« ≤ dG iƒà°ùe ≈∏ Y AGƒ°S ,zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ QÉ«J ≈∏ Y …hÉbQõdG π à ≤ e ôKq CG ióe …CG ;(á ∏ eɵdG áHÉLE’G OÉ©HCG ¥É£æà°SG ≈∏ Y) IóYÉ°ùŸG á«YôØdG á ∏ Ä°SC’G øe áYƒª› ¤EG Éæ ∏«ëj …òdG ∫ GDƒ°ùdG ƒgh π gh? √ QÉ°ûàfG äÉMÉ°ùeh √ PƒØf áLQO øY ∞°ûµdGh ,ÊOQC’G™ªàéŸG‘, √ ƒ‰h QÉ«àdG Oƒ©°U ÜÉÑ°SCG»g Ée Éeh?á«fOQC’G á«æeC’G ádÉ ◊ G ≈∏ Y Ék«é«JGΰSG Gk ô£N π µ°ûj hCG?áæ°VÉM á«°SÉ«°Sh á«YɪàLG áÄ«H ≈∏ Y ôaGƒàj «dhCGh ≈∏ Y …hÉbQõdGh»°Só ≤ ŸG»àjDhQ ÚH ±ÓÿG äÉ«YGóJ»g Éeh?á ∏ Ñ ≤ ŸG π MGôŸG‘ »g ? Ω É©dG √ QÉ°ùeh :á«dÉàdG QhÉëŸG á°SGQódG ∫ hÉæàà°S áMhô£ŸG á ∏ Ä°SC’G ≈∏ Y áHÉLEÓd .á ≤ HÉ°ùdG äGƒæ°ùdG ∫ ÓN É¡H äôe»àdG ä’ƒëàdGh π MGôŸGh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG Qƒ£J Qƒ¡°ûdG ∫ ÓN øé°ùdG øe»°Só ≤ ŸG êhôNh …hÉbQõdG π à ≤ e ó©H á°UÉîH, Ω ƒ«dG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG™bGh .IÒNC’G .á«°SÉ«°ùdG ºµ–»àdG º«gÉØŸGh ,QÉ«àdG É«LƒdƒjójCG .áÄÑ©àdGh ó«æéàdG‘ , √ OGôaC’ á«YɪàL’G äɪ°ùdGh, √ QÉ°ûàfG øcÉeCG .QÉ«àdG √ ÉŒ ádhódG á«é«JGΰSG . π Ñ ≤ à°ùŸG ¥ÉaBG 11 :QÉ°ûàf’G áWQÉNh ƒªædG π MGôe z¿Éªq Y äGÒéØJ{ ¤EG z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ øe Ip ƒb øY ,á«fÉŸÈdG IÉ« ◊ G IOƒY Ö ≤ Y ∂ dPh ,1989 Ω ÉY äôL»àdG ¤hC’G á«HÉ«æu dG äÉHÉîàf’G èFÉàf âØ°ûc ,äGƒæ°ùdG ∂∏ J äó¡°T °ùØf âbƒdG‘h;É¡ª«¶æJ ø°ùMo h ÉgQÉ°ûàfGh ÉgPƒØf ióeh zÚª ∏°ùŸG ¿GƒNE’G{ áYɪL ‘ GƒcQÉ°T øjòdG Ú«q fOQC’G ¿É¨aC’G IOƒY ó©H π NGós dG‘ ájs OÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°sù ∏ d ¤hC’G äÉ°UÉgQE’G RhôH ,É¡« ∏ j Éeh øe ÌcCG IOƒY ºK ,øjöüàæªc Iƒs ≤ dGh ƒgõt dÉH Ghô©°T óbh ,(Ék ≤ HÉ°S)»à«aƒ°ùdG OÉ–’G ó°V Êq ɨaC’G OÉ¡÷G øe ¿Éc ,1991 Ω ÉY Üô ◊ G Ö ≤ Yh á«fÉãdG è« ∏ ÿG áeRCG AÉæKCG è« ∏ ÿG ∫ hOh âjƒµdG øe ÊOQCG øWGƒe ∞ dCG 300 .zájOÉ¡÷G á«s Ø ∏°ùdG{ á«s LƒdƒjójC’ÉH Gƒ©Ñs°ûJ OGôaCG º¡æ«H ó ≤ a ,1991 Ω ÉY á«fÉãdG è« ∏ ÿG ÜôëH â ∏ ãq“ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ°ùe‘ ¤hC’G á«îjQÉàdG ∫ ƒëàdG ᣠ≤ f ¤EG ÉgOóY π°Uh»àdGh ,áë ∏°ùŸGh ájöùdG á«eÓ°SE’G äɪ«¶æàdG‘ ¥ƒÑ°ùe ÒZ Gk QÉgORG äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ó ≤ Y ó¡°T . 5 ÚeƒµëŸGh Ú ∏≤ à©ŸG äÉÄeh ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG äGöûY øe ójó©dG‘ ∞ æ©dG äÉLƒeh äÉcôM Qƒ¡X™e âæeGõJ ,¿OQC’G‘, ∞ æ©dG áLƒe ¿q CG ô¶æ ∏ d âØ ∏ ŸG π©dh . 6 zá«fÉãdG ∞ æ©dG áLƒe{`H É¡Ø°Uh ¤EG Ú ∏∏ ëŸG ¢†©H π ªM …òdG ôeC’G ,iôNC’G á«eÓ°SE’Gh á«Hô©dG ∫ hódG á«eÓ°SEG äÉYɪL ∑ Éæg âfÉc ,äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ó ≤ Y‘ ,ÊOQC’G»°SÉ«°ùdG ó¡°ûŸG í£°S ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG RhôH π Ñb ,áYƒæàe á«eÓ°SEG Öàch ,á«Ø ∏°S QɵaCG ≈∏ Y óªà©J ,ájôµØdGh ᫪«¶æàdG ôWC’G áë°VGh ÒZ ,ábôØàe á«Ø ∏°S óª fi h ,᫪«J øHÉc ,»îjQÉàdG»Ø ∏°ùdG ôµØdG ïeGƒ°Th OGhQ Öàch ,…OhOƒŸG ≈∏ YC’G ƒHCGh Ö£b ó«°S äÉØdDƒªc .ºgÒZh ,ÊÉcƒ°ûdGh ,ÜÉgƒdG óÑY øH ¢VGÎY’Gh ,OƒLƒŸG»°SÉ«°ùdG Ω É¶ædG á ∏°UÉØe ≈∏ Y ºFÉ ≤ dG ‹ÉµjOGôdG™HÉ£dG ƒg äɪ«¶æàdG √ òg™ªéj ¿Éc Ée AÉæHCG øe ÉÑdÉZ …ô ≤ ØdG ÉgOƒªY ¿ƒµàj»àdGh ,ºµë ∏ d ¿OÉ¡ŸG Úª ∏°ùŸG ¿GƒNC’G áYɪ÷»°SÉ«°ùdG ∑ ƒ ∏°ùdG ≈∏ Y .ádóà©ŸG á«YɪàL’Gh á«°SÉ«°ùdG ∫ ƒ«ŸG äGP, ≈£°SƒdG á ≤ Ñ£dG IóY ô¡¶J äCGóH ɪc ,äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ó ≤ Y ájGóH™e QÉ°ûàf’ÉH ¢†aGôdG»LÉéàM’G»eÓ°SE’G ôµØdG òNCG QÉ«J øe äGOÉ«b ≈∏ Y ÒKCÉàdG-ájGóÑdG‘ – ájOƒ ≤ æ©dG äɪ«¶æàdG √ òg âdhÉM óbh ,ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi‘ ÉjÉ°†b ,É«côMh Éjôµa ÉghQRGƒD «d(Ö£b ó«°S QɵaCG»æÑJ øe º¡HÉ£N‘ ¿ƒHÎ ≤ j GƒfÉc) ¿GƒNC’G áYɪL‘ zQƒ ≤°üdG{ Ω ƒ¡Øªc á«Ø ∏°S á«°SÉ«°S º«gÉØe‘ Ω É©dG …ôµØdG ∑ GΰT’G øe ºZôdG ≈∏ Y ∂ dP â°†aQ äGOÉ« ≤ dG √ òg ¿CG’q EG . 7 AGÈdGh A’ƒdGh ᫪cÉ ◊ G 15 á«fOQC’G áMÉ°ùdG ≈∏ Y zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ ôµa π ªëj QÉ«àd ¢ù«°SCÉàdG øe …hÉbQõdGh»°Só ≤ ŸG øe π c øµ“ ¿OQC’G øe ó©H»ª« ∏ bE’Gh»ŸÉ©dG ó¡°ûŸG ¤EG QÉ«àdG Gòg …hÉbQõdG π≤ f ɪæ«H;äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG áÑ ≤ M ∫ ÓN Qƒq Wh ,»æeC’G ójó¡àdG á©«ÑW ∫ ƒq M …òdG ôeC’G ,¥Gô©dG ºK ¿Éà°SOôc ºK ,¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¤EG ,1999 Ω ÉY ôNGhBG …hÉbQõdG ÚH ádOÉÑàŸG ᫵«eÉæjódGh π YÉØàdG øe ádÉM ≥∏ Nh ,᫪«¶æàdG …OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ«àdG äGhOCG . π NGódG‘ QÉ«àdG QÉ°üfCGh ´ÉÑJCG ÚHh ,êQÉÿG‘ ÉgCÉ°ûfCG»àdG °T‘ ÖfÉLCGh ÜôYh Ú«fOQCG øe ©e øeh ôeC’G ,¥Gô©dG‘ IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ ´ôØd «bh …hÉbQõdG º‚ Oƒ©°U™e É¡JhQP ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG â ∏°Uh π ªY ô£NCG ¤EG á«FÉ¡ædG á ∏°qüëŸG‘ iOCGh ,ÊOQC’G øeC’G ≈∏ Y IÒÑch áë°VGhh á« ∏ L IQƒ°üH ¢ùµ©fG …òdG .(2005 ¿ÉªY ¥OÉæa äGÒéØJ»gh) øe IÒNC’G Oƒ ≤©dG ∫ ÓN ¿OQC’G ¢Vôq©àj …ÒéØJ ∫ ƒaCÉH âfPBGh ,¥Gô©dG‘ IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ™LGÎd»°ùµ©dG ó©dG ájGóH É¡æ«Y äGÒéØàdG ∂∏ J â ∏ µ°T π HÉ ≤ ŸG‘ IóYÉ ≤ dG ÚH á«eÉæàe áeRCG √ AGQh Ék Ø ∏ fl ,á«cÒeCG IQɨH 2006 Ω ÉY ∞°üàæe‘ ∏ à ≤ e ¤EG’k ƒ°Uh ,…hÉbQõdG º‚ .‹É ◊ G ¥Ó£dÉH °TCG ádÉMh ´GöU ¤EG Ék ≤ M’ äQƒ£J»æ°ùdG™ªàéŸGh á°ù«FôdG π MGôŸGh ,¿OQC’G‘ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG Qƒ£J QÉ°ùe ó°UôH Ω ƒ ≤ f ±ƒ°S á°SGQódG øe Aõ÷G Gòg‘ :‹ÉàdG ƒëædG ≈∏ Y ∂ dPh, Ω ƒ«dG áægGôdG É¡àdÉM ¤EG’k ƒ°Uh É¡H äôq e»àdG .OGóYE’Gh ¢ù«°SCÉàdG á ∏ Môe.. 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QÉ°ûàf’Gh øé°ùdG‘ º«¶æàdG á ∏ µ«g-2 .z π NGódG{‘»æeC’G•É°ûædGh zêQÉÿG{‘ IOÉ« ≤ dG-3 .¥Gô©dG IóYÉ ≤ d zá«fOQC’G äÉ«YGóàdG{..…hÉbQõdG º‚ Oƒ©°U-4 .…hÉbQõdG ó©H Ée..z¿OQC’G GƒjOÉ¡L{-5 16 -1..z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ á°üb OGóYE’Gh ¢ù«°SCÉàdG á ∏ Môe ,ø ∏©dG ¤EG zájOÉ¡÷G á« ≤∏°ùdG IƒYódG{ ≥∏ WCG …òdG ¢ù«FôdG ìÉàØŸG z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ º«¶æàH ±ôY Ée á«°†b Èà©J ‘ ó ≤ àaG ¿EGh ≈ àM ,óMƒe …ôµa QÉ«J ¤EG áµ ∏ ªŸG AÉëfCG ∞∏ à fl‘ ábôØàe IÒ¨°U äÉYƒª› øe QÉ«àdG Gòg π≤ fh .áÑjôb IÎa ¤EG IóMƒe á«MhQh ájôµa IOÉ«b ∑ Éæg PEG ,ácΰûe ᫪«¶æJ ôWCG ¤EG IÒãc ¿É«MCG øµd ,á«eÓ°SE’G QɵaC’G»æÑJ ƒëf …hÉbQõdG Ö©°üe ƒHCG ∫ ƒ– ÉeóæY ,1989 Ω ÉY™e äÉjGóÑdG âfÉc OÉ¡÷G‘ ácQÉ°ûª ∏ d ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¤EG ÜÉgòdG»æjóu dG Ω Gõàd’G øe Im õ«Lh Im Îa ó©H Qôs bh ,IOó°ûàŸG É¡JQƒ°üH ‘ Ω É ≤ ŸG ô ≤ à°SGh ,©eh °UCG øe Om óY á ≤ aôH QOÉZ óbh ,¿Éà°ùcÉH‘ QhÉ°û«H ≥ jôW øY ,ÊɨaC’G …òdG zQÉ°üfC’G â«H{ É¡«a óLƒjh ,¿É¨aC’Gh Üô©dG øjógÉéª ∏ d á«q Ø ∏ ÿG IóYÉ ≤ dG Èà©J»àdG ,OÉHBG ∫ ÓL áæjóe äÉ£q fi IQÉÑY»gh, Ω GõY ˆG óÑY™Ñàj …òdG zäÉeóÿG Öàµe{ ∂ dòch ,¿O’ øH áeÉYõH IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ™Ñàj . ∫ Éà ≤∏ d ÚYƒ£àŸG ∫ ÉÑ ≤ à°S’ ¤hCG ’EG ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¥öT â°SƒN á ≤£æe ¤EG Oó÷G Ú ∏ JÉ ≤ ŸG øe ôNBG Om óY™e …hÉbQõs dG ƒJ 1989 Ω ÉY™«HQ‘ ∑ QÉ°T …hÉbQõdG ¿s CG’EG ,°Uh π Ñb â¡àfG ób âfÉc â««aƒ°ùdG óq°V Üô ◊ G ¿s C’ Gôk ¶f ∫ Éà ≤ dG‘ ∑ QÉ°ûj ⁄ ‘h.1993 Ω ÉY ≈ àM á«Yƒ«°tû ∏ d á«dGƒŸG ÜGõMC’G ó°V á«q eÓ°SE’G ÜGõMC’G ÚH âeÉb»àdG ∑ QÉ©ŸG ¢†©H‘ …QÉ°üfC’G ó«dƒdG»HCG ≥ jôW øY ,QhÉ°û«H‘»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi»HCG ≈∏ Y Iôe ∫ u hC’ …hÉbQõdG ±ôs©J AÉæKC’G √ òg áeRCG AÉæKCG âjƒµdG QOÉZ ób»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿Éch ,É©k e 𠪩dGh ≥ «°ùæàq dG GAóHh, 8 IOÉàb»HCG øe Üôs ≤ ŸG»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG ,zº«gGôHEG á ∏ s ep{: ∫ ÓN øe « ≤ ah ôm ¶u æªc Újq OÉ¡÷G•É°ShCG‘ Éak hô©e ¿Éch ,QhÉ°û«H ¤EG è« ∏ ÿG .zájOƒ©°ùdG ádhós dG ôØc‘ á«s ∏ ÷G ∞°TGƒµdG{h IOÉàb ƒHCG ¿Éc á ∏ MôŸG √ òg‘h ,1989 ∫ ƒ ∏ jCG‘ QhÉ°û«H‘ Ω GõY ˆG óÑY ï«°ûdG ∫ É«àZG …hÉbQõs dG ó¡°T áæ°ùdG π gCG ácôM{ áYɪL π«µ°ûJ ≈∏ Y π ªY ¿CG ó©H ,1991 á«fÉãdG è« ∏ ÿG ÜôM Ö ≤ Y ¿OQC’G QOÉZ ób»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG .QhÉ°û«Ña Éjõ«dÉe ¤EG ÖgP ºK;ájq OÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°sùdG √ ÉŒÉH Qƒ ∏ ÑàJ á«q LƒdƒjójC’G «N äCGóH å«M záYɪ÷Gh 17 òæe) áYQÉ°ùàŸG çGóMC’G ¿CG’EG ,…hÉbQõdGh»°Só ≤ ŸGh IOÉàb ƒHCG ÚH Il ó«Wh ábÓY íeÓe è°ùæJ äCGóH Gòµgh ,á«fÉãdG è« ∏ ÿG ÜôM AÉ¡àfGh ,øjógÉéŸG π FÉ°üa ÚH á«q ∏ gC’G Üô ◊ G AóHh ,¿Éà°ùfɨaCG øe â««aƒ°ùdG ÜÉë°ùfG ƒHCG Qô ≤ a;áKÓãq dG A’Dƒg iód áØ ∏ à fl äm GQÉ«N π µt°ûJ ¤EG â©aO(QhÉ°û«H‘ Üô©dG ¿É¨aC’G á ≤ MÓe ¤EG’k ƒ°Uh áLƒŸG{‘ ácQÉ°ûŸG QÉàNG ó ≤ a …hÉbQõdG ÉeCG ,¿OQC’G ¤EG»°Só ≤ ŸG ,É«fÉ£jôH ¤EG Aƒé ∏ t dG»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb øjóq dG ∫ ÓL ÖfÉL ¤EG Gók jó–h ,QɫવM øjódG Ö ∏ b äGôµ°ù©Ã ≥ ëàdGh ,á«q ∏ gC’G Üô ◊ G ∑ QÉ©e øe zá«fÉãdG .ÊÉ ≤ M Ohó ◊ G óæY™ ≤ j ôµ°ù©e ƒgh zió°U{ ôµ°ù©e á°UÉîHh ,äGôµ°ù©e IóY‘ ÜQóq J ób …hÉbQõq dG ¿Éc ˆG óÑY ƒHCG:º¡æeh ,Üô©dGh Ú«q fOQC’G Ú ∏ JÉ ≤ ŸG øe Om óY ≈∏ Y ôµ°ù©ŸG Gòg‘ ±ôq©J óbh ,á«fɨaC’G á«fÉà°ùcÉÑdG ¢ùfGQƒd»µjôeC’G»°SÉeƒ ∏ Hóq dG ∫ É«àZG ᪡e IójóY äGƒæ°S ó©H «dEG π cƒJo ±ƒ°S …òdGh ,ójq ƒ°U øH ⁄ É°S»Ñ« ∏ q dG .2002 9 Ω ÉY ¿ÉªY‘ ‹ƒa Ú ∏ JÉ ≤ ŸG øe ÒãµdG IOƒY IÎØdG ∂∏ J äó¡°T ób âfÉch ,¿OQC’G ¤EG IOƒ©dG …hÉbQõdG Qôq b 1993 Ω ÉY™ ∏£e‘h .ÉgÒZh ¿ƒ«fOQC’G ¿É¨aC’Gh ,óª fi ¢û«éc äɪ«¶æàq dG øe Om óY‘ GƒWôîfG øjòdGh ,¿Éà°ùfɨaCG øe Ú«q fOQC’G ,¿É°û«°uûdGh áæ°SƒÑdÉc ,»eÓ°SE’G ⁄ É©dG‘ áØ ∏ à fl ≥ WÉæe‘ ájOÉ¡L äm É¡ÑL íàa äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG áÑ ≤ M äó¡°T ,ôFGõ÷Gh öüªc ,IóY á«HôY ¿Gó ∏ H‘ áë ∏°ùŸG ájq OÉ¡÷G äÉYɪ÷G ÚH ám Ø«æY äÉeOÉ°üe Qƒ¡¶dÉH äCGóHh IÎØdG √ òg‘h.¿Éà°ùfɨaCG‘ ∫ Éà ≤ dG äÉ¡ÑL øe øjóFÉ©dG Üô©dG ¿É¨aC’G øe á«°SÉ°SC’G É¡JGƒf â ∏ µ°ûJ»àdGh « ∏ Y ≥∏ WCG …òdG ÜÓ ≤ f’G Ö ≤ Y ∂ dPh ,…ôgGƒ¶dGh ¿O’ øH É°Uk ƒ°üNh ,º¡æe Òm ãµd GPk Óe ¿GOƒ°ùdG âëÑ°UCG º¶©e ∂«µØJ‘ Ék« ∏ fi á«fOQC’G á«æeC’G Iõ¡LC’G âë‚ óbh ,»HGÎdGh Ò°ûÑdG IOÉ« ≤ H ,1989 Ω ÉY zPÉ ≤ fE’G IQƒK{ . ∑ GòfBG äô¡X»àdG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG äɵѰqûdG Ω ƒ ≤ j»à°ùLƒdh»eÓYEG õcôe ¤EG âdƒ–»àdGh ,¿óæd‘»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHCG º‚ ÆõÑj CGóH AÉæKC’G‘ ∫ hC’G ô¶q æŸG IOÉàb ƒHCG íÑ°UCGh ,z¿Éà°ùfóæd{ « ∏ Y ≥∏ WCG ⁄ É©dG‘ ájOÉ¡÷G äÉcô ◊ G OÉæ°SEGh ºYO äÉ« ∏ ª©H ,zôFGõ÷G‘ áë ∏°ùŸG á«eÓ°SE’G áYɪ÷G{ IófÉ°ùe ≈∏ Y π ªY PEG;É« ≤ jôaCG ∫ ɪ°Th ÉHhQhCG‘ ájq OÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°qù ∏ d »àdG zêÉ¡æŸG{ á ∏ › Qó°UCG ºK ,zôéØdG{h ,zQÉ°üfC’G{»Jöûf ∫ ÓN øe zÉ«Ñ«d‘ á ∏ JÉ ≤ ŸG á«eÓ°SE’G áYɪ÷G{h .¿OQC’G‘ Gk öq S É¡YRq ƒj ¿Éc ,ájq OÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG IƒYóq dG öûf ≈∏ Y Éjqk ƒ°S 𠪩 ∏ d»q°Só ≤ ŸÉH ∫ É°üJ’ÉH öTÉH ¿OQC’G ¤EG …hÉbQõq dG IOƒY Ö ≤ Y ¥ƒ°ûàj ,»à«H‘ ÊQGR ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG øe OÉY ÉqŸ ºK..QhÉ°û«H‘ Iôe ∫ hs C’ Ö©°üe ÉHCG â« ≤ d{:»°Só ≤ ŸG ∫ ƒ ≤ j PG »H ∫ É°üJ’ÉH °üfh ,¿OQC’G‘ ÊGƒæY √ É£YCG …òdG ƒg ó«dƒdG ƒHCG ¿Éch ,ˆG ¤EG IƒYódGh ó«Mƒàq dG Iöüæd ,ó ∏ ÑdG øe ≈ àq°T ≥ WÉæe‘ É°kShQO âÑJQh, ∫ ÉéŸG Gòg‘ Éjqk ƒ°S Éfq hÉ©àa...¿OQC’G‘ ˆG øjód 𠪩dG OGQCG ¿EG É¡Ñàc GƒdhGóJh ,IƒYós dG √ òg ∫ ƒM ±ÉØàd’ÉH ÜÉÑ°ûdG CGóHh ,¢SÉæq dG ÚH Égöûfh»JÉHÉàc ¢†©H áYÉÑ£H Éæªbh 10 .zÉ¡ ∏ FÉ°SQh 18 ,ájq OÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°qùdG ïjQÉJ‘ ɪ°SÉM ÉØk£©æe ¿ƒµJ ±ƒ°S ám jOÉ¡L ám«Ø ∏°S ám YɪL AÉ°ûfE’ Ò°†ëàq dG CGóH Gò¡Hh .z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ º°SÉH É«qk æeCGh É«qk eÓYEG âaôYo»àdG áYɪ÷G»gh ,¿OQC’G‘ ∂ dòHh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°qùdG öûf‘ É©k e ¿ÉæK’G§°ûf å«M;»°Só ≤ ŸÉH …hÉbQõdG AÉ ≤ àdG IôªK º«¶æàdG Gòg Èà©j øe Om óY ÜÉ£ ≤ à°SG øe É浓 Im õ«Lh Im Îa ∫ ÓNh ,…hÉbQõs ∏ d á«q ∏ ª©dG IÈÿÉH»°Só ≤ ª ∏ d ájô¶æq dG IÈÿG â ∏ eɵJ ≈∏ Y Gƒ ≤∏£j ⁄ º¡a ,zó«Mƒàs dG{ áYɪL hCG ,zøjóMƒŸG{ º°SG º¡°ùØfCG ≈∏ Y ¿ƒ ≤∏£j GƒfÉch ,QÉ°üfC’Gh ´ÉÑJC’G ÒZ ºm°SÉH ∞°üàs f hCG ≈ ªq°ùàf ¿CG ¢†aQCG{:᫪°ùàdG ≈∏ Y É°VΩe»°Só ≤ ŸG ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG ,z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ º°SG º¡°ùØfCG . 11 z ˆG Éfɪ°S …òdG ™e …hÉbQõdG √ QGR ó ≤ a ,z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ º«¶æJ AÉ°†YCG óMCG ƒgh ,zöüàæŸG ƒHCG{»Ø°Uh óª fi IOÉ¡°T Ö°ùëHh ºm«¶æJ ¢ù«°SCÉàd ,1993 ÜBG ô¡°T‘( Ω É°ù ≤ dG ƒHCG) …QhQÉ©dG ódÉNh ,ìÉàØdG óÑY ∞ jöTh ,IõªM ¿Éª« ∏°S áYöùH ôeC’G Qƒ£J ºK ,á«q©°VƒdG™FGöq ûdGh ÒJÉ°Sós dGh ÚfGƒ ≤ dGh ᪶fC’G ôØu µjh ,zá«¡dE’G á«q ªcÉ ◊ G{`H øeDƒj ¤EG ÊÉÑ룰UGh Ω É°qù ≤ dG ƒHCGh Ö©°üe ƒHCG ö†M ‹Éàq dG Ω ƒ«dG áë«Ñ°U‘{:öüàæŸG ƒHCG ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG, Ω ƒ«H ∂ dP ó©H ≥ HÉ°ùdG Ω ƒ«dG‘ Éææ«H QGO Ée Ö©°üe ƒHCG ìöTh ,áØ«°Uôt dG‘ ó«°Tôq dG»q M‘ øFɵdG»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG ∫ õæe ƒHCG) …hÉbÈdG Ω É°üY ¿ƒµj ¿CG ¥ÉØJ’G ≈∏ Y ôeC’G ≈ ¡àfÉa ,Òe’C G ôeCG Úqp Ñf ¿CG Oƒfh Éjqk ƒ°S ¿B’G øëf: ∫ Éb ºK øe º¡jCGQ Ö°ùëH Ω É°ù ≤ dG ƒHCG ¿ƒµj ¿CG ≈∏ Y ,áYɪé ∏ d GÒk eCG Ö©°üe ƒHCGh IƒYóq dG ìÉæ÷ GÒk eCG(»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi . 12 zó ≤©dGh π◊ Gh iQƒ°tûdG π gCG ™e Ω m Ó°S IógÉ©e™«bƒJ ∂°Th ≈∏ Y ¿OQC’G ¿Éc ó ≤ a;áYQÉ°ùàe çGóMCGh ±m hôX§°Sh 𠪩dÉH áYɪ÷G äCGóH º«¶æàq dG ájq ƒdhCG â ∏ ã“ óbh.(1993 Ω ÉY) ô¡°TCG ó©H á«HÉ«æu dG äÉHÉîàf’G ¥É ≤ ëà°SG øe ≈ eôe ≈∏ Yh, π«FGöSEG ºcÉ ◊ G Ω É¶ædG ôØc Úu ÑJ»àdG ÖàµdGh π FÉ°SôdG öûfh ,äGöVÉëŸG AÉ ≤ dEGh ¢ShQódG ó ≤©H Ω É« ≤ dÉH ∑ Gòæ«M á«HÉîàf’G ácQÉ°ûŸÉH ¿ƒæeDƒj øjòdG Ú«eÓ°SE’G áªLÉ¡eh ,äÉHÉîàf’G‘ ácQÉ°ûŸG áeôMh ,á«WGô ≤ ÁódGh :(±öTCG ƒHCG) ìÉàØdG óÑY ∞ jöT Ö°ùëÑa ,Úª ∏°ùŸG ¿GƒNE’G áYɪL º¡àeó ≤ e‘h ,»ª ∏°ùdG»°SÉ«°ùdG 𠪩dGh äGöûf™jRƒàH Ω ƒ ≤ f Éæs ch ,É°küî°T ÚKÓK øe ÌcCG É¡«a™ªàéj ¿Éch ,É°kShQO»à«H‘»£©j»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿Éc{ . 13 zRƒŒ’ Gôk Øch Éck öT ÉgQÉÑàYÉH á«WGô ≤ Áóq dGh äÉHÉîàf’G ∫ ƒM É¡©°Vhh ,1992 Ω ÉY IÒNòq dG øe ák«ªc»bGô©dG ¢û«÷G ÜÉë°ùfG ó©H âjƒµdG øe ©e Ö ∏ L ób»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿Éc AÉæKCG öUCG ’EG ,(ïjQGƒ°U Ióq Yh ,ájhój π HÉæb™Ñ°Sh ,OGôaCÓd IOÉ°†e Ω É¨dCG á°ùªN) ,«H çÉKCG øª°V º¡bÉØJG øe ºZôdG ≈∏ Y ,º«¶æàq dG AÉ°†YCG ¿CG hóÑjh; π«FGöSEG óq°V É¡eGóîà°S’ É¡H ßØàëj ¿Éc äÉ ≤« ≤ ëàdG .IOóq fi ±l GógCG IÎØdG √ òg‘ º¡d øµJ ⁄ PEG;¿OQC’G‘ z 𠪩dG ájô¶f{ ójó–‘ Úàà°ûe GƒfÉc ,É«qk LƒdƒjójCG Ö°ùëHh, π«FGöSEG óq°V ájq OÉ¡°ûà°SG á«q ∏ ª©H Ω É« ≤ dG º¡°†©H Qôb ,1993»ª«gGôHE’G óé°ùŸG áKOÉM ´ƒbh Ö ≤©a Úà ∏ Ñæ ≤ H °ùØæd ßØàMG ¿CG ó©H «dEG É¡YÉLQEÉH Ω Éb ºK Ω É¨dC’Gh π HÉæ ≤ dG»°Só ≤ ŸG øe º ∏ s °ùJ …hÉbQõs dG IOÉaEG âfÉch ,á ∏ àëŸG»°VGQC’G π NGO á«q FGóa á« ∏ ªY‘ ¢ù ∏ ZO …OÉ¡dG óÑYh IõªM ¿Éª« ∏°S π Ñb øe É¡dɪ©à°SG π LCG øe 14 .»ª«gGôHE’G óé°ùŸG áKOÉM ∫ ƒ°üM ó©H ák FQÉW IôµØdG √ òg 19 ƒHCG:ºgh áë ∏°ùe äÉ« ∏ ª©H Ω É« ≤ dG øe Gƒæµªàj ¿CG π Ñb º«¶æàdG AÉ°†YCG áaÉc ≈∏ Y ¢†Ñ ≤ dG á«q æeC’G Iõ¡LC’G â ≤ dCG ,( Ω É°ù ≤ dG ƒHCG) …QhQÉ©dG ≈ Ø£°üe ódÉNh, ≈°Sƒe ø°ùM»Ø£°üeh ,…hÉbQõdG Ö©°üe ƒHCGh ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG) áæjÉë£dG øjódG õY …öüfh ,(öüàæe ƒHCG) ôªY»Ø°Uh óª fi h ,(º°üà©ŸG ƒHCG) Iôª°V ÖdÉW ¿Éª« ∏°Sh ˆG óÑY óªMCGh ,(±öTCG ƒHCG) ìÉàØdG óÑY º«gGôHEG ∞ jöTh ,(ógÉ› ƒHCG) á«KQÉM ƒHCG ∞°Sƒj π«Ñfh ,(õ©dG , ∞ WÉY øjódG AÓYh ,ídÉ°üdG ≈°Sƒe …ôîa óª fi h ,Ió°TGhôdG óªMCG ËôµdG óÑY óª fi h ,…hÉàjõdG ∞°Sƒj . 15 (áÑ«àb ƒHCG) ‹ÉéŸG ó«éŸG óÑYh ,…hóÑdG ójÉc ∫ ÓWh ,OGƒ÷G óÑY äGó©°Sh ƒHCG) …QhQÉ©dG ódÉN ¢VÎYG ó ≤ a;º«¶æàq ∏ d á« ∏ ª©dG á«é«JGΰSE’G‘ Éak ÓàNG IPƒNCÉŸG äGOÉaE’G ô¡¶Jh Ω ÉY ¿OQC’G ¤EG OÉYh ,¿Éà°ùcÉÑdG‘ 1991 Ω É©dG ∫ ÓN á«ŸÉ©dG á«eÓ°SE’G áKÉZE’G áÄ«g‘ 𠪩j ¿Éch-( Ω É°ù ≤ dG ܃ ≤©j hCG ,áeÉ©dG äGôHÉîŸG IôFGO‘ ÜÉgQE’G áëaɵe IóMh OGôaCG óMCG ∫ É«àZÉH Ω É« ≤ dG ádhÉ fi ≈∏ Y-1992 . 16 áeÉ©dG äGôHÉîŸG IôFGO ôq ≤ e áªLÉ¡e Iôµa ójq Dƒj ⁄ ɪc ÊOQC’G»Yƒ«°ûdG Üõë ∏ d …ôîØdG ¢ù«FôdG øjOÉjR ,ájó¡c á ∏ Ñæb äƒîfÉL ∫ Éæj ≈£YCG»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿CG;º«¶æà ∏ d á«é«JGΰS’G ájDhôt dG í°Vh Ω óY ≈∏ Y ∫ t ój ɇh Ω ƒ ≤ j ¿CG √ ÈNCGh ,¿ƒà«°SC’G ó«°ùchôjÉH IOÉe ö†MCG»°Só ≤ ŸG áLhR ≥« ≤°T ƒgh ø°ùM ≈ Ø£°üe ¿CG ɪc ‘ © ∏ WCGh ,(óª fi ¢û«L) É¡«a π≤ àYG»àdG á«°† ≤ dG‘ É ≤ k HÉ°S É¡eóîà°SG ób ¿Éch ,äGôéØàe ¤EG É¡©«æ°üàH øWƒdG{ á ∏ › ôjô– ¢ù«FQ ô¡X ƒHCG ó«dh ¤EG É¡dÉ°SQE’ äGôéØàŸÉH áîîØe IójÉ©e ábÉ£H ≈∏ Y iôNCG IQÉjR É«k©«ÑW É ≤ M’ ô¡X ƒHCG ó«dh‘ƒJ óbh ,íéæJ ⁄ ádhÉëŸG √ òg ¿CG’EG, 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Ñb ¿Éà°SOôc ∫ ɪ°T‘ z Ω É°ûdG óæL{ áYɪL ¢ù°SDƒjh ,á©°SGƒdG 20 ,Oƒ ≤ j ±ƒ°S …òdGh ,(±É«°S ƒHCG)»Ñ ∏°ûdG óª fi RôHh ,Iƒ ≤ H ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG IƒYO äô¡X ¿É©e áæjóe‘h ¢ù«°SCÉàH z¥ôØŸG á«°†b{`H ±ôY ɪ«a ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi ,áæjóŸG ∂∏ J‘ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG áYɪL ,Ék ≤ M’ .»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG™e ¿hÉ©àdÉH»HÉgQEG º«¶æJ AÉbQõdG»àæjóe‘ zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ QÉ°üfCG§°ûf ó ≤ a(¥ôØŸG ,¿É©e ,§ ∏°ùdG) ¿óŸG ∂∏ J ¤EG áaÉ°VE’ÉH .áØ ∏ àîŸG á«æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG äɪ«îŸG‘ ∂ dòch á«böûdG ¿ÉªY AÉ«MCG‘h óHQEGh º¡æe ɪk ¡àe öûY áKÓK âeóq b ,°†YCG ∫ É ≤ àYGh z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ º«¶æJ ∂«µØàH á«æeC’G Iõ¡LC’G âë‚ ¿CG ó©H á°ùªÿ»°Só ≤ ŸGh …hÉbQõdG ≈∏ Y ºµ ◊ G øY äôØ°SCGh ,ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi ¤EG 1996 Ω ÉY øe ÊÉãdG øjöûJ‘ ºK ,áµ ∏ ªŸG ¿ƒé°S ¤EG º¡ ∏ jƒ–” ,äGôHÉîŸG øé°S‘ Úª¡àŸG™e äÉ ≤« ≤ ëàdG AÉ¡àfG ó©Hh PEG ,Éek ÉY IöûY ¿ƒé°ùdG ¤EG ájq OGôØf’G øjRÉfõdG øe Éæ ∏≤ f ¿CG ¿Éch{:»°Só ≤ ŸG ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG;ábGƒ°S øé°S‘ Im óà ∂ dP ó©H Gƒ©ªLo Ö©°üe ƒHCG™°Vhh ,OÓÑdG ∫ ɪ°T‘ øm é°S‘- ∫ hC’G º¡àŸG âØæq°oU ʃc- ʃdõ©a ,äɪcÉëŸG AóÑd áeÉ©dG ¿CG ¿Éc ºK...É¡HƒæL‘ 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ɪ«a.ák ahô©eh ák©FÉ°T ø ∏ YCGh ,IÉ°† ≤ dGh ÒJÉ°SódG É¡«a ¿GOCG( Ω É fi m π«cƒJ ©e øeh ƒg ¢†aQ ¿CG ó©H ,QÉ«àdG Gòg QÉ°üfCG ±ôY‘) . 22 á«Hô©dG äÉeƒµ ◊ G á«YöT Ω óYh ôصH»æ ∏©dG áMGöUh áeGöüH ¤EG»æfƒYóJh IÉéæq dG ¤EG ºcƒYOCG ‹Ée Ω ƒb Éjh:Ò°SCG IOÉaEG{:¿Gƒæ©H ák©aGôe …hÉbQõdG Ω óq b; øe ìGöüdG ∑ öûdGh ìGƒÑdG ôصdG ¿CG ∂ d ô¡Xh Gòg âaôY GPEG:ˆG ∫ õfCG Ée Ò¨H»°VÉ ≤ dG É¡jCG{:É¡«a AÉL ,zQÉædG 23 .zIÒ°ûY ï«°T hCG ÉÑk FÉf hCG ɪk cÉM hCG ÉkŸÉY ´öq ûŸG Gòg ¿Éc AGƒ°S ÉYk öq ûe ˆG ÒZ PÉîJG ≈∏ Y 𠪩j»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHCG ¿Éch ,á ≤ FÉa ám YöùH É¡dhGóJ ºàjh ,øé°qùdG êQÉN öûæJo äÉ©aGôŸG √ òg âfÉc ,áÑ«W ˆG π°†ØH äɪcÉëŸG IÎa â°†e{: ≤ H IÎØdG √ òg»°Só ≤ ŸG ∞°üjh ,¿óæd‘ zêÉ¡æŸG{ á ∏ ›‘ Égöûf ∂ dP ø ∏©f Éæch ,«fGƒb øe ÉæJAGôHh, Ω É¶æ ∏ d ÉfÒصJ ¿ÓYEGh ÉæJƒYO QÉ¡XEG‘ ˆG ≥«aƒàH É¡Ø«XƒJ‘ Éæë‚ . 24 zQƒ°† ◊ G øe ºgÒZh Ú«aÉë°üdG Ω ÉeCGh ᪵ëŸG ¢üØb‘ áMGöU äGöûY áHÉàµH Ω Éb ó ≤ a;ó«æéàdGh ∞«dCÉàq dGh áHÉàµdG ¢SQɪ«d»°Só ≤ ª ∏ d áMÉ°ùeh Éàk bh ôaq h øé°qùdG™ªà› zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°qùdG{ QÉ°ûàfG áYöùd øé°ùdG IQGOEG æJ øe ºZôs dG ≈∏ Yh.IÎØdG √ òg‘ º¶©e ∞ dCGh, π FÉ°Sôq dG äóªY ÉeóæYh ,GQk GöUEGh áHÓ°U’EG ºgójõJ øµJ ⁄ ∫ õ©dG äÉ«q ∏ ªY ¿EÉa ,OóL AÉ°†YC’ ºgó«æŒh AÉæé°ùdG ÚH áMÉ°ùe ∂ dP º¡d ôah ,ÉØ ≤ Øbh ôØ÷Gh§ ∏°qùdG‘ ,áµ ∏ ªŸG ¿ƒéo °oS ¤EG º¡ ∏≤ fh º¡©jRƒJ ¤EG 1997 Ω ÉY ∫ ÓN IQGOE’G óÑY ƒHCG) äÉ°ùjôN óFGQ øe ájQhO äm GQÉjõH ¿ƒ©àªàj GƒfÉc§ ∏°qùdG áæjóe»Øa.ºgQÉ°üfCG™e π°UGƒà ∏ d Ik ójóL ¿óe»bÉH ∂ dòch ,ó¡÷G ¢ùØæH Ω ƒ ≤ j(±É«°S ƒHCG)»Ñ ∏°ûdG óª fi ¿Éc ¿É©e‘h ,(»eÉ°ûdG øªMôdG .OóL AÉ°†YCG ó«æŒ øe º¡àæµs e IójóLh áæ«àe äm ÉbÓY è°ùf ≈∏ Y ∂ dP ºgóYÉ°S å«M ,áµ ∏ ªŸG ÚH IƒYóq dG √ òg QÉ°ûàfG ô£îH Ω É¶ædG ô©°T{: ≤ H É¡«a 𠪩dGh•É°ûædG á©«ÑWh á ∏ MôŸG ∂∏ J»°Só ≤ ŸG ∞°üj âdR’ ÉfCGh ,É¡àYÉÑWh»JÉHÉàc QÉ°ûàfGh ,øé°ùdG êQÉN ¤EG ¿ÉÑ°† ≤ dG AGQh øe ÉgPƒØf ô£Nh ,AÉæé°q ùdG Ω ƒªY ÖbƒYh ,Éæ©e IÓ°üdG øe ºgƒ©æeh ,º¡« ∏ Y Gƒ ≤«°†a AÉæé°ùdG ôFÉ°S øY’k hCG ÉædõY GƒdhÉëa ,…Oƒ«b‘ ∞°SQCG ºK ,óMCG Éæ« ∏ Y É¡ ∏ Nój’ ,Éæd á°ü°qü fl™LÉ¡e‘ É«qk ∏ c º¡æY ÉfƒdõY ºK ,Éæ« ∏ Y º ∏ q °ùj ≈ àM hCG ÉæH π°üàj øe π c GƒdhÉM …òdG ,…Ohó ◊ G …hGôë°üdG ôØ÷G 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Ω 1998 ∫ ƒ ∏ jCG‘ zá© ≤ ÑdG{‘ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG øe ák YɪL É°†jCG á«q æeC’G Iõ¡LC’G âµµa ɪc, ∂ dP ÉçÑJôJ ,ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi‘ ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG º«¶æàH á£ÑJôe ÉjÉ°†b IóY äRôH IÎØdG ∂∏ J ∫ ÓN ¢†©H ±Éµæà°SG IôgÉX äRôH ɪ«a ,( Ω É¶ædG ¢SCGôd IAÉ°SE’Gh ÊOQC’G ºµ ◊ G ÒصJ …G) z¿É°ù ∏ dG ádÉWEG{»ª°S ájôµ°ù©dG Iõ¡LC’G‘ 𠪩dG Ω ôq –»àdG QÉ«àdG Gòg QɵaCG ÒKCÉJ â– áë ∏°ùŸG äGƒ ≤ dG‘ 𠪩dG øY Újôµ°ù©dG .á«æeC’Gh óÑY øé°ùdG‘»°Só ≤ ŸG QGR ó ≤ a öùjh ádƒ¡°ùH ºàj á«fOQC’Gh á«q ŸÉ©dG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏ °ùdG ÚH π°UGƒàdG ¿Éc âfÉc ɪc ,ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG øe OóY ∫ ƒM √ ÉàØà°SGh ,1996 Ω ÉY ¢VÉjôdG‘ É«q ∏©dG äGÒéØJ …òØæe óMCG ,ºã©ŸG õjõ©dG ìGóMódG ƒHCGh, ∑ QɉódG‘ Ú«eÓ°SE’G óMCGh ,¿óæd‘ IOÉàb ƒHCG ≥ jôW øY zÉHhQhCG»jOÉ¡L{ øe π°üJ ∫ GƒeC’G . 26 É«fÉÑ°SG‘ IóYÉ ≤ dG á« ∏ N º«YR äRôaCG É¡fCG’EG ,É«qk ∏ ªYh Éjqk ô¶f É¡dÓ¨à°SGh øé°ùdG á ∏ Môe øe zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ IOÉØà°SG øe ºZôdG ≈∏ Yh ´ÉÑJG»°Só ≤ ŸG ôKBG PEG, ∞ m ∏ à fl π m µ°ûH ɪ¡æe π x c äGQÉ«N äQƒ ∏ ÑJ ó ≤ a ,»°Só ≤ ŸGh …hÉbQõq dG ÚH ±ÓÿG ájGóH 𠪩dGh ,¿OQC’G‘ AÉ ≤ ÑdÉH ∂°ùªàq dGh 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IóYÉ ≤ dG ÚH ∞ dÉëàdG ¿Éc PEG ,¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¤EG ôØ°ùdG ¤EG Oƒ¡«dGh Ú«Ñ« ∏°üdG á¡LGƒŸ á«ŸÉ©dG á¡Ñ÷G âfÉc °ùØf âbƒdG‘h ,ÚæeDƒª ∏ d Gk ÒeCG ôªY óª fi Óª ∏ d º¡à©jÉÑe ¥Éëàd’Gh êQÉÿG ¤EG ôØ°ù ∏ d QÉ«àdG‘ z᪡ŸG í«JÉØŸG{ øe áYƒª›h …hÉbQõdG iôZCG ɇ ,É¡°ùØf øY âæ ∏ YCG ób .á«ŸÉ©dG ájOÉ¡÷G äÉ¡Ñ÷ÉH á« ≤« ≤◊ G ¿q CG ¤EG Gk Ò°ûe , ±ÉæÄà°SGh ¿OQC’G‘ AÉ ≤ ÑdG»°Só ≤ ŸG π°q†a π HÉ ≤ ŸG‘h øe π q c ájDhQ‘ Ék jôgƒL Ék aÓN π µq°T Ée ƒgh ,Ú£°ù ∏ a …CG ,ô¡ædG ÜôZ ¤EG É¡H 𠪩dGh IƒYódG π≤ æH π ãªàJ âfÉc .Ék ≤ M’»JÉC «°S ɪc ,…hÉbQõdGh»°Só ≤ ŸG 26 -3zêQÉÿG{‘ IOÉ« ≤ dG z π NGódG{‘»æeC’G•É°ûædGh »LQÉÿG ≥°ûdG ,QÉ«à ∏ d êhOõe™bGh Ω ÉeCG ÉæëÑ°UCG , …hÉbQõdG IQOɨe …CG ,á¶ë ∏ dG ∂∏ J òæe ≥°ûdG ÉeCG.¿OQC’G π NGO äÉ« ∏ ª©dG ò«ØæJh ´ÉÑJC’G ó«æŒ øe ∞ bƒàJ ⁄ ä’hÉ fi‘ ôªà°SG …hÉbQõdG IOÉ« ≤ H ±ÓÿG äÉeÓY äCGóH óbh ,»°Só ≤ ŸG …ójDƒeh, π NGódG‘ …hÉbQõdG …ójDƒeh ´ÉÑJCG ÚH Ék ª°ù ≤ æe ¿Éµa» ∏ NGódG QÉ«àdG OGôaCG ±ô£J øe ÖfGƒL «a ó ≤ àæj ÜÉàc ∞«dCÉJ ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG á ∏ MôŸG ∂∏ J òæe ∞ µYh ,Ú ∏ LôdG ÚH RÈJ .ÜÉ£ÿG Gòg»æÑJ‘ IÈà©ŸG á«YöûdG Ohóë ∏ d ºgRhÉŒh ,êQÉÿG ¤EG OGôaC’G øe ójó©dG ôLÉ¡a.zêQÉÿG{ ¤EG z π NGódG{ øe ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG á ∏°UƒH âdƒq – AÉæKC’G‘ áë ∏ q °ùŸG äÉ« ∏ ª©dG Ö«JôJh OGóYE’G äÉ« ∏ ªY äCGóHh.z…OÉ« ≤ dG{ ¢ù«dh»æeC’G•É°ûædG áMÉ°S π NGódG íÑ°UCG ÚM‘ ‘ QÉ«à ∏ d QÉ°üfCG Égò«ØæJ ¤ƒàjh , hCG …hÉbQõdG ±GöTEÉH ºYC’G Ö ∏ ZC’G‘ ºàJ É¡ ∏ jƒ“h É¡d ≥«°ùæàdGh .êQÉÿG øe ÜôY øjóaGh hCG ¿OQC’G ∫ É ≤ àYÓd °Vô©àd äGOÉ¡°ûdG ¢†©H Ò°ûJh ,IOhó fi IÎa ∂ dÉæg» ≤ Hh ,¿Éà°ùcÉH ¤EG ájGóH …hÉbQõdG π≤ àfG øe ±GöTEÉH zäGÒg ôµ°ù©e{ ∑ Éæg ¢ù°SCG å«M ,¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¤EG ¥ÓWCG π Ñb ¿Éà°ùcÉH‘ áHGôb ájGóÑdG‘ ôµ°ù©ŸG ºq°V óbh, 27 (¿GôjEG‘ Ék«dÉM OƒLƒŸG) ∫ ó©dG ∞«°S ,IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ‘»æeC’G ∫ hDƒ°ùŸG . 28 á ≤ MÓdG π MGôŸG‘ …hÉbQõdG IóYÉ°ùe‘ Gk QhO º¡æe Òãc Ö©d ,Gk Oôa Ú©HQCG »ŸÉ©dG ´GöüdG RhôHh ,á«dhódG ä’OÉ©ŸG‘ ÜÓ ≤ fG ¤EG äOCGh ,2001 ôªàÑ°S øe öûY …OÉ ◊ G çGóMCG â©bh øe É¡FÉØ ∏ Mh IóëàŸG äÉj’ƒdG ÚHh ,á¡L øe»cô ◊ Gh …ôµØdG É¡µ ∏ a‘ QhóJ»àdG äÉYɪ÷Gh IóYÉ ≤ dG ÚH Üô ◊ G»eGódG ´GöüdG á–Éa âfÉch ,iôNCG á¡L øe á«Hô©dG ∫ hódG øe ójó©dG äÉeƒµMh ≈ ª¶©dG iƒ ≤ dG . 29 …hÉbQõdG º¡©eh ,QɶfC’G øY IóYÉ ≤ dG IOÉb AÉÑàNGh ¿ÉÑdÉW Ω É¶f•ƒ ≤°S ¤EG äOCG»àdG á«fɨaC’G 27 ≥ WÉæŸG ¤EG ºK, 30 á«fɨaC’G Üô ◊ G ôKCG ≈∏ Y ¿GôjEG ¤EG √ QÉ°üfCG øe OóY™e ,…hÉbQõdG π≤ àfG äGÒg ôµ°ù©e øe ƒHCÉH Ö ≤∏ ŸG-äÉ°ùjôN óFGQ º¡àeó ≤ e‘) …hÉbQõdG QÉ°üfCG øe OóY ¿Éc ¿CG ó©H ,¥Gô©dG ∫ ɪ°T‘ ájOôµdG øY ≥°ûfG Oó°ûàe …Oôc π«°üa™e Ék ØdÉ– GƒeÉbCG ºK ,z Ω É°ûdG óæL{`H»ª°S Ée Gƒ°ù°SCGh ,(»eÉ°ûdG øªMôdGóÑY .z Ω Ó°SE’G QÉ°üfCG{ º«¶æJ ∂ dP øY CÉ°ûfh ,Qɵjôc ÓŸGh»eÉ°ûdG ˆGóÑY øe π q c IOÉ« ≤ H á«eÓ°SE’G áYɪ÷G áeÉbEG øe øµ“ ¿ƒHô ≤ e ócDƒj å«M ,ájQƒ°S ÚHh É¡æ«H Gk öq S π≤ æàj òNCGh ,¿Éà°SOôc‘ …hÉbQõdG» ≤ H á« ∏ ªY ≈∏ Y °ùØæH ±öTCGh ájöS IQÉjR‘ ¿OQC’G ¤EG π°Uh ób …hÉbQõdG ¿q CG ¿hôNBG ócDƒjh ,ájQƒ°S‘ IóYÉb . 31 (2002/ ∫ hC’G øjöûJ /28‘) ‹ƒa ¢ùfQƒd»cÒeC’G»°SÉeƒ ∏ HódG ∫ É«àZG ∫ hO‘§°ûæJ ,ÜôYh Ú«fOQCG øe á°UÉN áµÑ°T hCG º«¶æJ Ú°TóJ …hÉbQõdG ádhÉëà IÎØdG ∂∏ J RÉà“ ´ÉÑJC’G øe OóY ó«æŒ øe π©ØdÉH øµq “ …hÉbQõdG ¿CG hóÑjh ,z Ω É°ûdG óæL{ í ∏£°üe É¡« ∏ Y ≥∏ WoCG ∂ dòdh ,á ≤£æŸG ‘ ©e GƒfÉc øà ¿É©à°SGh á«fɨaC’G Üô ◊ G øe øjQÉØdG Üô©dG øeh ,¿Éà°SOôµH √ OƒLh ∫ ÓN øe Ú«bGô©dG .¿ÉæÑdh ájQƒ°S‘ Úª« ≤ ŸG Ú«æ«£°ù ∏ ØdGh Ú«fOQC’G øe OóY øY Ók°†a ,äGÒg äGôµ°ù©e ¿Éc ó ≤ a ,IÒѵdG äÉYƒªéŸG ∂∏ J RôHCG óMCG zá«ØdC’G IôeGDƒe{ hCG 2000 Ω ÉY IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æàH»ª°S Ée π ãÁ áHGôb øY ¿ÓYE’G”h ,á«q MÉ«°S äBÉ°ûæe ó°V ám jôµ°ùY äm É« ∏ ª©H Ω É« ≤ dG ,«dEG á¡LƒŸG º¡à ∏ d Ék ≤ ah ,º«¶æàdG ±óg ,Ió«HR ƒHCG º¡àeó ≤ e»Øa ¿hQÉØdG ÉeCG ,öTƒg ƒHCG ö†N º¡àeó ≤ e‘h ,Éjqk Qƒ°†M º¡æe 16 ºcƒM ,ɪk ¡àe 28 º ∏ q °ùJ ɪc ,ó©H ɪ«a ᪵ëŸG ¿CG’EG º«¶æàq dG Gòg á«q Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG ∫ É ≤ àYG”h ,…hÉbQõdGh ,IOÉàb ƒHCGh ôat ƒJ Ω ó©d É ≤ k M’ êôaCG ’EG ,Ió«HR ƒHCG™e§«£îàs dÉH•Qƒàq dÉH º¡JCG …òdG ¿Éà°ùcÉH øe ∂ jódG π« ∏ N ¿OQC’G .á«aɵdG ádOC’G ¿ƒ°ùjOGQ ¥óæa ±Gó¡à°SÉc ák ªî°V É¡HöV™eõŸG ±GógC’G âfÉc ó ≤ a ,á«°† ≤ dG ∂∏ àH»ŸÉ©dG Ω É©dG …CGôdG ºq àgG ¿OQC’G§Hôj …òdG Ú°ùM ∂∏ ŸG öùLh ,¿OQC’G ô¡f áØ°V ≈∏ Y í«°ùŸG «a óªq Yo …òdG ¿ÉµŸGh ,¿Éªq Y‘ ¢SÉ°S Ió«HR ƒHCG ÚH ≥«°ùæàHh ,ám Ø ∏ à fl äm É«°ùæL øe Úª¡àŸG OóY å«M øe ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG ÈcCG 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Ω ƒ«dG ájOÉ¡÷G IQÉeE’G âdƒq – PEG ,( Ω ÉeE’G á©«H á«°†b) ¤hC’G øé°ùdG Ω ÉjCG ¤EG …hÉbQõdGh»°Só ≤ ŸG ÚH ±ÓÿG QhòL Oƒ©J ,…hÉbQõdG ∫ ƒM ¿ƒØà ∏ j º«¶æàdG OGôaCG Ö ∏ ZCG CGóHh ,Iõ«Lh IÎa ¿ƒ°†Z‘ …hÉbQõdG ¤EG»°Só ≤ ŸG øe á«cô ◊ G π eÉ©àdÉH á£ÑJôe áæ ∏©ŸG É¡HÉÑ°SCG âfÉc ,º«¶æàdG OGôaCG ÚHh «H π cÉ°ûe øe IOó©àe äÉbhCG‘»°Só ≤ ŸG ≈ fÉY óbh ,IóFGõdG áfƒ« ∏ dGh ¿hÉ¡àdÉH»°Só ≤ ŸG º¡Jt G PEG.á«°SÉ«°ùdG äÉgÉŒ’G øe ÚØdÉîŸGh øeC’G ∫ ÉLQh áWöûdG™e ¥É£f ≈∏ Y ádhGóàŸG áæ ∏©ŸG ÒZ ÜÉÑ°SC’G øeh.Gk ójó– øeC’G™e π eÉ©àdG‘ Ék°SöTh Ék Ñ ∏°U …hÉbQõdG ¿Éc ɪæ«H 55 !z»°Só ≤ ª ∏ d»æjódG ∑ ƒ ∏°ùdG{ áeÓ°S ióe‘ ∂«µ°ûJ ∂ dÉæg ¿Éc ,QÉ«àdG Gòg OGôaCG π NGO ≥«°V Qó°üJ ∫ ÓN ,øé°ùdG‘ É¡Ñàc»àdG) záë°UÉæeh IöUÉæe:…hÉbQõdG{ IÒ¡°ûdG °SQ‘»°Só ≤ ŸG OÉY √ OOôj Ée Ék«aÉf ,äÉaÓÿG ∂∏ J ¤EG(IóYÉ ≤ dG ¤EG ∫ ƒëàJ ¿CG π Ñb-¥Gô©dG‘ OÉ¡÷Gh ó«MƒàdG áYɪ÷ …hÉbQõdG ÆôØàdGh á«cô ◊ G IOÉ« ≤ dG øY»ëæàdÉH z»JGòdG √ QGôb{ ¤EG IOÉ« ≤ dG‘ Ò¨àdG ôeCG Ók« fi ,…hÉbQõdG QÉ°üfCG . 56 …ôµØdG «LƒàdGh ∞«dCÉàdGh iƒàØ ∏ d ÚHh «H ±ÓÿG π«°UÉØJ øe GÒãc ∞°ûµJ É¡fq CG záë°UÉæeh IöUÉæe..…hÉbQõdG{ ádÉ°Sôd iȵdG ᫪gC’G ï«°ûdG»°Só ≤ ŸG π Ñb øe ÉYP’ Gó ≤ f Ω ó ≤ J É¡fCG ɪc ,Úaô£dG ÚH ⩪L»àdG áHôéà ∏ d É°üî ∏ e Ω ó ≤ Jh ,…hÉbQõdG !OôªàŸG ò«ª ∏ àdGh»cô ◊ G óFÉ ≤ dG …hÉbQõ ∏ d ô¶æŸGh í«JÉØe RôHCG øe Gk OóY ©e Ék Ñ룰üe ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¤EG …hÉbQõdG êhôN™e äRôH ±Óî ∏ d á°ù«FôdG á£ëŸG .zøjógÉéŸG{ øe záMÉ°ùdG ≠ jôØJ{ ¤EG …ODƒ«°S CG Gk Èà©e áë°VGh IQƒ°üH»°Só ≤ ŸG √ ó ≤ àfG Ée ƒgh ,ácô ◊ G Ω óY øY ºæJ iÈc Ak É£NCG ÖµJQG ÒNC’G ¿q CG ,…hÉbQõdÉH öTÉÑŸG ø©£dG Ék Ñæq éàe ,ójó°T AÉcòH ,»°Só ≤ ŸG Üöq ùjh IOÉ«b{:Ók FÉb ,zOôªàŸG ò«ª ∏ àdG{ ó°V É¡æWÉH‘ Iójó°T Iƒ°ùb ôª°†J IQÉÑY Ék eóîà°ùe ,»côMh …ôµa ꃰ†f . 57 zí ∏°ùŸG»ª«¶æàdG 𠪩dG ¤EG É¡àLGò°Sh É¡à«ë£°ùH π≤ àæJ ¿CG{ Rƒéj’ øé°ùdG π NGO OGôaC’G øe OóY 45 êQÉÿG øe …hÉbQõdG É¡¡Lƒj ¿Éc»àdG áë ∏ q °ùŸG äÉ« ∏ ª©dG ó°V ójó°T ôNBG ó ≤ f ¤EG ∂ dP øe»°Só ≤ ŸG è ∏ jh »°Só ≤ ŸG π«ëjh ,øjòØæŸG ∫ É ≤ àYG ¤EG»¡àæJh íéæj’ É¡Ñ ∏ ZCG ¿Éch(¿Éà°SOôch ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG‘ AÉæKCG) π Ñb øe …hÉbQõdG áYƒª› ¥GÎNG ¤EG Ék ëªq ∏ e ,»æeC’G ∫ ÉéŸG‘ zá« ∏ µ«g ä’ÓàNG{ ƒgh ¢ù«FQ ÖÑ°S ¤EG ∂ dP .á«fOQC’G äGôHÉîŸG : 58 á«°ù«FQ ±GógCG áKÓãH π ãªàj á«°† ≤ dG √ ò¡H íjƒ ∏ àdG øe»°Só ≤ ŸG OGôe π q ©dh .IÎØdG ∂∏ J ∫ ÓN ,…hÉbQõ ∏ d áHƒ°ùæŸG ä’hÉëŸÉH-Ék«æª°V – »°Só ≤ ŸG ±GÎYG; ∫ hC’G øà á«ë°†àdGh ∫ GƒeCGh Oƒ¡L QGógEGh ,»æeC’G ¥GÎN’G áé«àf π°ûØdG á«dhDƒ°ùe …hÉbQõdG 𫪖;kÉ«fÉK .äÉ« ∏ ª©dÉH ¿ƒeƒ ≤ j OQ{ ádhÉ fi ∂ dP‘ ÉÃQh ,ájOÉ« ≤ dG …hÉbQõdG IAÉØc ≈∏ Y z Ω É¡Øà°SG áeÓY{™°Vh øª°†àj ≥ Ñ°S Ée;kÉãdÉK á©°SGh áëjöT π Ñb øe π gÉéàdGh ádõ©dG øe ≈ fÉY ºK ,øé°ùdG‘ IQÉeE’G øY ∫ õY …òdG»°Só ≤ ª ∏ d zQÉÑàYG .º¡d Gk óFÉbh Ék ¡Lƒe …hÉbQõdG GhòîJG øjòdG ,QÉ«àdG OGôaG øe .Úaô£dG ÚH ±ÓÿG OÉ©HCG ∑ GQOEG‘ zá«°ù«FQ ák æÑp dn{ π ã“ ádÉ°SôdG( √ òg)‘ äOQh áàØ ∏ e IQÉÑY áªK π HÉ ≤ ŸG‘h ó ∏ ÑdG‘ AÉ ≤ ÑdG ÉfCG äôKBÉa{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¤EG …hÉbQõdG™e Ω óY‘ ÖÑ°ùdG øY ¢Vô©e»Øa .zäÉMƒªWh ∫ ÉeBG ∑ Éæg» ∏ a ,ô¡ædG ÈY Ék HôZ É¡ ∏≤ fG ¿CG π eCG» ∏ ch ,ÉgÉfCGóH»àdG IƒYódG ájÉYQh á©HÉàŸ π ãÁ ÚM‘ ,Ú£°ù ∏ ØHh ô¡ædG Üô¨H (ÊOQC’G ôØ°ùdG RGƒL π eÉM) π°UC’G»æ«£°ù ∏ a»°Só ≤ ŸÉa ÊOQCG) …hÉbQõdG ÉeCG ,»°Só ≤ ŸG äÉMƒªWh ∫ ÉeBG É¡«a™ ≤ J»àdGh Ú£°ù ∏ a ¤EG IƒYódG ¥Ó£fG Qƒ fi ¿OQC’G ¢†aQ ó ≤ a ,᪵ fi ¿ƒµJ ¿CG OɵJ á« ∏ ª©dG âfÉch ,áÑ ≤©dG øe äÓjEG ∞°üb»°Sƒ«÷G « ∏ Y ìÎbG ÉeóæY( π°UC’G âëÑ°UCG ºK , RôHCG äGôHÉîŸG•ÉÑ°V óMCG-É ≤ HÉ°S – ¿Éch zô¡ædG ¥öT{ Öjƒ°üJ ≈∏ Y öUCGh ∂ dP .ÈcC’G ÉgöSCÉH áeÉ©dG äGôHÉîŸG IôFGO áÄ°ûæàdG ºµM‘ É°†jCG øµdh ,Ú°üî°û ∏ d»°SÉ«°ùdG ôµØdG‘§ ≤ a ¢ù«d ±ÓàNG Qƒ fi Gòg ¿CG í°VGƒdG øeh ÊÉ©e ÉæjÉ©e è« ∏ ÿG ¤EG π≤ àfGh Ú£°ù ∏ a‘ ódh Oôa ÚH ,»YɪàL’G ∫ ÉéŸGh»°ùØædG øjƒµàdGh Aɪàf’Gh ÊÉ©j ¢ûª¡e Ò ≤ a™ªà›‘ øjódG øY Gó«©H CÉ°ûf ÜÉ°T ÚHh ,á«eÓ°SE’G äÉYɪ÷G ÜQÉéàd ÉFQÉb ,áHô¨dG .(á«fOQC’G AÉbQõdG áæjóe) áªL á«YɪàLG É°VGôeCG ≈∏ Y ,Ohó fi ÜQÉéàdG øe …hÉbQõdG ó«°UQ ¿q CÉH π ãªàJ»°Só ≤ ŸG ádÉ ≤ e øe á«æª°†dG π FÉ°SôdG ióMEÉa øµj ⁄ h ,Éehó©e ¿ƒµj Oɵj iôNC’G ∫ hódGh ¿OQC’G‘ á«°SÉ«°ùdG IÉ« ◊ G ä’ƒ– ≈∏ Yh»eÓ°SE’G 𠪩dG ÜQÉŒ ,z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ áYƒª›™e ºK øeh ,äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ájGóH‘ ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG‘ IÒ°ü ≤ dG»°ùjó ≤ ŸG áHôŒ iƒ°S ∂∏ à .™ªàéŸG ¢ûeÉg ≈∏ Y IOhó fi áYɪL ºgh 46 »°ùØædG ¿CG ºµëH»°Só ≤ ŸG øe áeÉYõdGh IOÉ« ≤ dG ´GõàfG ÜÉ°ûdG Gòg ´É£à°SG ∂ dP øe ºZôdG ≈∏ Yh øeh ,ø°ùdG‘ Qɨ°üdG ÜÉÑ°ûdG øe º¡Ñ ∏ ZCGh ,¿OQC’G‘ QÉ«àdG QÉ°üfCG ¤EG ÜôbCG á«YɪàL’G °ûæJh …ôµØdGh ó¡©dG»ãjóM{ øe(°SQ‘»°Só ≤ ŸG ô ≤ j ɪc) º¡æe Òãch ,IÒ ≤ ØdG äÉ ≤ Ñ£dG øeh ,Ió«L áaÉ ≤ K ÚØ ≤ ãŸG ÒZ QÉ°üfCG ∑ ƒ ∏°S øe ɵ°T ÉeóæY ,á°UÉN äÉ°ù ∏ L‘»°Só ≤ ŸG É¡H ôbCG ób á«Yƒ°VƒŸG á ≤« ≤◊ G √ òg π©dh ,z Ω Ó°SE’ÉH ÉÃQh! ¢ù°SCGh …òdG ôµØdG ÉjÉë°V ∫ hCG øe ƒg ¿Éµa ,«a ≠ dÉÑŸG ºgOó°ûJ øeh ,©e π eÉ©àdG‘ QÉ«àdG ôeC’G π°Uh ó ≤ a ,( √ òg)»°Só ≤ ŸG ádÉ°SQ øe ÜÉÑ°ûdG QÉ°üfC’G øe ójó©dG Ö°†Z π X‘ á°UÉN ÌcCG ôeC’G Qƒ£àj .!øé°ùdG π NGO Gójó¡J»°Só ≤ ª ∏ d π°Sôj ¿CG ¢†©ÑdÉH ∞©°Vh ádÉë°Vh …hÉbQõdG ÚHh ,°üHh ÚH áfQÉ ≤ ŸG‘»°Só ≤ ŸG OOÎj’h á¡LƒH …hÉbQõdG ´ÉæbEG ∫ hÉMh ,ÉgOÉ©HCGh …hÉbQõdG áHôŒ áÑbÉY ∑ Qój ¿Éc-ôcòj ɪc – »°Só ≤ ŸÉa ,°üH . 59 QÉ«àdG‘ øjõ«ªàŸG OGôaC’G ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG ¤EG ©e òNCGh , fl ≈∏ Y öUCG …hÉbQõdG ¿CG’q EG, √ ô¶f ..?»°Só ≤ ŸG É¡eó ≤ j ɪc ,áé«àædG âfÉc GPɪa ójöûàdG ¤EG ©e êôN øe ¢Vô©J Üô ◊ G ó©H ºK ,°ùØf ¿O’ øH áeÉ°SCG™eh ¿ÉÑdÉW™e …hÉbQõdG ∞∏ àNG 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IöUÉæŸG{ ádÉ°SQ âfÉc GPEGh ™e äÉØbh{»g ¥GQhC’G ∂∏ J RôHCG π q ©dh;IöUÉæŸG ádÉ°SQ øY ᫪gCG π q ≤ J’»°Só ≤ ª ∏ d iôNCG Ék bGQhCGh äÉ«HOCG «dEG OÉb …òdG Ω É©dG ∏ dh ,¥Gô©dG‘ …hÉbQõdG ájDhôd Ék æ£q Ñe Ék©°qSƒeh Ók°qüØe Gk ó ≤ f Ω ó ≤ J»àdG zOÉ¡÷G äGôªK . 63 á«fOQC’G zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ QÉ«J …hÉbQõdG ó©H øé°ùdG øe ∫ hC’G Qƒah, Ω GƒYCG π Ñb QƒædG iôj ¿CG OÉch ,Gk ôµq Ñe»°Só ≤ ŸG áØdq CG ÜÉàc ∂ dP ≥ Ñ°S π H É¡«a™ ≤ j AÉ£NC’ ó°UQ «ah, 64 zÒصàdG‘ ƒ ∏ ¨dG øe ôjòëàdG‘ á«æ«KÓãdG ádÉ°SôdG{ ƒgh ,1999 Ω ÉY .Ò«¨àdG‘»°Só ≤ ŸG è¡æe ∏ ªàëj hCG √ ójôj ɇ ÈcCG IQƒ°üH Oó°ûàdG‘ π ãªàJ Ók°qSƒJ √ ÉjÉæK‘ π ªëjh»°Só ≤ ŸG √ ôª°†j ,ÒÑ©àdG RÉL ¿EG ,QÉ°ùŸG í«ë°üàd π eÉc ´höûe Ω ÉeCG ,¿PEG ,øëf ≥∏£fG»àdG ájDhôdG øª°V ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG «LƒJ IOÉYEGh ,á«cô ◊ G ÉÃQh ,ájôµØdG IOÉ« ≤ dG Ω ÉeR IOÉ©à°S’ .áØ ∏ à fl iôNCG äÉgÉŒÉH É¡Ø£àNG …hÉbQõdG ¿q CG ô©°ûj ,»°Só ≤ ŸG É¡æe ‘ …hÉbQõdG™e ±ÓÿG IóM Oƒ©°U™e á°UÉîHh ,á ∏ ¡°S»°Só ≤ ŸG ᪡e øµJ ⁄ ,ºYC’G Ö ∏ ZC’G‘ øµÁ Ée øµd;«dEG QÉ«àdG AÉæHCG ÜGò‚Gh ,øjöUÉæŸG ÜÉéYEG ≈∏ Y AÓ«à°S’G‘ …hÉbQõdG ìÉ‚™eh ,IÒNC’G ‘ IôaÉ°S IQƒ°üH IóYÉ ≤ dG™LGôJ ÉgRôHCG IójóY äGÒ¨àe; …óëàdG ºéM øe π∏≤ jh»°Só ≤ ŸG Ω óîj ¿CG .…hÉbQõdG á©HÉàe ƒëf QÉ«àdG AÉæHCG ´ÉaófG øe ∞©°†j Ée ,IÒNC’G Qƒ¡°ûdG ∫ ÓN ,¥Gô©dG , ⁄ É©dG‘ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ°üfCGh ´ÉÑJCG ÚH í£°ùdG ≈∏ Y IÒÑc äÉYó°üJh äÉ ≤≤°ûJ RhôH ∂ dP ¤EG ±É°†j É¡« ∏ Y ≈ HôJ»àdG √ QɵaCG øe ójó©dG øY ©LGôJh π H ,©LGôe øY ∞ jöûdG Ω ÉeEG ó«°S, π°†a QƒàcódG ¿ÓYEG™e . 65 zIó©dG OGóYEG‘ Ióª©dG{ á°UÉîH ,IQƒª©ŸG ´É ≤ H øe Òãc‘ QÉ«àdG Gòg OGôaCG 53 √ OÉ©àHÉH π ãªàj ¿Éc êGôaE’G•öT ¿q CG PEG ,»æeC’G ≥««°†àdG øe òæe ≈ fÉY»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿q EÉa; π HÉ ≤ ŸG‘h ©LGôe QÉ°ùe º°SQ áHƒ©°Uh zábO{ øY Ók°†a, 66 á«cô ◊ G äÉWÉ°ûædG á°SQɇ Ω óYh, Ω ÓYE’G π FÉ°Sh øY øY â ∏ îJ»àdG ,öüe‘ á«eÓ°SE’G áYɪ÷G øe π c äÉ©LGôe «dEG â ∏°Uh Ée ¤EG ‘ π°üj’ ƒ¡a ,á°UÉÿG OÉ¡÷G áYɪ÷ ≥ HÉ°ùdG ÒeC’G, π°†a.O «dEG π°Uh Ée ∂ dòc’h ,ájôµØdG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG äÉ ≤∏£æe øe Òãc DhÈàdGh ÉgÒصJh á«°SÉ«°ùdG º¶ædG á ∏°UÉØe ≈∏ Y áªFÉ ≤ dG ∫ ƒ°UCG ≈∏ Y Ék ¶aÉ fi»°Só ≤ ŸG» ≤ H PEG ,ájöüŸG ,IóYÉ ≤ dG É¡«dEG»ªàæJ»àdG á«ŸÉ©dG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ôFGhO™e á«côMh ájôµa ∫ É°üJG•ƒ£îH Ω Gõàd’G™e ,É¡æe . 67 á«LƒdƒjójC’G ä’ƒ ≤ ŸG ∂∏ J øY» ∏ îàdG ¤EG π°üj ¿CG √ ójôJ»àdG ,á«fOQC’G áeƒµ ◊ G ≈°VôJ’ Ée ƒgh «dEG π°Uh …òdG ñQÉ°üdG Oó°ûàdGh É¡H ≠ dÉÑŸG ÒصàdG áYõf øe ó ◊ G ∫ hÉëj»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿q EÉa ôNB’G ±ô£dG ≈∏ Y .á«ŸÉ©dG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ÚÁ ≈°übCG‘ ájôµØdG °S‘™ ≤ j …òdGh ,…hÉbQõdG è¡æe™e ,QÉ«àdG OGôaCG ‘ √ CGóàHG …òdG ƒëf ,AGQƒdG ¤EG á ∏« ∏ b äÉLQO Oƒ©j ¿CG ójôj»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿Éa ,Gk ójó– ÌcCG IQƒ°üHh ¢ù°SDƒj ¿CG OGQCG ÉeóæY z»eÓ°SE’G 𠪩dG{ AÉ°†a‘ IójóL ájDhôH Ω Gõàd’G ∫ ÓN øe ∂ dPh ,äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG π FGhCG á«YöûdG ´õf ≈∏ Y öüjh ,OƒLƒe ƒg ɪY Ék Ø ∏ à fl(z¿hóMƒŸG{ °ùØf ≈∏ Y ≥∏£j) zó«MƒàdG{ ájGQ π ªëj QÉ«àd áMÉ°S‘(Qƒ¶æŸG ióŸG‘ π bC’G ≈∏ Y) z»ª ∏°ùdG 𠪩dG{ QÉ°ùe òîàj ’EG ,áªcÉ ◊ G á«Hô©dG º¶ædG øY á«æjódG Gò¡H™ªàéŸGh Ω É©dG …CGôdG ÖWÉîj Ék eÉY Ék ¡Lq ƒJ ø°qTójh ,QɵaC’Gh º«gÉØŸG Ò«¨J ≈∏ Y õcôjh ,¿OQC’ÉH 𠪩dG Ω hÉ ≤ ŸG í ∏ q °ùŸG 𠪩dG ¥É«°S‘ øµdh ,á«æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG áMÉ°ùdG ¤EG áHôéàdG √ òg π≤ f ∫ hÉëj °ùØf âbƒdG‘h ,ÜÉ£ÿG .» ∏«FGöSE’G ∫ ÓàMÓd IOƒY»gh ,¿OQC’G‘ z 𠪩dG áMÉ°S{ ¤EG Iójó÷G»°Só ≤ ŸG IOƒY ¤EG ô¶ædG øµÁ ÉjGhõdG √ òg OhóM‘ . …hÉbQõdG ájDhôH ¿ƒæeDƒj ¿ƒdGõj’ øe™e á« ∏ NGO á¡LGƒe QÉ£NCÉH áaƒØ fi QÉ«àdG Gòg π NGO RôHh ,Ók©a» ∏ NGódG ´GöüdG ôéq ØJ ≈ àM»°Só ≤ ŸG êhôN ≈∏ Y á ∏« ∏ b Qƒ¡°T’q EG ¢†“ ⁄ PEG Ék µµ°ûeh Gk Oq ÉM Ék Øbƒe ¿hòîàj øjòdG OGôaC’G øe áYƒª› √ Oƒ ≤ J ôNB’Gh ,»°Só ≤ ŸG √ Oƒ ≤ j ∫ hC’G ,¿ÉgÉŒG .zIójó÷G á«ë«ë°üàdG ácô ◊ G{ AGQh zá«æeCG Om ÉjCG{ OƒLƒH ¿hõª ∏ jh ,Iójó÷G √ QɵaCGh π LôdG äÉ©LGôà Óc ÚH zá«fhεdG ÜôM{ äCGóHh ,zájOÉ¡÷G äÉjóàæŸG{ ¤EG π≤ àfGh ,ø ∏©dG ¤EG ´GöüdG êôN Ée ¿ÉYöS .êQÉÿG‘ QÉ«àdG QÉ°üfCG π Ñb øe á«YhöûŸG ÜÉ°ùàcGh ,QÉ«àdG OGôaCG ÜÉ£ ≤ à°SG ±ó¡H øjQÉ«àdG ó‚h , ∏ d á«côM Ak ɪ°SCG Ω óîà°ùJh ,Ék«eÓYEG áahô©e ÒZ áYƒª› √ Oƒ ≤ J»°Só ≤ ª ∏ d ¢†aGôdG √ ÉŒ’G »°ù«Y øH ËôµdG óÑY ¿Éª«dG ƒHCG ƒYóŸG CG …òdG Ö«àµdG ÉgRôHCG øe ,Aɪ°SC’Gh ¥GQhC’G ¢†©H ó«©°üdG Gòg‘ ¿Gƒæ©H zôLÉ¡ŸG º°SÉ ≤ dG ƒHCG{`d ∫ É ≤ e ∂ dÉægh ,zOÉ¡÷G äÉMÉ°S øe QGôØdG ºµM‘ OÉ¡àL’G{ ¿Gƒæ©H ÊóŸG øH ó°SCG º°SÉH iôNCGh ,z»eÉ°ûdG ´É ≤© ≤ dG ƒHCG{`d zÉæLôN º©f{ ¿Gƒæ©H ôNCGh ,zAGQƒdG ¤EG Ω ó ≤ àj»°Só ≤ ŸG{ . 68 ≈ æµdGh ÜÉ ≤ dC’Gh Aɪ°SC’G ÉgÒZh zâ«ZGƒ£dG ôgÉb{ º°SÉH ∂ dòch ,äGôØdG 54 ≈∏ Y ä’DhÉ°ùJ ìô£Jo h π H ,ÉgOÉ©HCGh»°Só ≤ ŸG äÉ©LGôe á«Ø ∏ îH ∂«µ°ûàdG Gòg QɵaCGh èéM ó«q°ùàj ¿Gƒæ©H Gk ójóL Ék HÉàc»°Só ≤ ŸG Ω óq b …òdG ,AÉbQõdG áæjóe øe ,z Ω ÒH øjódG Qƒf{ á«°üî°T á°UÉîH , øe . 69 («a ≠ dÉÑŸG Oó°ûàdG) zƒ ∏ ¨dG{ ºLÉ¡j z ∫ Ó°†dGh ´óÑdG π gCG ôég‘ ∫ É ≤ ŸG π°üa{ ºgôصj å«M ,±ÉbhC’G IQGRƒd á©HÉàdG zóLÉ°ùŸG áªFCG{ øe ∞ bƒŸG á«°†b ∫ ƒM ∑ QÉ©ŸG ¢†©H ≈ MQ QhóJh .á ∏ eÉc IQƒ°üH ºgÒصJ ¢†aôjh, ∂ dP»°Só ≤ ŸG ¢†aôj ɪæ«H ,ºgAGQh ¿ƒ ∏ q °üjo’h , Gòg OGôaCG ácô ◊ G™e ±ÓàN’ÉH Gòg OGôaCG»Øàµj’ PEG ,¢SɪM ácôM øe ∞ bƒŸG ,É°†jCG IQÉãŸG ∑ QÉ©ŸG øeh .ÉgÒصJ ≈∏ Y ¿höüj π H(»°Só ≤ ŸG ∫ ÉM»g ɪc) ó©H , …hÉbQõdG ∞ bƒÃ »°Só ≤ ŸÉH ∂«µ°ûàdÉH ¿ƒ ∏°Sƒàj Gòg OGôaCG ¿q CG ô¶æ ∏ d âØ ∏ ŸG á«YöûdG ´õ`æd É¡fƒØXƒj ,»°Só ≤ ŸG ó°V …hÉbQõ ∏ d ä’ƒ ≤ à Gòg Ú©à°ùjh ,ÚæK’G ÚH ±ÓÿG ∫ É©à°TG ¿q CG Éæî«°T Éj º ∏ YGh{:(IöUÉæŸG ádÉ°SQ ÒNC’G ¿ÓYEG ó©H)»°Só ≤ ŸG‘ …hÉbQõ ∏ d ¿ƒÑ°ùæ«a;ÒNC’G øY ö†j Ée Qó ≤ H;(¥Gô©dG‘ …hÉbQõdG áYɪL ∫ ɪYC’»°Só ≤ ŸG äGOÉ ≤ àfG …hÉbQõdG ó°ü ≤ j) Êö†j’ ôeC’G Gòg π c ¿õ ◊ G øµd ,( π à ≤ j ¿CG ó°ü ≤ j)»ÑdCÉa»q ∏ Y iOÉæj ¿CG ∂°Tƒj ,Úª ∏°ùŸG ä’ÉLQ øe π LQ ÉfCG ɉEÉa ,OÉ¡÷G Gòg Gk PÉ«Y – GhOGQCG Ée º¡d”q ¿EÉa;«æH ¢Vƒq ≤ j ¿CG OGôj ,Úæ«Y …P π µd ájOÉH;ºFÉb OÉ¡L ≈∏ Y ¿õ ◊ G .z ∂ dP øe ó°SC’G Ö«°üf ∂ d ¿Éc-ˆÉH π H ,»°Só ≤ ŸG äÉ©LGôe ä’BÉe‘ ∂«µ°ûàdG ƒg …hÉbQõ ∏ d z¢üædG{ Gòg AÉYóà°SG øe ±ó¡dG ¿q CÉH ≈ Øîj’h ,IQÉeE’G øe»°Só ≤ ŸG ∫ õYo ÉeóæY ,øé°ùdG á ∏ Môe ¤EG, ∂ dP ≈∏ Y á ≤ HÉ°S äGƒæ°S ¤EG Gòg OGôaCG ¢†©H Oƒ©j .zQÉ«àdG Gòg OGôaC’ áeQÉ°üdG á«cƒ ∏°ùdG ÒjÉ©ŸG Ö°ùëH) z»æjódG ∏ °S{h z«bGó°üe{‘ ∂°ûdG GhÒã«d øe ójó©dG ≈∏ Y √ höûfh , Gòg ó°V Gk Oq ÉM Ék fÉ«H GhQó°UCG»°Só ≤ ŸG áYƒª› ¿q EÉa;á ∏ HÉ ≤ ŸG á¡÷G ≈∏ Y ábôa) zêQGƒÿG{ øe º¡fCÉH ∫ hC’G OGôaCG «a ¿ƒØ°üj ,âfÎf’G áµÑ°T ≈∏ Y ájOÉ¡÷G äÉjóàæŸGh™bGƒŸG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ«J ø ∏©j»àdG áYɪ÷Gh áæ°ùdG π gCG øe áLQÉN á«æjódG É¡JGó ≤ à©e‘ á«dɨe áÁób á«eÓ°SEG . 70 (É¡«dEG √ DhɪàfG ⁄ É©dG‘ øe ÜÎ ≤ j ,AÉbQõdG áæjóe‘ Gk ójó–h ,Ohó fi ƒàdG ∂ dP ¿q CG ¤EG QÉ°TCG z»°Só ≤ ŸG øY ´ÉaódG{ ¿É«H áYƒªéŸG √ òg ¿q CG ¤EG IQÉ°TEG ∂ dP‘h, √ öSCÉH™ªàéŸG z Ω Ó°SEG{‘ ∂ µ°ûj π H ,™ªàéŸG øe á©°SGh äÉÄa zÒصJ{ .iôNCG á«eÓ°SEGh á«HôY ∫ hOh ,öüe‘ áahô©ŸG zIôé¡dGh ÒصàdG{ áYɪL øe ÜÎ ≤ J ôeC’G π°Uhh π H ,á ∏ eÉc IQƒ°üH ∂ dP ∫ õ©H QÉ«àdG OGôaCG ÖdÉW ´ÉaódG ¿É«H‘ É°†jCG ô¶æ ∏ d âØ ∏ ŸG ¿ƒµàd ÜôbCG IQÉÑY»gh ,z°SÉæj Ée{ AGôLE’G øe PÉîJÉH º¡ ≤ aGƒjh º¡©e ∞≤ j ø‡ ø£q Ñe»æª°V ôjò– ¤EG .Gk ôØq°ûe zÉk«côM Ak Góf{ 55 á«Ø ∏°ùdG í«JÉØe øeh ,±hô©e É¡Ñ ∏ ZCG ,á«°üî°T øjöûYh â°S™«bƒJ π ªM ¿É«ÑdG ¿q CG ∑ GPh Gòg øe ºgCG ƒg Ée ,( ∑ ôµdGh ¿ÉªYh ¿É©eh§ ∏°ùdGh óHQEGh AÉbQõdG‘ á°UÉîH) QÉ«àdG Gòg QÉ°ûàfGh OƒLh ≥ WÉæe‘ ájOÉ¡÷G ,‹ÉéŸG áÑ«àb ƒHCG ,ä’ÉjQ ˆGóÑY ƒHCG ,…hÉë£dG óª fi ƒHCG ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG ,á ∏ MÉMôdG ìGôL:ºgRôHCG øeh .« ≤ ØdG OGƒL ,¿GójR …ó¡e ôªY ,óHÉ©dG óª fi ƒHCG, Ω ÒH Qƒf ,ÊÉ©ŸG ôî°U ¥GQhCGh äÉfÉ«H Öë°S π HÉ ≤ e ,á«YhöûŸG Ö°ùàcGh ,ájOÉ¡÷G äÉjóàæŸG™bGƒe‘™°SGh QÉ°ûàfÉH»¶M ¿É«ÑdG ¿OQC’G π NGO ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG 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‹hGóàdG ∫ ÉéŸG‘ áî°SGQ ÇOÉÑe çÓK ¤EG ,(ˆG ∫ õfCG Éà ¿ƒªµëj’ øjòdG Ú«dÉ ◊ G Üô©dG Ω Éµ ◊ G øe ∞ bƒŸG‘ QÉ«àdG « ∏ Y óæà°ùjh) ≥ dÉÿÉH ¿É°ùfE’G …ƒ«fódG§HQ ¤EG óæà°ùj …òdG ,(á«©°VƒdG º¶ædG π HÉ ≤ e í«ë°üdG»eÓ°SE’G Ω É¶ædG π ãÁh) áaÓÿG CGóÑeh .Iƒ ≤ o dÉH Ò«¨àdG§HQ ¤EG óæà°ùj …òdG ,OÉ¡÷G CGóÑeh ,…hôNC’ÉH ,IöUÉ©ŸG á«q eÓ°SE’Gh á«Hô©dG ᪶fC’G ÒصàH ∫ ƒ ≤∏ d ¢ù°uSDƒj ÊOQC’G …OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°sùdG ÜÉ£ÿG ¿q EÉa ∂ dòHh Qƒ°Uh ∫ ɵ°TCG É¡dƒÑ ≤ H áYɪ÷Gh áæ°tùdG π gCG Ió« ≤ Y ∞ dÉîJ Ω ƒ«dG á«q eÓ°SE’G äÉYɪ÷G º¶©e ¿CG ≈∏ Y ócu Dƒjh QÉ«àdG ¢ù°SDƒj Éæg øeh ,á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöû ∏ d áØdÉîŸG ÒJÉ°SódGh äÉeƒµ ◊ G Ò«¨J‘ …Qò÷G ÒZ 𠪩dG øe .áMÉ°ùdG‘ á ∏ eÉ©dG iôNC’G á«eÓ°SE’G äGQÉ«àdG øY ájôµØdG õjÉ“h ,á«©bGƒdGh á«îjQÉàdG «YhöûŸ 68 :Iô°UÉ©ŸG zá« ∏ gÉ÷G{ π HÉ ≤ e zá«¡dE’G ᫪cÉ ◊ G{:kÉ«fÉK ¿q CÉH øeDƒj’ øªa ,á«eÓ°SE’G Ió« ≤©dGh ó«MƒàdÉH z᫪cÉ ◊ G{ Ω ƒ¡Øe zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ Ghô¶q æe§Hôj ,Ék°†jCG ôaÉc ƒ¡a á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöûdG ≥«Ñ£àH Ω Éµ ◊ G øe Ω õà ∏ j’ øeh ,ôaÉc ƒ¡a, √ óMh ˆ™jöûàdG ≥ M É¡JGOÉYh É¡æ«fGƒb‘ Ω Ó°SE’G ¤EG ºµà–’h á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöûdG ᫪cÉM É¡«a Oƒ°ùJ’»àdG äÉ©ªàéŸGh .á« ∏ gÉL äÉ©ªà›»g á°UÉÿGh áeÉ©dG É¡eɵMCGh á«Yös ûdG ´õf»g ájs OÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°sùdG …ô¶u æe iód z᫪cÉ ◊ G{ Ω ƒ¡Øe ≈∏ Y õ«cÎdG øe á«s°SÉ°SC’G ájɨdÉa Gò¡d Ék ≤ ahh.á«q gƒdC’G ó«MƒJ ¢üFÉ°üN ºq gCG óMCG √ QÉÑàYÉH ∂ dPh ,ôصdG óu M‘ É¡dÉNOEGh ,áªFÉ ≤ dG ᪶fC’G øY ,¤É©Jh °S ˆG ƒgh ≥◊ G ø‡™jöûàq dGh ºµ ◊ G ≥ q M ´GõàfÉH âeÉb IöUÉ©ŸG ᪶fC’G ¿q EÉa Ω ƒ¡ØŸG …òdG ôeC’G ƒgh ,ôصdG óu M‘ ∂ dòc™ ≤ j äÉ©jöûàq dGh ÚfGƒ ≤ dG √ òg ¤EG ºcÉëàq dG π Ñ ≤ j …òdG™ªàéŸG ¿CG ɪc .á«q gƒdC’G Ω É ≤ e‘ °ùØf™°Vh øe π u c ∫ Éà ≤ H íª°ùj π ã“h. 81 öUÉ©ŸG»eÓ°SE’G ÜÉ£ÿG‘ á« ∏ gÉ÷Gh ᫪cÉ ◊ G»eƒ¡Øe IQƒ ∏ ÑH Ω Éb øe RôHCG Ö£b ó«°S ó©j øe π c RõY °ùØf âbƒdG‘ ’EG ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG AÉæHCG iód áeÉgh á«°SÉ°SCG á«©Lôe äÉ«HOCG ÜÉ£î ∏ d áªcÉM á°ù«FQ º«gÉØe ɪ¡æe Ó©Lh ,QÉ«àdG Gòg ÜÉ£N á«æH‘ Úeƒ¡ØŸG øjòg IOÉàb ƒHCGh»°Só ≤ ŸG .™bGƒdGh ,Òصàs dG OhóM ¤EG ɪ¡H™aójh ,£N‘ ∞ ãq µe π m µ°ûH á«q ∏ gÉ÷Gh á«q ªcÉ ◊ G»eƒ¡Øe Ö£b ó«°S ∞ Xq ƒj OGôaEG:Öjô ≤ dG ÉgÉæ©e ,ˆG’EG ’ ¿CG IOÉ¡°T{:Ö£b ó«°S Ö°ùëÑa ,á«q gƒdC’G ¢üFÉ°üN ¤hoCG»g á«q ªcÉ ◊ Éa ¢üFÉ°üN ¤hCGh ,É¡°üFÉ°üN øe IóMGh á«q °UÉN‘ ©e ≤∏ N øe óm MCG ∑ GöTEG Ω óYh ,á«q gƒdC’ÉH °S ˆG ≥ t Mh ,º¡JÉ« ◊ ègÉæŸG™°Vh ≥ t Mh ,OÉÑ© ∏ d™jöûàs dG ≥ t M CÉ°ûæj …òdG ,á ≤∏ £ŸG á«q ªcÉ ◊ G ≥ M:á«gƒdC’G . 82 zIÉ« ◊ G √ òg É¡« ∏ Y Ω ƒ ≤ J»àdG º«n ≤ p dG™°Vh OƒLƒH ≥≤ q ëàJ ∞ l °Uhh ál dÉM»g ɉEGh ,á«q îjQÉJ ám ∏ Môe ≈∏ Y öüà ≤ J’ á« ∏ gÉ÷G ¿s EÉa Ö£b ó«°S Ö°ùëHh áªFÉ ≤ dG äÉ©ªàéŸG™«ªL{ zº ∏°ùe ÒZ™ªà› π t c{:ƒg» ∏ gÉ÷G™ªàéŸÉa;Ée Ω m ɶf hCG™m°Vh‘ É¡JÉeƒu ≤ e âés Mh âeÉ°Uh â ∏ s °U ¿EGh...᪠∏°ùe É¡fCG É¡°ùØæd ºYõJ»àdG äÉ©ªàéŸG ∂∏ J{ É¡«a Éà ,zÓk©a ¢VQC’G‘ Ω ƒ«dG ¢ùFÉæµdGh™«Ñp dG‘ ˆ ôFÉ©°ûdG ¿ƒeó ≤ j ¢SÉæq dG âcôJ ƒdh ,°S ˆG OƒLƒH äôs bCG ƒdh, Ω Gô ◊ G â«ÑdG »µd, Ω Ó°SE’G ¤EG º¡à« ∏ gÉL øe ºgOu ôH Ω ƒ ≤ J ¿CG IƒYóq dG ≈∏ Y Öéjh ,Úª ∏°ùe Gƒ°ù«d Ω ƒ«dG ¢SÉædG...óLÉ°ùŸGh ≈∏ Yh ,¢VQC’G‘ ˆG ¿É£ ∏°S ≈∏ Y AGóàY’G ¢SÉ°SCG ≈∏ Y Ω ƒ ≤ J{ á« ∏ gÉ÷Éa, 83 zójóL øe Úª ∏°ùe º¡æe π©Œ äGQƒ°üàs dG™°Vh ºgAÉ£YEG IQƒ°U‘ öûÑ ∏ d á«q ªcÉ ◊ G óæ°ùJ É¡fEG ,á«q ªcÉ ◊ G ≈ gh á«gƒdC’G ¢üFÉ°üN ¢uüNCG . 84 zIÉ«ë ∏ d ˆG è¡æe øY ∫ m õ©Ã ´É°VhC’Gh ᪶fC’Gh ÚfGƒ ≤ dGh™FGös ûdGh º«n ≤ p dGh 69 ;É¡«a ˆG ºµM ÜÉ«¨d ∂ dPh ,á« ∏ gÉ÷G ∞°Uh É¡« ∏ Y ≥ Ñ£æj Ω ƒ«dG áªFÉ ≤ dG äÉ©ªàéŸG™«ªL ¿EÉa Gò¡Hh º¡JGQƒ°üJh º¡JÉ«M ≥ ãÑæJ öûÑdG øe áYɪL{:»g Ö£b ó«°S Ö°ùëH áeC’Éa ,áªFÉb ó©J ⁄ á«q eÓ°SE’G áeC’Éa ™£ ≤ fG ób äÉØ°UGƒŸG √ ò¡H áeoC’G √ ògh ,»eÓ°SE’G è¡æŸG øe É¡ ∏ c É¡æjRGƒeh º¡ª«bh º¡àª¶fCGh º¡YÉ°VhCGh . 85 zÉ©k«ªL ¢VQC’G ¥ƒa øe ˆG á©jöûH ºµ ◊ G ´É£ ≤ fG òæe ÉgOƒLh áYÉ£dG‘ ˆ ó«MƒJ ƒg PEG ,á«gƒdC’G ó«MƒJ øe ƒg zá«q ªcÉ ◊ G ó«MƒJ{ ¿CG ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG ócu Dƒjh ,z‘ ∑ GöTE’Éc ‘ ˆÉH ∑ GöTE’G{ ,z¿É«ÑdG AGƒ°VCG{‘»£« ≤ æ°ûdG ∫ ƒb π≤ æjh ,™jöûàdG‘h π ª°T å«M ,(54:±GôYC’G) zôo er nC’Ghn ≥ o r ∏ ÿn r G dn’n nCG{ :¤É©J ∏°UCGh ∏ q c ∂ dP™eÉL{: ∫ ƒ ≤ dG ¤EG ¢ü ∏ îjh ºo µr ◊ o r G ¿p pEG{ :¤É©J Gòch ,™jöûàdGh á«q ªcÉ ◊ G ó«Mƒàd øª°†àŸG á«gƒdC’G ó«MƒJh ,á«HƒHôdG ó«MƒJ ∂ dP ˆG ó«Mƒàa ,(40: ∞°Sƒj) z¿n ƒªo ∏ n ©r jn’n ¢p SÉæs dG Ìn n cr nCG øs µp dn hn ºo«u ≤ n dr G øo jóu dG ∂ n dp Pn √ o Éjs pEG ’s pEG Gr hóo Ño©r Jn’s nCG ôn en nCG ˆp q p ’s pEG . 86 zIOÉÑ©dÉH ˆG ó«MƒJ øe ƒg á«s ªcÉ ◊ ÉH ó«MƒJ ƒg …òdG ,á«¡dE’G ó«MƒJ øe AõL ƒg ᫪cÉ ◊ G ó«MƒJ{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG IOÉàb ƒHCG Ék°†jCG ∂ dP ¤EG Ögòjh ó«MƒJ ƒg …òdG- á«HƒHôdG ó«MƒJ øe ƒgh , Éek õà ∏ e Gôqk ≤ e óÑ©dG ¿ƒc á¡L øe Gòg ,Ö ∏£s dGh ó°ü ≤ dG ôFÉ©°sûdG √ OÉÑ©d ´QÉ°sûdGh ºcÉ ◊ G ƒg ˆG ¿CG:…CG) – π©Øj Üôs dG ¿ƒc á¡L øe Gògh ,äÉÑKE’Gh áaô©ŸG ≥ q ◊ G ∂ dP ´õfh ,ÚŸÉ©dG ÜQ ˆ™jöûàs dGh ºµ ◊ G á«q °UÉN äÉÑKEG ƒ¡a, √ Éæ©eh °Vƒe ÉeCG(...™FGös ûdGh . 87 z √ Gƒ°S øªs Y :á«HÉ«ædG ¢ùdÉéŸGh á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ôØc:kÉãdÉK ≥ q M{ óæ°ùj ∂ dPh, Ω Ó°SE’G ¢†bÉæj Éjqk ôØc Éek ɶf ÉgQÉÑàYÉH á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ¤EG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ô¶æJ , Ω Ó°SE’G ÒZ ám©jöTh Ω m ɶæd ºµàëj ¿CG º ∏°ùŸ Rƒéj’ ájDhôt dG √ òg Ö°ùëÑa ,ˆ ¢ù«dh ,zöûÑdG ¤EG™jöûàq dG .ä’ÉéŸG ôFÉ°S‘ √ ÒZ ¤EG êÉàëj’, π m eÉc ‹x ƒª°T Ω m ɶæH Ω Ó°SE’G AÉL ó ≤ a Èà©j»q°Só ≤ ŸÉa; √ óMh ˆ™jöûàq dGh ºµ ◊ G ≥ q M öüb …òdG ó«Mƒàs dG ¢SÉ°SCG ¢†bÉæJ á«WGô ≤ Áóq dGh á¶Ø ∏ dG π°UCG ¿CG º ∏ YG{:«a ∫ ƒ ≤ j zøjO á«WGô ≤ ÁódG{:¿Gƒæ©H ÉHk Éàc ∞ dCG ó ≤ a ∂ dòdh ,Éæk jO á«WGô ≤ Áóq dG ,Ö©°ûdG»æ©Jh ,(¢SƒÁO) ,Úઠ∏ µd QÉ°üàNGh èeO»gh ,»Hô©H ¢ù«dh Êq Éfƒj(á«WGô ≤ ÁódG) áã«ÑÿG á«aô ◊ G(á«WGô ≤ Áóq dG) ᪠∏ c áªLôJ ¿CG Gòg ≈ æ©eh ,™jöûàdG hCG ᣠ∏°ùdG hCG ºµ ◊ G»æ©Jh ,(¢SƒJGôc)h óæY á«WGô ≤ jódG ¢üFÉ°üN º¶YCG Gògh...(Ö©°ûdG™jöûJ) hCG ,(Ö©°ûdG ᣠ∏°S) hCG ,(Ö©°sûdG ºµM):»g ¢†bÉæj …òdG π WÉÑdGh ∑ öq ûdGh ôصdG ¢üFÉ°üN ¢qüNCG øe °ùØf âbƒdG‘ ó«MƒàdG ÉNCG Éj ƒgh...É¡ ∏ gCG . 88 zó«Mƒàq dG á ∏ s eh Ω Ó°SE’G : á°†bÉæeh Ω Ó°SE’G øjO øY áLQÉN á«q ©°VƒdG º¶æt dG øe ÉgÒZh á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ¿CG ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG ócDƒjh ... √ ƒ°†JQG …òdG º¡æjO ƒ¡a Ω Ó°SE’G øjO OÉ°†jh ∞ dÉîj êm É¡æeh Ω m ɶf ≈∏ Y ⩪àLG ôصdG π∏ e øe ám ∏ e π µa{ . 89 z¤É©J ˆG øjO ÒZ É¡fEÉa ,(á«WGô ≤ ÁódG) ∂ dP øeh 70 ™o jöûJ É¡fC’:’k hCG{:ÜÉÑ°SCG Iós Y ¤EG ó«Mƒàq dG Ió« ≤©d É¡à°†bÉæeh á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ôØc»°Só ≤ ŸG hõ©jh ,Qƒà°Só ∏ d É ≤ k ah ,äƒZÉ£q dG hCG Ògɪ÷G ºµM É¡fq C’:É«k fÉK.ˆG ºµM â°ù«dh ,äƒZÉ£dG ºµM hCG Ògɪ÷G ¿C’ ,á«Yöq ûdG ÒZ É¡àæHh áÄ«ÑÿG á«fɪ ∏©dG IôªK á«WGô ≤ Áóq dG ¿EG:ÉãdÉK.¤É©J ˆG ´öûd É ≤ k ah ¢ù«dh á«WGô ≤ ÁódÉa. 90 zºµ ◊ Gh ádhódG øY øjóq dG π°üa hCG IÉ« ◊ G øY øjóq dG ∫ õY ¤EG»eôj …q ôØc Öl gòe:á«q fɪ ∏©dG ÒѵdG ˆG ºµM â°ù«d ∫ GƒMC’G™«ªL ≈∏ Y É¡æµd ,äƒZÉ£dG ºµM hCG Ö©°ûdG ºµM{»g:á«©jöûàdG ¢ùdÉéŸGh . 91 z ∫ É©àŸG ó«ÑY Éj{: ≤ H É¡d Ö°ùàæŸG ¤EG ák dÉ°SQ ƒjh É¡JGOÉ©eh á«WGô ≤ Áóu dG øe IAGÈdG ¤EG»°Só ≤ ŸG ƒYójh ,ºµà ∏ e øeh ºµæe ˆG ¤EG CGÈf ÉfEG ,¿ƒYöu ûŸG ÜÉHQC’G É¡jCG Éjh- á«°VQC’G ÒJÉ°SódGh ,á«q©°VƒdG ÚfGƒ ≤ dG ≈ àM Gók HCG AÉ°†¨ÑdGh IhGó©dG ºµæ«Hh Éææ«H GóHh ,á«q æKƒdG ºµ°ùdÉéÃh ,á«cöu ûdG ºcÒJÉ°SóHh ºµH ÉfôØc . 92 z √ óMh ˆÉH GƒæeDƒJ ¤EG óæà°ùJ áeƒ¶æe ÉgQÉÑàYÉH ,á©jöq û ∏ d É¡à°†bÉæeh á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ôØc ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG™e IOÉàb ƒHCG ≥ Øàjh ,ˆG Ò¨d IOÉ«°ùdG ≥ q M OÉæ°SEG ≈∏ Y Ω ƒ ≤ J ÉgQƒ°oU ±ÓàNG ≈∏ Y á«WGô ≤ Áóq dG áeƒ¶æŸG{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ,á«fɪ ∏©dG É¡fhôj»àdG äÉ©jöûàq dG QGó°UEG‘ QGôMCG ¢SÉæq dG ¿CG iôJ»àdG á«q fɪ ∏©dG Ió« ≤©dG øe ál ã©Ñæe áeƒ¶æŸG √ ògh Gòg ∑ ƒo ∏°oS ÖLhCG Éfk ƒfÉb ÉfOÓH‘ IóJôŸG ∫ hót dG‘ á«q fɪ ∏©dG äRôaCG óbh ,º¡JÉ«M äÉ«£©eo h º¡dƒ ≤ Yo Ö°SÉæJ OÉæ°SEG iôj …òdG»WGô ≤ ÁódG è¡æŸG ∑ ƒ ∏°S{:OÉ ≤ àYG ¢VôØj á«fɪ ∏©dG Ió« ≤©dG øe»°SÉ«°ùdG ≥ u °ûdÉa, ≥ jô£dG Ω ƒµëŸGh ºcÉ ◊ G …CG ,»YöûdG ºµ ◊ G ¿ÉcQCG ¢ùØf»g»WGô ≤ ÁódG ºµ ◊ G ¿ÉcQCÉa.. Ö©°û ∏ d IOÉ«°ùdG ≥ q M Úëa ,ÚfGƒ ≤ dG QGó°UEG ¤EG Ö©°qûdG É¡°Vƒa»àdG ᣠ∏°tùdG ƒg ºcÉ ◊ Gh ,ºµ ◊ G ¢ùØfh ,«a Ω ƒµëŸGh « ∏ Y ó«°qùdG øe QOÉ°U Ö°ùàµj ,Ö©°sûdG ¢ù ∏ › hCG ÜGƒæt dG ¢ù ∏ › hCG ¿ÉŸÈdG øY ¿ƒfÉb Qó°üj . 93 z»JƒZÉW»cöT ºµM ¤É©J ˆG øjO‘ ƒg …CG ,Êɪ ∏ Y»q WGô ≤ ÁO ÊÉŸôH»q Ñ©°T ºµM ƒ¡a ,ºcÉ ◊ G á«q WGô ≤ ÁódG ájGQ ¿CG º ∏ YG{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG, Ω Ó°SE’ÉH £ ∏ N Rƒéj’ …w ôØc øl jO ,IOÉàb ƒHCG Ö°ùëH ,á«WGô ≤ ÁódÉa Ω Ó°SE’G ÉeCÉa ,¿ÉØ ∏ à fl ¿ÉæjO á«WGô ≤ ÁódGh Ω Ó°SE’G ¿CG ÊGós dGh»°UÉ ≤ dG º ∏ Y óbh ,ál«cöT ál jôØc ál jGQ»g Ω Ó°SE’G IGhÉ°ùe ¢†©ÑdG ádhÉ fi ¿CG º ∏ YGh ,¢†©Ñd º¡°†©H öûÑdG ºµM á«WGô ≤ ÁódGh, √ OÉÑ©d ˆG ºµM ƒ¡a . 94 zöûÑdG AGƒgC’ á ≤ aGƒe ¤É©J ˆG øjO GƒdóÑj ¿CG ¿hójôj øjòdG ábOÉfõs dG ádhÉ fi»g á«q WGô ≤ ÁódÉH ,᪠∏°SC’G IÉYOo øe á«dBG hCG Im ó« ≤©c»WGô ≤ ÁódG è¡æŸG âæq ÑJ»àdG á«q eÓ°SE’G äÉcô ◊ G IOÉàb ƒHCG ºLÉ¡jh Ω Ó°SE’G ∞ jôëàd hCG á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ᪠∏°SC’ º¡fEÉa{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a, Ω Ó°SE’G è¡f øY Éak GôëfG ègÉæŸG √ òg‘ iôjh É¡à«dBÉH á«WGô ≤ ÁódG GhòNCG º¡fCG ¿ƒªYo õj º¡a ,É¡Hƒ ∏°SCG ÚHh ,á«q WGô ≤ ÁódGh Ió« ≤©dG ÚH Gƒbôs a ájGóÑdG‘ ¿EÉa’EGh ,¢†©ÑdG óæY»q©Lôe ≥ jôØàs dG Gògh ,ák«LƒdƒjójCGh Ik ó« ≤ Y Égƒ°†aQh ,É¡Hƒ ∏°SCGh É¡ª«¶æJh É¡àcôMh ,IôNB’ÉH ábÓY’, Ω ÉµMC’G …ƒ«fO ,™°VƒdÉH Êq É°ùfEG Ω Ó°SE’G QÉ°üa... √ OÉ ≤ àYÉH É«k WGô ≤ ÁO QÉ°U ÒãµdG . 95 z»¡dE’G É°Vôq dGh ,øjóq dG IQhö†d ᪫b’h 71 ádÉ°V äm ÉcôM ÉgÈà©jh ,á«WGô ≤ ÁódG áÑ© ∏ t dG‘ â ∏ NO»àdG á«eÓ°SE’G äÉcô ◊ G™«ªL IOÉàb ƒHCG ó ≤ àæjh ák bôa ¿CG’k óL Éæ°VÎaG ƒd{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ,á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ≥ jôW øY»JCÉj ¿CG Rƒéj’»q eÓ°SE’G ºµ ◊ Éa ,áYóàÑe É«qk eÓ°SEG ºµ ◊ G ¿ƒµj π ¡a ,á©jöq ûdG ⪵Mh ,á«WGô ≤ Áóu dG ≥ jôW øY ºµ ◊ G Ióq°oS ¤EG â ∏°Uh ¥ôØp dG øe ,©°Vhh √ óu M‘ á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöûdG™e» ≤ à ∏ j ¿Éc ¿EGh ¿m ƒfÉb π µa;’ ,ìm ƒ°Vh π q µH ÜGƒ÷G?á ≤ jô£dG √ ò¡H . 96 z…ôØc»JƒZÉW ¿l ƒfÉb ƒg π H ,É«qk eÓ°SEG ¿ƒµj ød Ö©°qûdG QÉ«Nh ,¿ÉŸÈdG ≥ jôW øY ¢Vôah ƒHCG Ö°ùëH á«WGô ≤ Áóq dG ≥ jôW øY»JCÉj ¿CG øµÁ’ á©jöq ûdG ºµM ≥«Ñ£àd» ∏ ª©dGh»YöûdG ≥ jô£dÉa âÑu ãJh É¡fÉcQCG ï°uSôJ ¿CG ∫ hót dG øe ám dhód øµÁ’ {: ≈∏ Y ócq Dƒj ƒ¡a, ∫ Éà ≤ dGh OÉ¡÷G ≥ jôW øY ɉEGh ,IOÉàb äGP ádhóq dG √ òg âfÉch ,¢ùeC’ÉHh Gók Zh ¿B’G ¢VQC’G ô¡X ≈∏ Y ál dhO óLƒj Óa ,AÓ°TCGh Am ÉeO ó©H’EG ÉgOƒLh ⁄ É©dG‘ á«WGô ≤ ÁódÉH ¢ùëj Éà Ψj’ ¿CG ôXÉæq dG ≈∏ Yh... ∫ Éàbh ,Ül hôMh Ül hôM ó©H’EG á©æeh ∫ Ó ≤ à°SG ,º¡«°SGôc øY Ω Éµ ◊ G» ∏ q îJ hCG ᣠ∏°tùdG ≈∏ Y ÜGõMC’G ÜhÉæJ öùjh ádƒ¡°S º¡°†©H iôj ÚM PEG ,»Hô¨dG ôq ≤ à°ùJ ⁄ ᪶fC’G √ òg ¿CG PEG ,º«°ùL lCÉ£N Gògh ≥ jô£q dG Gòg øY ºµ ◊ G ¤EG Gƒ ∏°üj ¿CG Úª ∏°ùŸG ¿ÉµeEÉH ¿CG øq ¶j . 97 záæMÉW Üm hôM ó©H’EG ∫ É ◊ G Gòg ≈∏ Y ¿Gó ∏ H øe Òãc‘ ÉgQÉ°ûàfG Ö ≤ Y ∂ dPh ,á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ó ≤ àæJ»àdG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG äÉHÉàc äôKɵJ ó ≤ d áÑ© ∏ q dG‘ IOóq©àe á«q eÓ°SEG äm GQÉ«J ∫ ƒNód Gôk ¶fh ,»°VÉŸG ¿ô ≤ dG øe äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ó ≤ Y AÉæKCG»eÓ°SE’G ⁄ É©dG .á«WGô ≤ ÁódG á«Ø ∏°qùdG Ö°ùëH ,ôصo dÉH ºµ ◊ G É¡« ∏ Y ≥ Ñ£æj ∂ dòdh ,á«WGô ≤ ÁódG Ω RGƒd óMCG á«q ©jöûàdG ¢ùdÉéŸG Èà©Jh ôl Øc á«q©jöûàdG ¢ùdÉéŸG‘ ácQÉ°ûŸG ¿CG; ˆG øjófh √ ó ≤ à©f …òdGh{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG ,ájOÉ¡÷G ∂ dPh ,á«q ∏°UC’G ôصdG ∫ hOo‘ Ω CG ,á«eÓ°SE’ÉH ∞°UƒJ»àdG IOôu dG ∫ hOo‘ ∂ dP ¿ÉcCG AGƒ°S ,º«¶©dG ˆÉH ∑ l öTh IAGÈdG ¤EG ák MGöU ¢SÉædG äo ƒYO{: ∫ ƒ ≤ jh, 98 zº¡Hôd’ öûÑ ∏ d É ≤ k ∏£e™jöûàdG ≥ q M π©Œ ¢ùdÉéŸG √ òg ¿q C’ . 99 zÉ¡JÉHÉîàfG‘ ácQÉ°ûŸG øe º¡JQòs Mh ,á«©jöûàq dG ¢ùdÉéŸÉH ôصdGh ,á«q©°VƒdG ÚfGƒ ≤ dG øe ¿ÉŸÈdG ¿CG ÉæaôY{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG ,( Ω Ó°SE’G øe É¡LhôN) á«©jöûàdG ¢ùdÉéŸG zá«q cöp T{ ≈∏ Y IOÉàb ƒHCG ócu Dƒjh . 100 zá«fɪ ∏©dG áfÉjóu dG‘ ´öq ûŸG ƒ¡a ,¤É©J ˆG Ò¨d «dCÉàq dG ≥ M OÉæ°SEG «a ¿q C’ ,»JƒZÉW»cöT ¢ù ∏ › ∑ QÉ°ûj øe ºµM‘ ¿Ébôq Øj ,IOÉàb ƒHCGh»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿q CG’EG ,ôØc á«©jöûàdG ¢ùdÉéŸG QÉÑàYG øe ºZôq dG ≈∏ Yh ¿CG ¿hO ∑ QÉ°T øe ÉeCG ,ôصj EÉa ÜÉîàf’G ≈∏ Y ös UCGh ¢ù ∏ éŸG á ≤« ≤ ëH ÉkŸÉY ¿Éc GPEÉa ,á«HÉîàf’G á« ∏ ª©dG‘ π LC’(ÜGƒædG) º¡ÑîàfG øe{:»°Só ≤ ŸG ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG, π ¡÷ÉH ©jh ôصdG ∞°Uh « ∏ Y ¿ƒ ≤∏£jo Óa, ∂ dP º ∏©j ƒg …òdG á«WGô ≤ Áóq dG øjO ≈∏ Y™ªàLGh º¡©e CÉWGƒJh ,ôصdG á°SQɇ‘ °ùØf øY º¡HÉfCG C’ ôØc ó ≤ a, ∂ dP ºgQÉ«àNGh ºgó°üb Ω óY ƒ¡a ,Éæg Ω Gƒ©dG ÉfQòY Ée ÉeCG...ˆG™jöûJ ¢ù«dh ,Ö©°û ∏ d Ö©°ûdG™jöûJh ºµM øe ¿hQÉàîj’h ,É¡à ≤« ≤ M’h ¢ùdÉéŸG √ òg á«gÉe ¿ƒaô©j’...±hô©e ƒg ɪc º¡æe Òl ãc π H ,ôØq µŸG 𠪩 ∏ d . 101 z √ ÒZ Ghó°üb π H ôصŸG 𠪩dG Ghó°ü ≤ j ⁄ Éæg º¡a...¿ƒYöu ûe º¡fCG ≈∏ Y º¡fhQÉàîj 72 Qƒà°SO‘»g ɪc á«q©jöûàdG á«q HÉîàf’G á« ∏ ª©dG™bGh ¿EG{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG ≥ jôØàs dG Gòg»s°Só ≤ ŸG IOÉàb ƒHCG ójDƒjh Qò©a, ∫ ƒ¡éŸG ⁄ ÉY‘ âdGR’»¡a ,IOÉbh ïjÉ°ûeh Aɪ ∏ Y øe Ω ƒ ≤ dG á« ∏ Y øe Òm ãµd í°†às J ⁄ É¡HÉë°UCG ¿ƒµJ ≈ àM ∞∏°sùdG É¡« ∏ Y º ∏ s µàj ⁄»àdG Iójó÷G áKGó ◊ G øe ƒg ÉgôeCG ¿CG á°qUÉN... ∂°T’™l bGh π ¡÷G . 102 zºµ ◊ G ¥ƒ ◊™fGƒe øe™l fÉe™bGƒdÉH π ¡÷Gh ,áeCÓd ák ë°VGh :äÉeƒµ ◊ G øY á«°SÉ«°ùdGh á«æjódG á«Yô°ûdG ´õfh ,äƒZÉ£dÉH ôصdG:kÉ©HGQ Éek Góîà°SG ÌcC’G ƒgh ,…OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°ùdG ÜÉ£î ∏ d á«°ù«°SCÉàq dG º«gÉØŸG óMCG zäƒZÉ£dG{ Ω ƒ¡Øe Èà©j ÚfGƒ ≤ dGh ᪶fC’Gh äÉ©jöûàq dG ôFÉ°S π ª°ûj ƒ¡a ,IöUÉ©ŸG á«q eÓ°SE’G ᪶fC’G √ Oq Qp h ôØc ¿É«H‘ ÉØk«XƒJh ,ÚfGƒ ≤ dGh ,Qƒà°SódGh ,ºcÉ ◊ G: π ª°ûj äƒZÉ£s dG Ω ƒ¡Øe ¿s EÉa Gò¡Hh ,á©jöûdG ¤EG ºµà–’»àdG äÉ°ù°qSDƒŸGh ,á«dɪ°SCGôdGh ,á«cGΰT’Gh ,á«æWƒdGh ,á«q eƒ ≤ dG äÉ«LƒdƒjójC’G áaÉch ,á«©jöûàdG ¢ùdÉéŸGh ,á«WGô ≤ ÁódGh óMCG Qò©j’ …òdG ó«Mƒàq dG ∫ ƒ°oUoCG øe äƒZÉ£dÉH ôصdÉa;á©jöq ûdG ¤EG ¿ƒªcÉëàj’ øjòdG OGôaC’G π c ∫ É£Jh .ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ájDhôt dG Ö°ùëH π°Sôt dGh AÉ«ÑfC’G IƒYO ¢SÉ°SCG ƒ¡a π ¡÷ÉH °ùØf™°Vh øe{ π q c ≈∏ Y ád’ós dG‘ ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG …ô¶q æe iód ,äƒZÉ£s dG Ω ƒ¡Øe Ω Góîà°SG ôKɵàjh º« ≤ dG øHG øjódG ¢ùª°T»eÓ°SE’G ⁄ É©dG ∞ jô©J ¤EG º¡æe Òãc óæà°ùjh ,z™jöûàq dGh IOÉÑ©dG‘ ’G Ω É ≤ e π q c äƒZÉ£a;´m É£e hCG ´m ƒÑàe hCG Om ƒÑ©e øe √ óq M óÑ©dG RhÉŒ Ée π c:äƒZÉ£dGh{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG ,ájRƒ÷G hCG ,ˆG øe IÒ°üH ÒZ ≈∏ Y ©Ñàj hCG ,ˆG ¿hO øe ©j hCG ,°SQh ˆG ÒZ «dEG ¿ƒªcÉëàj øe Ω m ƒb âjCGQ É¡©e ¢SÉæq dG ∫ GƒMCG â ∏ eCÉJh É¡à ∏ eCÉJ GPEG, ⁄ É©dG â«ZGƒW √ ò¡a ,ˆ ál YÉW ¿ƒª ∏©j’ ɪ«a ©«£j ¤EG ºcÉëàq dG ¤EG °SQ ¤EGh ˆG ¤EG ºcÉëàq dG øYh ,äƒZÉ£q dG IOÉÑY ¤EG ˆG IOÉÑY øY ¢VôYCG ø‡ ºgÌcCG . 103 z©HÉàeh äƒZÉ£q dG áYÉW ¤EG °SQ á©HÉàeh áYÉW øYh ,äƒZÉ£dG ÚH§HôdG ≈∏ Y ó«cCÉàdG‘ IOÉàb ƒHCGh»°Só ≤ ŸGh Ω GõY ˆGóÑYh Ö£b ó«°S øe π c ∫ GƒbCG ¿É«H ≥ Ñ°S óbh ÚfGƒ ≤ dGh äÉ©jöûàdGh º¶ædG ¤EG áaÉ°VE’ÉH ,»°SÉ«°ùdG √ ó©H‘ ƒgh ,äƒZÉ£dÉH ôصdG ᫪gCGh ó«MƒàdG ™jöûàdG ≥ M ¿ƒYóq j øjòdG ¢UÉî°TC’G π ª°ûj ,á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöûdG ≈∏ Y êôîJ»àdG äGOÉ©dGh Ω ÉµMC’Gh .ˆG ∫ õfCG Ée Ò¨H ºµ ◊ Gh øY á«°SÉ«°ùdGh á«æjódG á«YöûdG QhòL ´õ`æH Ω ƒ¡ØŸG Gòg ≈∏ Y õ«cÎdG øe Ék ë°VGh ±ó¡dG hóÑj PEG á«eÓ°SE’G ádhódG Ω ƒ¡ØçÑJôJ áØ ∏ à fl á«Yöûd ¢ù«°SCÉàdGh ,IöUÉ©ŸG á«eÓ°SE’Gh á«Hô©dG äÉeƒµ ◊ G .áaÓÿGh ¿ÉÁE’G ¿CG ∂ q °T’h , Éfk ÉÁEG ¿ƒµj äƒZÉ£dG ¤EG ºcÉëàdG π©L ˆG ¿EG{: Ω GõY ˆG óÑY ∫ ƒ ≤ j ,¥É«°ùdG Gòg‘ ÒZ ¤EG ºcÉ– øe π c ¿q EÉa; ∂ dP ≈∏ Y GAÉæHh; 104 zˆÉH ¿ÉÁEG äƒZÉ£s dÉH ôصdG ¿CG ɪc ˆÉH ôØc äƒZÉ£q dÉH ’h ,ó«MƒàdG ¢üFÉ°üN øe ºcÉëàdGh ºµ ◊ Éa ,á©jöûdG Ò¨H ºµM øe π c ∂ dòch, ∑ öq ûdG‘™ ≤ j ˆG á©jöT .ˆG Ò¨d ¿ƒµJ ¿CG Rƒéj 73 ∫ ÓN øe ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG äÉ«HOCG‘ IójóL á ∏ Môe ¤EG äƒZÉ£dG Ω ƒ¡Øe»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG π≤ æj √ QhóH ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG óMCG √ QÉÑàYÉH á©jöq ûdG ÒZ ¤EG ºcÉ– hCG ºµM øe π u c ≈∏ Y «ª©àHh ,£N‘ °SG ∞«ãµJ ⁄ ¿EÉa{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a;ÉØk©°†à°ùe ¿Éc ƒdh , π ¡÷ÉH ól MG Qò©j’ …òdG ôصdGh ¿ÉÁE’ÉH ≥∏©àJ»àdG á«q°SÉ°SC’G π bCG ≈∏ Y – ∂« ∏©a ∂ dP ¤EG ¢SÉædG IƒYOh ,º¡æ«fGƒb øe ôصdG QÉ¡XEGh ,º¡æe IAGÈdG ¿ÓYEGh Ò«¨àq dG ≈∏ Y Qó ≤ J ≈∏ Y ˆG ≥ t M ƒg …òdG ó«MƒàdG ≥« ≤ ëàd, √ AÉ«dhCGh ∏ gCG øe CGÈàJh, ∂°ùØæH äƒZÉ£q dG Gò¡H ôصJ ¿CG - ∫ GƒMC’G AGÈdGh ,ÚæeDƒª ∏ dh ˆG ´öûdh °Sôdh ˆ A’ƒdG º¡ª ∏©Jh ,°†¨Hh ôصdG ∑ O’hCG ºu ∏©Jh ,ó«Ñ©dG øe- ¢SÉæs dG óÑu©jh «ªëjh ™aGój øe π q c ¢†¨r Ho h ,º¡°SƒØf‘ ¢Sô¨Jh ,äƒZÉ£dG Gòg ºµs M øe π c øe . 105 zº¡«dEG ÚHô ≤ ŸG ÜôbCG øe ¿Éc ƒdh- √ ÒZ hCG ¢m û«L hCG ∂ m ∏ en hCG ¢m ù«FQ hCG Òm eCG hCG ám eƒµM ∂« ∏ Y Öéj{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ,ó«Mƒàs dG ô£°T ÚfGƒ ≤ dG øe IAGÈdGh Qƒà°Sót dÉH ôصdG Èà©j»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿EÉa ∂ dòd É°Vôu dG Ω óYh , IAGÈdGh ©eh °†¨Hh- «fGƒbh Qƒà°Sót dG- äƒZÉ£dG Gò¡H ôصdG Am»°T π q c π Ñb . 106 zˆG’EG ’ ≈ æ©e ≥≤ u –»c ∂ dPh, √ óMh ˆG ºµ ◊’EG Ω Ó°ùà°S’Gh ,ÚÑà°ùŸG ∑ öûdG øe ¿EG{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ÚfGƒ ≤ dGh äÉ©jöûàs dG™«ªL π ª°ûj äƒZÉ£s dG ¿CG ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG Oó°ûjh . 107 ¤É©J ˆG ´öT iƒ°S™m jöûJ π c π ª°ûj äƒZÉ£s dG ¿CGh ,äƒZÉ£s dG ¤EG ºcÉëàs dG AGóàY’ÉH √ ós M RhÉŒ øe π q c-»°Só ≤ ŸG Ö°ùëH- º°†j ƒ¡a; Ω ƒµëŸG hCG ºcÉ ◊ G ≈∏ Y öüà ≤ j’ äƒZÉ£dÉa AGƒ°S ,ˆG™e ÉYk öûe °ùØf øe π©L øe π q c äƒZÉ£s dG ≈ ªs°ùe‘ π Nój{ PEG™jöûàdGh IOÉÑ©dG‘ ˆG ≥ u M ≈∏ Y √ óq M ∂ dòH RhÉL ób ’... √ ƒÑîàfG ø‡ ÉHk ƒæe hCG á«©jöûàs dG ᣠ∏°ùdG‘ ÉÑk FÉf ,Éek ƒµ fi hCG ɪk cÉM ¿Éc . 108 zˆ Gók ÑY ≥∏ No ƒg PEG , ¤É©J ˆG ≤∏ N …òdG : ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ,Úª ∏°ùŸG ¿GƒNE’Éc;¿ƒfÉ ≤ dGh á«WGô ≤ Áóq dÉH Ω õà ∏ J»àdG á«eÓ°SE’G äÉcô ◊ G»°Só ≤ ŸG ó ≤ àæjh ...É¡« ∏ Y êhôÿG hCG ÚfGƒ ≤ dG áØdÉ fl ¿hO ºàJ»àdG á«q fƒfÉ ≤ dG á°VQÉ©ŸG √ òg»g ºgóæY ó«©°üàs dG ´GƒfCG ó°TCG{ . 109 zÉ¡æe ¿ƒHÎ ≤ j’h ,¢q ù“’ ál fƒ°üe ºgóæY äƒZÉ£dG ÉeCG ™«ªL Èà©jh ,äƒZÉ£s dG ¤EG ºcÉ– hCG ºµM øe ôصj PEG»°Só ≤ ŸG øY»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHCG ∞ bƒe ∞∏ àîj’ Oq Q óbh{: ∫ ƒ ≤ jh ,á«©°VƒdG ÚfGƒ ≤ dÉH º¡ªµMh á©jös ûdG º¡ ∏ jóÑàd Éàk«ZGƒW Ω ƒ«dG»eÓ°SE’G ⁄ É©dG‘ Ω Éµ ◊ G ...ÉJk ƒZÉW ¤É©J ˆG √ ɪq °S …òdG ºµ ◊ G ƒgh ,ˆG ºµM ÒZ ¤EG ºcÉëàj ƒgh ,øl eDƒe CG ºYR øe ºYR ¤É©J ˆG . 110 z¿hóJôe QÉØc øªMôdG á©jöûd Údóq ÑŸG Ω Éµ ◊ G A’Dƒg ¿q EÉa Gòg ≈∏ Yh ≈≤ Ñæ°S{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ,º¡æe DhÈàs dG ≈∏ Y QÉ°üàb’G Ω óYh ,ºgOÉ¡Lh â«ZGƒ£q dG ∫ Éàb IOÉàb ƒHCG ÖLƒj ∂ dòdh π m ªY π u µd ÉæMôa ø ∏©fh ìôØf ≈≤ Ñæ°S...º¡Ñjò©Jh øjôaɵdG π àb «a …OÉ¡L π m ªY π u µd ÉæMôa ø ∏©fh ìôØf . 111 zäm ƒZÉW ót°U «a™FGQ π m ªY π u µd hCG ,äƒZÉ£s dG π bÉ©e øe π≤©e QÉeO «a …x OÉ¡°ûà°SG 74 :QÉ«à ∏ d A’ƒdG õjõ©Jh á«°SÉ«°ùdG áÄ°ûæàdG‘ ,zAGÈdGh A’ƒdG{:kÉ°ùeÉN IQhöV Ω É©dG √ Éæ©eh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG OGôaCG iód Ék jõcôe Ék eƒ¡Øe ,Ék°†jCG ,AGÈdGh A’ƒdG Ω ƒ¡Øe π ãÁ h Úcöûª ∏ d AGó©dGh DhÈàdGh ,Úeõà ∏ ŸG øjóMƒŸG Úª ∏°ùŸGh øjódGh ˆG ÖëH ∑ ƒ ∏°ùdGh ôYÉ°ûŸG‘ Ω Gõàd’G . π Lh õY ˆG ´öûd ÚØdÉîŸGh øjOÉ©ŸG â«ZGƒ£dGh»°UÉ©ŸGh ܃fòdG Gk QÉ«©e π µ°ûJh ,á«eÓ°SE’G Ió« ≤©dÉH á£ÑJôŸG º«gÉØŸG øe AGÈdGh A’ƒdG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG äÉ«HOCG Èà©Jh . Ω Ó°SE’ÉH OôØdG ¿ÉÁEG ¥ó°U ióŸ Ék°ù«FQ iód °†e õjõ©àd Ék°UÉN Ék HÉàc»°Só ≤ ŸG ∞ dCG ó ≤ a ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ÜÉ£N‘ «Mh Ω ƒ¡ØŸG ᫪gC’h . 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øe IAGÈdG»gh:¤hC’G{:Úà«°†b ºg ÚcöûŸG Ω GƒbC’G øe IAGÈdG:á«fÉãdG. ≥ jô£dG ∫ hq CG òæe ø ∏©Jh ô¡¶J ¿CG»¨Ñæj π H...ôNq DƒJ’h π LDƒJ . 113 zº¡ ∏ WÉH ≈∏ Y GhöUCG ¿EG º¡°ùØfCG √ QÉÑàYÉH ôaɵdGh º ∏°ùŸG ÚH õ««ªàs ∏ d ∂ dPh ,«ªgCGh AGÈdGh A’ƒdG Ω ƒ¡Øe ≈∏ Y IOÉàb ƒHCG Oó°ûj øe …OÉ©j ¿CG AGÈdGh A’ƒdG Ió« ≤ Y äÉ«°†à ≤ e øe ¿EGh{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a , «°†à ≤ e ,Ók«°UCG Éek ƒ¡Øe •É£°ùa:¿ÉWÉ£°ùa’EG ∑ Éæg ¢ù« ∏ a ,º¡Jɨd’h º¡°SÉæLCG’h º¡JÉ«s °ùæ÷ Qm ÉÑàYG ¿hO Ú ≤ aÉæŸGh QÉØq µdG º ∏°ùŸG QÉصdG «a•É£°ùah ,ɪk éY Ω CG GƒfÉc ÉHk ôY ,º¡à¨dh º¡fƒdh º¡°ùæL ∞∏ àNG ɪ¡e ,¿hóMu ƒŸG ¿ƒæeDƒŸG «a øY áaôëæe ∞ FGƒW Ω CG iQÉ°üf Ω CG GOk ƒ¡j Ω CG GƒfÉc ÉHk ôY ,º¡à¨dh º¡fƒdh º¡°ùæL ∞∏ àNG ɪ¡e ,¿ƒ ≤ aÉæŸGh . 114 zÚ«u ã©ÑdGh Ú«u eƒ ≤ dÉc IöUÉ©ŸG ájq ôصdG ÖgGòŸG hCG á°†aGôs dÉc;ádÉ°q†dG ¥ôn Øp dG ´ÉÑJCG øe ≥ q ◊ G »cô ◊ G ó«©°üdG ≈∏ Y ɪ¡fCG AGÈdGh A’ƒdG Ω ƒ¡ØŸ IOÉàb ƒHCGh»°Só ≤ ŸG øe π c ôjƒ– øe ßMÓjh ‘h ,á«ë°üdG Ió« ≤©dG ÉgQÉÑàYÉH zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdCG{ É«LƒdƒjójC’ÉH ∏°U õjõ©Jh QÉ«àdG OGôaCG áÄÑ©J áeóÿ .ÚØdÉîŸG á¡LGƒe 75 á ≤ jô£dG ≈∏ Y z ∫ óà©e Ω Ó°SEG{ áYÉæ°U ádhÉ fi ≈∏ Y IOÉàb ƒHCG °Tój …òdG Ω ƒé¡dG ∂ dP ∞°ûµj ÉÃQ Gòg á÷É©Ÿ á ≤ jô£dG...¢VQC’G‘ ¿É£«°ûdG» ∏ 㪟»îjQÉàq dG hq ó©dG ƒg Ω Ó°SE’G ¿q C’{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a.á«cÒeC’G A’ƒdG Ió« ≤ Y ¿ƒc‘ √ Gƒà fi øe ÆôØj …òdG Ω Ó°SE’G»æ©j ƒgh z ∫ óq©ŸG Ω Ó°SE’ÉH{ ≈ ªs°ùj Ée OÉéjEÉH hq ó©dG ≈∏ Y Ω ƒ ≤ j ∫ l ós©e Ω l Ó°SEG ƒg π H, √ Gƒà fi h Ñt do»gh ,¤É©J ˆG π«Ñ°S‘ OÉ¡÷G É¡JÉ ≤«Ñ£J øe»àdGh ,AGÈdGh . 115 z √ ó«°S™e óÑ©dG ¢ûjÉ©J ƒg π H, π«ãŸÉH π«ãŸGh óæu ∏ d óæu dG ¢ûjÉ©J ƒg ¢ù«dh ,ôNB’G™e ¢ûjÉ©àq dG ∫ ƒÑb :ihÉàØdGh Ω ÉµMC’G øe ójó©dG ≠ jƒ°ùàd zôصdG QGOh Ω Ó°SE’G QGO{ º«°ù ≤ J:kÉ°SOÉ°S ,iôNC’G ájQƒëŸG º«gÉØŸG™e ôØc QGOh Ω Ó°SEG QGO ¤EG äÉ©ªàéŸGh ∫ hó ∏ d ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG º«°ù ≤ J ºé°ùæj ≈∏ Y ó«cCÉàdG‘ π ãªàj ,‹É ◊ G™bGƒdG ≈∏ Y ≤«Ñ£Jh»eÓ°SE’G çGÎdG øe Ω ƒ¡ØŸG Gòg AÉYóà°SG øe ±ó¡dGh ójó©dG ≠ jƒ°ùJ ºK ,á¡L øe ,IöUÉ©ŸG á«eÓ°SE’Gh á«Hô©dG ∫ hódGh äÉeƒµ ◊ G øe ójó©dG øY á«YöûdG ´õf .äÉeƒµ ◊ G √ òg ó°V ∫ Éà ≤ dGh OÉ¡÷G áæYöûH á£ÑJôŸG Ω ÉµMC’G øe ,ôصdG ¤EG Ω Ó°SE’G QÉjO ÜÓ ≤ fÉH ∫ ƒ ≤ dGh ,ôصdÉH IöUÉ©ŸG á«eÓ°SE’Gh á«q Hô©dG ᪶fC’G ≈∏ Y ºµ ◊ Éa áWÉME’G ±ó¡H ájQƒãq dG É¡à«LƒdƒjójCG Ö ∏ b‘ ∫ Éà ≤ dGh OÉ¡÷G™°Vh ¤EG …OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°ùdG ÜÉ£ÿG‘ ¢ù°uSDƒj ÈY ∂ dPh ,á©jöûdG ≥«Ñ£Jh ,áaÓÿG ádhO áeÉbEG π LCG øe É¡« ∏ Y ÜÓ ≤ f’Gh ,á«eÓ°SE’Gh á«Hô©dG äÉeƒµ ◊ ÉH Gòg É¡«dEG ≈©°ùj»àdG á«°SÉ«°ùdG ±GógC’G ≥« ≤ ëàd’k ƒ°Uh áØ ∏ à fl π MGôà ô“ á«q dÉàb ájq OÉ¡L äÉ«q é«JGΰSG .QÉ«àdG Ω ÉµMCG É¡àr ∏ n Yn GPEG QGóq dG øY AÉ¡ ≤ ØdG ∫ ƒ ≤ H ∫ ƒ ≤ f{: ≤ H ôصdGh Ω Ó°SE’G QGO Ω ƒ¡Øe»°Só ≤ ŸG Oóu ëj;ák jGóH QGóq dG ≈∏ Y z Ω Ó°S’E G QGO{ í ∏£°üe ≥∏£j ɪc...ôØc QGO É¡fEG ,º¡©FGöTh QÉص ∏ d É¡«a áÑ ∏ ¨dG âfÉch ,ôصdG ; 116 z-áeP- Ω Ó°SE’G ºµ ◊ Ú©°VÉN GƒeGO Ée ,GQk ÉØc É¡ ∏ gCG ÌcCG ¿Éc ¿EGh, Ω Ó°SE’G Ω ÉµMCG É¡àr ∏ n Yn»àdG É«qk ∏°UCG ∂ dP ¿ÉcCG Ak Gƒ°S ,zôصdG QGO{ ≈ ªq°ùe‘™ ≤ J Ω ƒ«dG ⁄ É©dG ∫ hO™«ªL ¿CÉH ∫ ƒ ≤ dG ¤EG»°Só ≤ ŸG ¢ü ∏ îjh . 117 zºgôØc Ω õ ∏ j’ ôصdG QGO»æWÉb ¿CG{ Qôu ≤ j»q°Só ≤ ŸG ¿CG’EG ,ÉFqk QÉW Ω CG ∂ dòdh, Ω Ó°SE’G QGOh ôصdG QGO ∞°Uh ÚH™ªéj Ω ƒ«dG»eÓ°SE’G ⁄ É©dG ¿CÉH Qôq ≤ j EÉa IOÉàb ƒHCG ÉeCG ,ôصdG Ω ÉµMCÉH ⪵M»àdG Úª ∏°ùŸG QÉjO ¿EGh{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ,ôصdG É¡æe ô¡X GPEG’EG, Ω Ó°SE’G É¡ ∏ gCG‘ π°UC’Éa º ∏°ùŸÉa- °ùëH É¡«a óm MGh π q c …CG, Ω Ó°SE’G QGO ∞°Uhh ,ôصdG QGO ∞°Uh ,ÚØ°Uƒ ∏ d á©eÉL QÉjO»g . 118 z ∫ É ◊ G Qƒà°ùe hCG ±hô©ŸG º¡æe AGƒ°S Ω Ó°SE’G É¡ ∏ gCG‘ π°UC’Gh ,ôaÉc ôaɵdGh º ∏°ùe Gôk Øc ôl aÉc»q LQÉN hw óY É¡« ∏ Y Ö ∏ q ¨J AGƒ°S ôصdG ¤EG Ω Ó°SE’G øe Ö ∏≤ æJ QGós dG ¿CG iôj, π HÉ ≤ ŸG‘ GPEG{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a; Ω Ó°SE’G QGO IOÉ©à°S’ ÖLƒj ∂ dòdh ,ÉFk QÉW Gôk Øc ôl aÉc»w ∏ NGO hw óY hCG ,É«qk ∏°UCG ób ºµ ◊ G Gògh ,« ∏ Y êhôÿGh © ∏ N á«YöûdG QGòYC’G …hP ÒZ øe É©k«ªL Úª ∏°ùŸG ≈∏ Y ÖLh ºcÉ ◊ G óJQG ∫ ƒNO ¢ùæL øe ƒg Úª ∏°ùŸG OÓH ≈∏ Y øjóJôŸG§ ∏°ùàa...º ∏ ©H ∞ dÉ fl ÓH áæ°ùdG π gCG ∞ FGƒW « ∏ Y ⩪LCG 76 ,á°†«ÑdG ≈ ª–h ,ˆG øjO ô¡¶j ≈ àM Úm Y ¢Vôa º¡dÉà ≤ a ,áWÉæe ¿C’ ,Úª ∏°ùŸG OÓH º¡àcƒ°ûH IôصdG . 119 zhó©dG iõîjh ,IRƒ ◊ G ßØ–h ¿Gó ≤ ah ,IöUÉ©ŸG á«q eÓ°SE’Gh á«q Hô©dG ᪶fC’G™«ªL IOs Qp h ôØc ≈∏ Y ó«cCÉàdG ∫ ÓN øe IOÉàb ƒHCG π°üjh QGO ´ÉLΰS’»q eÓ°SE’G ⁄ É©dG‘ Ω ƒ«dG ál ªFÉb ∫ Éà ≤ dGh OÉ¡÷G äÉÑLƒe ¿CÉH ∫ ƒ ≤ dG ¤EG ,á«eÓ°SE’G áeq C’G Ω ƒ¡Øe á«q WGô ≤ ÁO ám ª¶fCG Ö ∏ q ¨J áé«àf ,OÓÑdG √ òg âªs Y»àdG IOôu dGh ôصdG ÖÑ°ùH ,áaÓÿG IOÉYEGh ,áÑ« ∏°sùdG Ω Ó°SE’G . 120 zÚª ∏°ùŸGh Ω Ó°SE’G ÜQÉ–h ,á©jöq ûdG π jóÑJ ≈∏ Y 𠪩Jh ,ˆG Ò¨d™jöûàdG óæ°ùJ IôaÉc :iôNC’G zá«eÓ°SE’G äÉcô ◊ G{ øY õjɪàdG ,IQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£dG:kÉ©HÉ°S ,zIQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£dG{ Ω ƒ¡Øe ≈∏ Y ó«cCÉà ∏ d zájƒÑædG äÉjGhôdG{ øe á ∏ ªL ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG Ghô¶u æe»Yóà°ùj . 121 É¡d …OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ«àdG ÜÉ°ùàfGh IójôØdG É¡à«Yhöûe ≈∏ Yh ál ØFÉW»gh ,¿ÉeR π c‘ øjóq dG Gòg QÉ°üfCG π ã“ áØFÉW»g{: ∫ ƒ ≤ dÉH áØFÉ£dG √ òg ±É°UhCG»°Só ≤ ŸG Úq Ñj PEG . 122 zIöüæt dG √ ƒLh π c øe ˆG øjO Iöüæd ≈©°ùJ ,á ∏ JÉ ≤ e IógÉ› √ òg{:Ók FÉb ,áØFÉ£dG √ òg ∞ jô©J‘ zOÉ¡÷G{•öT ájƒÑf ¤EG Gk Ò°ûe ,»°Só ≤ ŸG ájDhQ™e IOÉàb ƒHCG ≥ aGƒàj ‘ ∫ Éà ≤ dG É¡WöT øe º ∏°Sh « ∏ Y ˆG ≈∏°U ˆG ∫ ƒ°SQ É¡Móe»àdG IQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£dG ¿CG ≈∏ Y ∫ t óJ åjOÉMC’G ∞∏°ùdG ´ÉÑJG √ Éæ©eh, ≥ q ◊ G ≈∏ Y áªFÉb»gh...Gók HCG™£ ≤ æJ ⁄ áªFÉb ál ØFÉW»gh ,øjóu dG QÉ¡XE’ ˆG π«Ñ°S . 123 z ≥◊ G ¤EG É¡HÉ°ùàfÉH á ∏«°UCG, π«NódG ¢†aôJ ,áæ°ùdGh ÜÉàµdG …ó¡H …óà¡J ,ídÉ°qüdG IQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£dG á«gÉe ójó–‘ OÉ¡÷G•öT ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸGh IOÉàb ƒHCG øe π q c ó«cCÉJq ¿q CG Ék«q ∏ L hóÑjh äÉYɪ÷G øY á«YhöûŸG Öë°S π LCG øe ∂ dPh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ájƒo ¡o dG õjÉ“ ≈∏ Y ó«cCÉàdG ¤EG ±ó¡j ,OÉ¡÷G øcôd É¡«æu ÑJ Ω ó©d ,ºgÒZh ájó« ∏≤ àdG á«Ø ∏°ùdGh Úª ∏°ùŸG ¿GƒNE’G IOÉàb ƒHCG ºLÉ¡j å«M ,IôjɨŸG . 124 Ω Ó°SEÓd É«qk ÄjõŒ Éék ¡æe ÉgOɪàYG ¤EG äÉ«Ø ∏°sùdG √ òg ±GôëfG ÖÑ°S hõ©jh »°Só ≤ ŸGh IOÉàb ƒHCG øe π q c ø°qTój ,IQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£ ∏ d ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG π«ã“ á«Yhöûe ≈∏ Y ó«cCÉà ∏ dh Úª ∏°ùŸG ¿GƒNE’G áYɪL hCG ájó« ∏≤ àdG á«Ø ∏°ùdG AGƒ°S ,áØdÉîŸG á«eÓ°SE’G äÉYɪ÷G Ö ∏ ZCG ≈∏ Y ÉØ«æY Ék eƒég . 125 QÉ«àdG Gòg™e ∞∏ àîj øe π q ch PEG ,Éjqk QÉ«àNG ¢ù«d ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG äÉYɪ÷G ±ƒØ°U‘•Gôîf’G ¿q CG ¤EG IOÉàb ƒHCG π°üj;á ∏°üëŸG‘h Ω Éª°†f’G ¿CG ¿ƒª ∏°ùŸG º ∏©«dh{: ≤ H ∂ dP ≈∏ Y IOÉàb ƒHCG Oóu°ûj å«M ÉgOƒLƒH’EG øjóu dG Ω ƒ ≤ j ¿CG øµÁ’ ÖLGh: ,ºm ∏°ùe π s c ≈∏ Y Öl LGh ƒg π H;´ƒbƒdG»q ªp°pSƒe ƒg ¢ù«dh, ∫ ƒ ≤ dG øe ák ∏ aÉf ¢ù«d äÉYɪ÷G √ ò¡d π m «dóH’EG ܃Lo ƒo dG Gòg ∂ Øæj’h , 𠪩j hCG , ót©j hCG OÉ¡÷G ¤EG ƒYój ¿CG ÉeEG ,…q OÉ¡L π m ªY‘ º ∏°ùŸG 𠪩j ¿CG ’ OƒLƒdG‘ Im ôµa …CÉa ,ËôµdG ´öûdG ºgQòY øjòdG ,QGòYC’G ÜÉë°UCG øe π Lôs dG ¿ƒc …CG ,¢qUÉN»x YöT . 126 áªq ¡e hCG π ªY …u C’ ¤hC’G áæÑ ∏ dG»g áYɪ÷G ¿CG PEG ,áYɪL ∫ ÓN øe’EG IÉ« ◊ G‘ 𠪩J ¿CG øµÁ 77 :QÉ«àdG É«LƒdƒjójC’ …ô ≤ ØdG Oƒª©dG ,OÉ¡÷G:kÉæeÉK ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ«J Ghô¶æe ɪ¡H ±ôq©j ¿Gò ∏ dG ¿É«°ù«FôdG ¿ÉæcôdG ɪg OÉ¡÷Gh ó«MƒàdG .äÉYƒªéŸGh äÉYɪ÷G øe √ ÒZ øY QÉ«àdG Gòg õjÉ“‘ ≈ MôdG Ö£b ɪ¡fÓ©éjh ,᪰SÉ ◊ G ≥°ûdG ≈∏ Y ¥É«°ùdG Gòg‘ õ«cÎdG ºàjh ,QÉ«àdG Gòg OGôaCG É¡ ∏ ªëj»àdG Ió« ≤©dG ƒg‘É°üdG ó«MƒàdÉa áØdÉîŸG ÚfGƒ ≤ dGh ɪ¡fƒªµq ëj’ øjòdG Ω Éµ ◊ ÉH ôصdGh ,á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöûdG º«µëàH§ÑJôŸG»°SÉ«°ùdG á ∏«ØµdG Ió«MƒdG á«é«JGΰS’G ¿q EÉa ,zäƒZÉ£dG ºµM{h zá« ∏ gÉ÷G{ «a Oƒ°ùJ ‹É ◊ G™bGƒdG ¿q CG å«Mh ,ɪ¡d .zá©°UÉædG ó«MƒàdG ájGQ â– OÉ¡÷G{»g Ω Ó°SE’G ádhO áeÉbEGh Ò«¨àdG ≥« ≤ ëàH ÜGõMCG hCG äÉfÉŸôH âfÉcCG AGƒ°S ,Ò«¨àdG‘ iôNCG ≥ jôW …q CG ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG …ô¶æe ¢†aôj Gòg ≈∏ Yh OÓÑdG ºµëj …òdG 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OÉ¡÷G ܃LƒH ∫ ƒ ≤ dG ¤EG IOÉàb ƒHCG π°üjh . 129 zá©FÉ°†dG áaÓÿG ádhO …CG ,Úª ∏°ùŸG äÉà°ûd™eÉ÷G ó ≤©dG IOÉYEG{`d ∂ dPh zIOôu dG √ QÉÑàYG ≈∏ Yh zOÉ¡÷G á°†jôa{ ≈∏ Y ⁄ É©dG‘ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG …ô¶q æe ´ÉªLEG øe ºZôdG ≈∏ Yh ádCÉ°ùe ÉgRôHCG øeh;á°ù«FôdG ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG øe á ∏ ªL ∫ ƒM GƒØ ∏ àNG º¡fq CG’q EG ,Ò«¨à ∏ d Ió«MƒdG á«é«JGΰS’G IóëàŸG äÉj’ƒdG) ó«©ÑdG hó©dG Ω CG(á«eÓ°S’Gh á«Hô©dG äÉeƒµ ◊ G) Öjô ≤ dG hó©dG OÉ¡÷»g π g;ájƒdhC’G 78 Ö«dÉ°SC’G ∫ ƒM Gk ÒNCGh ,ájOÉ¡÷G ∫ ɪYC’ÉH AóÑ ∏ d áHƒ ∏£ŸG á« ∏ ª©dG•höûdG á«gÉeh iƒà°ùe ∫ ƒMh ,(Üô¨dGh .á«dɵ°TE’G ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG øe ÉgÒZh ,¢SÎàdG ájô¶fh ,ájQÉëàf’G äÉ« ∏ ª©dÉc, 𠪩dG äÉ«dBG‘ Ióªà©ŸG á«dhC’G»£©j EÉa ,Ò«¨àdG‘ «Mh OÉ¡÷G á«°Vôah IQhöV ≈∏ Y ócDƒj ¿Éc ¿EGh»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCÉa IQhöV iôj-ó«°ü ≤ dG â«H Éægh – ;IôaÉc IóJôe ÉgQÉÑàYÉH, 130 á«Hô©dG º¶ædGh äÉeƒµ ◊ G ∫ Éà ≤ d √ òg ¤EG IƒYódG ≤ Ñ°ùJ OÉ¡÷Éa ,©ÑJ π ªq ëàJh ∫ Éà ≤ dG ´höûe π ª–»àdG zájOÉ¡÷G IóYÉ ≤ dG{ ôaGƒJ . 131 áÑ°SÉæŸG•höûdGh ÜÉÑ°SC’G ≥∏ Nh Ió« ≤©dG ∂ dP™e ’EG á ∏ eÉ°ûdG Ò¨àdG á«é«JGÒà°SG‘ ák«ªgCG OGóYE’Gh»Yɪ÷G 𠪩dG ‹ƒj»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿CG™eh Öéj …òdG π eɵàŸGh OÉ÷G»q Yɪ÷G 𠪩dG ÜÉÑdG Gòg‘ Öéj{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ,ájq OôØdG ájq OÉ¡÷G ∫ ɪYC’G ójq Dƒj ájq OôØdG ∫ ɪYC’G ¿Ó£H ÉfóæY ≈ æ©j’ Gògh ,ájq OôØdG ∫ ɪYC’G ≈∏ Y ≤ fh, √ Ò¨d Öéj’ Ée OGóeE’Gh OGóYE’G øe . 132 zó°SÉØŸGh ídÉ°üŸG ¿Gõ«Ã áaô©eh ,™bGƒdÉH öm üHh ,ím«ë°U ≤ ah ,óm jó°S èm ¡f ≈∏ Y Ω ƒ ≤ J âfÉc GPEG É¡«a™°SƒàdG ¢†aQ ’q EG ,ájQÉëàf’G äÉ« ∏ ª© ∏ d ™eh ,»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿q CG ¤EG IQÉ°TE’G â ≤ Ñ°S óbh äÉWÉ°ûf‘ áeóîà°ùŸG Ö«dÉ°SC’Gh äGhOC’G øe Òãµd»¡ ≤ a Úæ ≤ àH Ω Éb ɪc ,IOó fi•höT øª°V É¡©°Vhh .zOÉ¡÷G äGôªK™e äÉØbh{ ‘ á°UÉîHh ,ájOÉ¡÷G äÉYɪ÷G Qòq ëj CG’q EG ,á«Hô©dG º¶ædGh äÉeƒµ ◊ G ∫ Éàb á«dhCG ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG ≥ aGƒj»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHCG ¿q CG™eh ∫ Éà ≤ d ájƒdhC’G»£©j ™eh ,(Úª ∏°ùª ∏ d ájOÉ©ŸG ∫ hódG hCG IóëàŸG äÉj’ƒdG) ó«©ÑdG hó©dG ∫ Éàb ∫ ɪgEG øe Ω ƒ ≤ J ¿CG øµÁ’ PEG;Úaô£dG ÚH á ∏°üdG ≈∏ Y ócDƒj ’EG ,á«q eÓ°SE’G á«Hô©dG ᪶fC’ÉH π ãªàŸG Öjô ≤ dG hó©dG . 133 á«ÑæLC’G ᪶fC’G øe ºYóH’EG á«q eÓ°SE’Gh á«q Hô©dG ᪶fC’G äÉeƒµ ◊ G ≈∏ Y ÜÓ ≤ f’G‘ ájOÉ¡÷G äÉYɪ÷G á«é«JGΰS’ ióŸG Ió«©H áeÉ©dG•ƒ£î ∏ d °SQ‘h øe óq Ho’ PEG;zÚµªàdG ácƒ°Th zájɵædG ácƒ°T{ ÚH IOÉàb ƒHCG õ«q Á;áªFÉ ≤ dG ´É°VhC’G Ò«¨Jh á«Hô©dG …òdG êQu óàŸG ∞ æ©dÉH º°ùàJ ál ∏ Môe»gh ,ájɵæu dG ácƒ°T ∫ ÓN øe ∂ dPh ,᪶fC’G™e Ω m Gó°U‘ ,ák jGóH, ∫ ƒNódG .äÉHÉ°ü©dG ÜôM Ö«dÉ°SCG «a Ω óîà°ùJ ,Iƒq ≤ o dG ¤EG óæà°ùJ»àdG π FÉ°SƒdG áaɵH Ω Ó°SE’ÉH ¢SÉæq dG ºµëj ¿CG É¡«a óHo’»àdG Úµªàs dG á ∏ Môe»JCÉJ ºK ÚeCÉàH ¢SÉædG AÉ°VQEG Éæªg π©éj ød IQôu µàŸG ájɵæs dG ácƒ°T ∫ ÓN øe Úµªàs dG ¤EG ∫ ƒ°UƒdGh{: ∫ ƒ ≤ j ƒ¡a ÉfÒeCG º¡ªµë«°S?ºµëj Éà hCG ºµëj øª«a ºgÉ°VQ òp NCG ¤EG ÚLÉà fi Éæ°ùdh ,º¡d 𠪩dGh õÑÿGh øµ°sùdG ... √ óMh ˆG π°†ØH Éæ«dEG π°Uh Úµªàs dG ¿C’, √ Éæ©£b °SCGQ™aQ øeh, Ω Ó°SE’ÉH º¡ªµëæ°Sh ,GƒHn nCG Ω CG GhAÉ°T â«ZGƒW π c øe ÉæJAGÈHh, √ óMh ˆ ÉæàjOƒÑ©H π H ,On ƒ°SCG hCG ¢n†«HCG âm«H‘ Qm Gô ≤ H Úµªàs dG ¤EG π°üf ⁄ h . 134 z¢VQC’G 79 á«YɪàL’G äɪ°ùdG ,ácô ◊ G ,É«aGô¨÷G ó«æéàdG äGhOCGh íÑ°üJh ,»°SÉ«°ùdGh»YɪàL’G ó¡°ûŸG‘ Ék eób É¡d™°†J ¿CG âYÉ£à°SG zájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG{ ¿q CG øe ºZôdG ≈∏ Y ,z«°ùfh™ªàéŸG Ö ∏°U{ Ω ÉëàbG øe øµªàJ ⁄ É¡fq CG’q EG, √ Qƒ°†M GQÉ«J á«°VÉŸG á ∏« ∏≤ dG äGƒæ°ùdG ∫ ÓN ,ÚéàëŸG ÚÑ°VɨdG ÜÉÑ°ûdG§ ≤ à ∏ J ,¢ûeGƒ¡dG‘ á ∏ YÉah ᣰûf â« ≤ H Ée Qó ≤ H ,ádƒÑ ≤ e á«YöT ádÉM íÑ°üàd .Ék jQòL™bGƒdG Ò«¨J ¤EG ¿ƒ©°ùj øjòdG ɪc) zøjóMƒŸG™ªà›{ á©«ÑW øe Ék Mƒ°Vhh Ék ≤ ªY ÌcCG IQƒ°üH ÜÎ ≤ f ±ƒ°S á°SGQódG øe Aõ÷G Gòg‘h ∫ ÓN øe ,º¡d ÈcCG záaÉãc{ π µ°ûJ»àdG á«YɪàL’Gh á«aGô¨÷G QDƒÑdGh ,(º¡°ùØfCG ᫪°ùJ QÉ«àdG QÉ°üfCG π°†Øj IóYÉ°ùŸG•höûdGh ,ó«æéàdG‘ º¡JGhOCG ∂ dòch ,ácô ◊ Gh º«¶æàdG á©«ÑWh ,á«YɪàL’G º¡Jɪ°S ≈∏ Y ±ô©àdG .áæ«©e•É°ShCG‘ ºgOƒ©°Uh º¡WÉ°ûf ≈∏ Y É¡àeó ≤ e‘ ,ä’’Oh äGÒ¨àe IóY ≈∏ Y á«YɪàL’G äɪ°ùdÉH á£ÑJôŸG äGöTDƒŸG ¥É£æà°SG‘ óªà©f ±ƒ°Sh ∫ É ≤ àY’G ä’ÉM 𠪛 ¤EG ô¶ædÉH ∂ dòch ,(ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi) ÉjÉ°†b‘ GƒªcƒM øjòdG OGôaC’G äɪ°S ¤EG’k ƒ°Uh ,QÉ«àdG Gò¡H á£ÑJôŸG ÉjÉ°† ≤ dGh ä’É ◊ G øe ÈcCG Oó©H ⫶M»àdG ¿óŸGh ,á«æeC’G äÉ ≤ MÓŸGh .QÉ«à ∏ d øjó°UGQh ÚHô ≤ Ÿ á«°üî°ûdG áÑbGôŸGh äGOÉ¡°ûdG øe ójó©dG á©HÉàe áæ ∏©e äÉYƒª› Ω ÉeCG hCG(á«cQGÒg) hCG á«°ù°SDƒe IôgÉX Ω ÉeCG Éæ°ùd ÉæfCG ,Ék ≤ Ñ°ùe ,IQÉ°TE’G ¤EG IQhöV 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QÉ«àdG OGôaC’ á«YɪàL’G äɪ°ùdG .QÉ°ûàf’Gh Oƒ©°üdG•höT ó«æéàdGh áÄÑ©àdG äGhOCG 83 -1Oƒ©°üdGh QÉ°ûàf’G á«aGô¨L ¿óeh ≥ WÉæe ¢ùªN‘™ ≤ j ¢ù«FôdG ÉgQÉ°ûàfG ¿q CG ɡࣰûfC’ øjó°UGôdGh ácô ◊ G øe ÚHô ≤ ŸG ÚH ≥ aGƒJ áªK ,óHQEGh ¿É©e ,§ ∏°ùdG ,AÉbQõdG ,(á«Ñ©°ûdG áØ°üdG äGP á«böûdG á°UÉîH) ¿ÉªY‘ ≥ WÉæŸG ¢†©H:»gh ,á«°SÉ°SCG ‘ ácQÉ°ûŸGh ∫ É ≤ àY’Gh ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi ÉjÉ°†b É¡àeó ≤ e‘ IójóY äGöTDƒe ∫ ÓN øe ∂ dP êÉàæà°SG øµÁh .êQÉÿG‘ ∫ Éà ≤ dG É¡«a âfƒµJ ó ≤ a ,ácôë ∏ d Gk Qƒ°†M ó¡°ûJ»àdG á°ù«FôdG ¿óŸG øeh ,»°SÉ°SC’G π≤©ŸG AÉbQõdG áæjóe Èà©Jh ᫪gCG á¶MÓe øµÁh ,ɪ¡bÉaQh …hÉbQõdGh»°Só ≤ ŸG øe π c É¡æµ°ùj ¿Éch ,z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ áYƒª› IGƒf ∫ É ≤ àY’G ä’ÉM ∫ ÓN øe ∂ dòc h ,ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi‘ GƒªcƒM OGôaCGh ÉjÉ°†b óY ∫ ÓN øe ,QÉ«à ∏ d AÉbQõdG .êQÉÿG‘ ∫ Éà ≤∏ d ôØ°ùdGh á«æeC’G á ≤ MÓŸGh ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi ÉjÉ°†b‘ ÚeƒµëŸG øe OóY É¡«dEG»ªàæj»àdG ,§ ∏°ùdG áæjóe íª ∏ ŸG Gòg‘ É¡cQÉ°ûJ ájOôa ä’ÉMh ,Gƒ ∏≤ àYG ø‡ ÒÑc OóYh ,¥Gô©dG‘ Gƒ ∏ àb ø‡ OóYh ,(äGôHÉîŸG§HÉ°V ∫ É«àZG ádhÉ fi á«°†b) ádÉWEG ÉjÉ°†b ,‹ƒa ∫ É«àZG á«°†b-ÒѨ÷G ôª©e) ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi‘ áØ ∏ à fl ÉjÉ°†b ≈∏ Y âªcƒM iôNCG .(..¿É°ù ∏ dG øe OGôaC’ ä’É ≤ àY’G øe ójó©dG ∂ dÉægh ,äɪ«îŸG‘ á°UÉîHh ,Iôgɶ ∏ d Gk óLGƒJ Ék°†jCG óHQEG áæjóe ó¡°ûJh .IôgɶdG øY ÒÑ©àdG‘ É¡Jɪ« fl h áæjóŸG ∑ ΰûJh, ∑ Éæg âKóM ©e ÚØWÉ©àŸGh QÉ«àdG ó¡°ûJ IOó©àe çOGƒM óLƒjh ,QÉ«àdG AÉæHCG øe ¿ƒ ∏≤ à©e áªKh ,Iôgɶ ∏ d Gk RhôH ,ÉgQhóH ,¿É©e áæjóe äó¡°Th Úª¡àŸG É¡FÉæHCG øe OóY ¤EG áaÉ°VE’ÉHh , ƒYóJh ôµØdG Gòg π ª– áYƒª› π µ°ûJh ,ÉgQÉ°ûàfGh ÉgOƒLh ≈∏ Y ∫ ÓN ¿É©e‘ IOhóëŸG äÉ« ∏ ª©dG ¢†©ÑH GƒeÉb QÉ«àdG ´ÉÑJG ¿q EÉa ,ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi‘ ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG ¢†©H á«Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y . 135 IÒNC’G á ∏« ∏≤ dG äGƒæ°ùdG ,OƒLƒdG Gòg ≈∏ Y öTDƒJ ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG øe ójó©dG âfÉc ¿EGh ,Ék ë°VGh»YɪàL’G Qƒ°† ◊ G hóÑj’ ¿ÉªY áæjóe‘h AÉ°†YCG óLGƒJ hóÑj ÚM‘ ,(ÚÄLÓd äGóMƒdG º« fl‘ á°UÉîH) óª fi ¢û«L Ék ≤ HÉ°Sh ,ÉjÓÿG á«°† ≤ c RÉà“»àdG ,á«Hô¨dG ¿ÉªY‘ áàØ ∏ e ôgɶe ájCG hóÑJ’ ,á«Hƒæ÷Gh á«böûdG ¿ÉªY ≥ WÉæe‘ QÉ«àdG QÉ°üfCGh .ájOÉ°üàb’G IÉ« ◊ G øe ∫ ÉY iƒà°ùà ɡFÉ«MCG Ö ∏ ZCG 85 äÉÑ°SÉæŸGh á«YɪàL’G ôgɶŸG‘ π bC’G ≈∏ Y ,Ék Mƒ°Vh π bCG IQƒ°üH IôgɶdG É¡«a äRôH iôNCG ≥ WÉæe áªKh ,á© ≤ ÑdG äGôHÉ fl ÒéØJ ádhÉ fi) ÚÄLÓd á© ≤ ÑdG º« fl h(¥ôØŸG º«¶æJ) ¥ôØŸG øe π q c ∫ ÉM»g ɪc ,áeÉ©dG .(z¿ƒ«fOQC’G ¿É¨aC’G{ ¢†©Ña. ≥ FÉKƒdGh ádOC’ÉH áªYq óe á©WÉb IQƒ°üH ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ù ∏ d ÚªàæŸG OóY ôjó ≤ J ¿ÉµÃ áHƒ©°üdG øe äÒq ¨J ób ∫ É ◊ G ¿q CG hóÑj øµd ,§°TÉf áFɉɪK øY á«dÉ ◊ G á«ØdC’G ájGóH‘ çóëàJ âfÉc ᫪°SôdG•É°ShC’G .QÉ«à ∏ d áæ°VÉ ◊ G á«°SÉ«°ùdG áÄ«ÑdG õØq M …òdG ,¥Gô©dG ∫ ÓàMG ó©H á°Sƒª ∏ e IQƒ°üH ≥∏ N ≈∏ Y ,…OÉ¡÷G ôµØdGh IóYÉ ≤ dÉH á£ÑJôe IójóY™bGƒe RhôHh ,zÊhεd’G OÉ¡÷G{ QÉgORG óYÉ°S óbh .QÉ«àdG Gòg OƒLh øe RõY Ée ,ó«æéàdGh ∫ É°üJÓd IójóL äGƒæbh äGhOCG AGƒ°S ,¥Gô©dG‘ ∫ Éà ≤ dG‘ ¿OQC’G øe zOôa ∞ dCG{ áHGôb ácQÉ°ûe øY çóq ëàJ Ék°†jCG ᫪°SQ•É°ShCG ∑ Éægh ¿q EÉa, √ QÉ°üfCG hCG QÉ«àdG OGôaCG øe A’Dƒg™«ªL QÉÑàYG áHƒ©°üdG øe ¿Éc GPEGh ,Égó©H ÉehCG Üô ◊ G á ∏ Môe‘ ‘- âªgÉ°S ,ÆGôØdG A π eh Oó÷G ÚeOÉ ≤ dG ó«æŒh ÜÉ©«à°SG ≈∏ Y á ≤ HÉ°ùdG π MGôŸG ∫ ÓN ¥Gô©dG IóYÉb äGQób . 136 á«°SÉ«°ùdGh á«æjódG É¡ØbGƒeh ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ôµØd øjóFÉ©dG øe IÒÑc OGóYCG ¥ÉæàYG ≈∏ Y-Ö ∏ ZC’G »àdG á«YɪàL’G äÉÑ°SÉæŸÉH π ãªàj ÉgOGóàeGh IôgɶdG ºéM ∫ ƒM Qƒ°üJ π«µ°ûJ ≈∏ Y óYÉ°ùj ôNBG öTDƒe ó«©dG Ö£îc) á«æjO äÉÑ°SÉæe ≈ àM hCG ìôa hCG AGõ©H äÉÑ°SÉæŸG √ òg â ≤∏ q ©J AGƒ°S, √ QÉ°üfCGh QÉ«àdG OGôaCÉH§ÑJôJ ¢SÉÑ ∏ dÉc ,áæ«©e ôgÉ¶Ã Ω Gõàd’G ≈∏ Y IÒNC’G äGƒæ°ùdG ∫ ÓN Gƒ°UôM QÉ«àdG OGôaCG ¿q CG á°UÉîHh ,(ᩪ÷Gh Oôa ∞ dC’G ≈∏ Y ójõj OóY ¤EG ,zäÉÑ°SÉæŸG{ ∂∏ J GhógÉ°T øe ¢†©H äGôjó ≤ J ÖgòJ ¥É«°ùdG Gòg‘h ,ïdG..á«ë ∏ dGh .»ª°SôdG ôjó ≤ àdG øe Ók« ∏ b ÜÎ ≤ j ób …òdG ôjó ≤ àdG ƒgh ,ÚØdC’G øY π≤ jh ¢ù«dh á©WÉb IQƒ°üH Gk Oó fi ¢ù«d ,QÉ°ûàf’Gh ºé ◊ G øY åjó ◊ G ∫ ÓN iôNC’G ájƒ« ◊ G á¶MÓŸG ,á©jöS IQƒ°üH ∂ µØàJh ô¨°üJ hCG ICÉéa ȵJ ¿CG øµÁ ,ádóÑàeh IÒ¨àe äÉYƒªéŸG √ ò¡a ,É¡°ùØf áLQódÉH ,¿ƒØWÉ©àŸGh ¿ƒæeƒD ŸG ∑ Éæ¡a ,É¡àjDhQh ácô ◊ G ∞ bGƒÃ Ω Gõàd’G øe É¡°ùØf áLQódG ≈∏ Y Gƒ°ù«d OGôaC’G ¿q CG ɪc ,ájɨ ∏ d ájöS IQƒ°üH øµd ,°ûf‘ ∑ QÉ°ûjh ,QÉ«àdÉH øeDƒj øe áªK π HÉ ≤ ŸG‘h;(¿ƒàbDƒe) ¿hôHÉY ¿hôNBGh .OGôaC’G á« ≤ H Ω ÉeCG °ùØf ∞°ûµd ô£°†j ¿CG ¿hOh ¥ÉæÿG ≥ «q°oV ɪ ∏ µa ,iôNCGh á ∏ Môe ÚH ºé ◊ G Ò«¨J‘ á«æeC’G äÉ ≤ MÓŸGh äÉHö†dG ºgÉ°ùJ ∂°T ¿hóHh ∞ îJ ¿CG ¤EG …OÉÑdG ºé ◊ G ∫ AÉ°†àjh ,QÉ«àdG øe êôîj OGôaC’G ≈ àM hCG ,QÉ°üfC’G øe Gk OóY ¿q EÉa ,ácô ◊ G ≈∏ Y .ójóL øe OóªàdÉH CGóÑ«d á«æeC’G á°†Ñ ≤ dG 86 -2᫪«¶æàdG èFÉ°TƒdGh ácô ◊ G IQƒ°U á ≤«Kh äÉbÓY º¡d hCG IóYÉ ≤ dÉH Úª¶àæŸG OGôaC’G OóY ¿q EÉa ,™FÉbƒdGh äGOÉ¡°ûdGh äGöTDƒŸG™«ª÷ Ék ≤ ah ºXÉædG …ôµØdG AÉYƒdG π ã“ ,Ék eƒªY ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdÉa;É«Ñ°ùf Ohó fi ,á«côM hCG ᫪«¶æJ ᨫ°U äGP ,É¡H IóYÉb π ãÁ …òdG ,z…öûÑdG ¿GõÿG{ áHÉãà QÉ«àdG Gòg OGôaCG ¿q CG ɪc ,áeÉ©dG É¡àjDhQh IóYÉ ≤ dG É«LƒdƒjójC’ .áØ ∏ àîŸG ɡࣰûfCGh É¡JÉ« ∏ ªY øª°V 𠪩 ∏ d Úë°TôŸG ¢UÉî°TC’G iƒà°ùe ≈∏ Y ,IóYÉ ≤∏ d áªYGO á«Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y ÒKCÉàdGh ,IóYÉ ≤∏ d øjôNBG ó«æŒ‘ á ∏ YÉah á°ù«FQ IGOCG ,º¡JƒYOh º¡WÉ°ûf ∫ ÓN ,QÉ«àdG OGôaCG π ãÁ ɪc ∫ hódG øe ójó©dG‘ É¡d á«YɪàL’G áæ°VÉ ◊ G π ãÁ QÉ«àdG Gòg ¿q CG øY Ók°†a ,É¡àjDhQh É¡ØbGƒe»æÑàd Ω É©dG …CGôdG .äÉ©ªàéŸGh π ãªàJ IóYÉ ≤ dG™e-¿OQC’G‘ – √ QÉ°üfCGh √ OGôaCGh QÉ«àdG ábÓ©d Ö ∏ ZC’G ᨫ°üdG ¿q EÉa;áeó ≤ ŸG √ òg Aƒ°V‘h ᣰûfC’ ó«æéàdG iôNCG ¿É«MCG‘h ,ÊGóLƒdG ∞ WÉ©àdGh ájôµØdGh á«LƒdƒjójC’G ácGöûdG‘ áeÉ©dG É¡JQƒ°üH .É¡JöUÉæeh É¡ªYOh É¡JÉ« ∏ ªYh IóYÉ ≤ dG ádÉM É¡fƒc ¤EG ÜôbCG»g π H ,Ék«°ù°SDƒe hCG(Ék«cQGÒg) Ék©HÉW òNCÉJ Óa QÉ«àdG π NGO ᫪«¶æàdG ᨫ°üdG Éeq CG ¢UÉî°TC’G ¢†©H ≈ ¶ëj ɪæ«H ,áØ ∏ àîŸG ≥ WÉæŸG Ö°ùëH ,äÉYɪLh äÉYƒª› ∫ ÓN øe ,á«eÓg á°VÉØ°†a ;Gk ôWDƒe Ék ª°SÉM Gk ÒKCÉJ ¢ù«d ’EG ,äÉYƒªéŸG √ òg π NGO PƒØædGh ÒKCÉàdGh ,ájõeôdG ájƒæ©ŸG IOÉ« ≤ dG øe ´ƒæH á«©«ÑW IôgÉX» ∏ NGódG ¥É ≤°ûdGh ±ÓàN’Gh ´Gõ`ædG ádCÉ°ùe π©Œ QÉ«àdG OGôaC’ á ≤∏≤ dGh zIOôªàŸG{ á©«Ñ£dÉa .QÉ«à ∏ d Ω É©dG QÉWE’G øª°V É¡©«ªL™ ≤ J ,áØ ∏ à fl äGOÉ¡àLGh áëæLCG OƒLh ¤EG …ODƒJ ,áªFGO – á«bƒKƒdGh á«bGó°üŸG øe IÒÑc áLQóH RÉà“ záÑ ∏°U IGƒf{ ∫ ÓN øe QÉ«à ∏ d á°ù«FôdG IQƒ°üdG hóÑJh ,Ak’hh Ak ɪàfG ÌcC’Gh ÜôbC’G øe Gk AóH™°ùàJ ,É¡H ᣫ fi áHô ≤ e äÉ ≤∏ M øeh ,QÉ«àdG OGôaCG iód-™Ñ£dÉH » ∏ NGódG ∫ É°üJ’G òîàj ɪ«a ,AÉØ ∏◊ Gh øjójDƒŸGh QÉ°üfC’Gh Oó÷G ÚeOÉ ≤ dG º°†j …òdG§«ëŸG ¤EG’k ƒ°Uh .çGóMC’G™e ∑ ÉÑà°T’Gh ∞ bGƒŸG º°SQh äÉeƒ ∏©ŸG π≤ æH π صàj …òdG ,öTÉÑŸG …OôØdG π°UGƒàdG IQƒ°U 87 Ω ÉeCG ÉæfEÉa ,áë ∏ q °ùe äÉ« ∏ ª©H Ω ƒ ≤ J QÉ«àdÉH á£ÑJôe™«eÉ› hCG äɪ«¶æJ hCG äÉYɪL Aƒ°ûf á«°†b ¤EG IOƒ©dÉHh :áØ ∏ à fl h IOó©àe ≠«°U ,IOó©àe ≥ WÉæe hCG ,áæ«©e á ≤£æe‘ IOó fi áYƒª›™ªàŒ ¿CÉH π ãªàJh ,á«FGóÑdG ájƒØ©dG ᨫ°üdG ∑ Éæ¡a ≥«°ùæJ ¿hOh ,Ék«FÉ ≤∏ J ,áæ«©e äÉ« ∏ ªY hCG á« ∏ ª©H Ω É« ≤ dG Qô ≤ Jh ,á«°üî°ûdG äÉbÓ©dG ∫ ÓN øe É¡°†©ÑH π°üàJ .QÉ«àdG OGôaCG»bÉH™e ,á«dÉŸG äÉ«fɵeE’ÉH ≈ àMh ,Ö«JÎdGh äGhOC’Gh§«£îàdG‘ ájOhóëŸG™HÉ£H º°ùàj äɪ«¶æàdG øe ´ƒædG Gòg ,Ék æ«©e Gk Ohó fi Ék MÉ‚ ≥≤ M É¡°†©H øµd ,ºàj ¿CG π Ñb °VÉ¡LEG øe øµq ªàJ á«æeC’G Iõ¡LC’G âfÉc Ée Ék ÑdÉZh zäGôHÉ fl§HÉ°V ∫ É«àZG ádhÉ fi{ á«°†b ,(2002) zÉjÓÿG º«¶æJ{ á«°†b»g ´ƒædG Gò¡d ÜôbC’G êPƒªædGh º«¶æJ-á«Ø ∏°ùdG ácô ◊ Éc IÒ¨°U äÉYƒª›h ,(1994) zá© ≤ ÑdG äGôHÉ fl ≈∏ Y QÉædG ¥ÓWEG{ á«°†b ,(2004) .(2003) ¥ôØŸG ‘ √ QGô ≤ à°SG π Ñbh ,¿OQC’G øe …hÉbQõdG êhôN ó©H áë°VGhh á°Sƒª ∏ e IQƒ°üH öûàfG ôNBG ´ƒf áªKh öUÉæY hCG ,…hÉbQõdÉH Ú£ÑJôe Ék ÑdÉZ) êQÉÿG‘ ÚjOÉ«b hCG …OÉ«b OƒLh ÚH ´ƒædG Gòg êhGõjh ,¥Gô©dG ≥ FÉKh‘h ,äÉ« ∏ ª©dG ∂∏ J ò«ØæJ QÉ«àdG π NGO á« ∏ fi áYƒª› ¤ƒàJ ɪ«a ,¿ƒ ≤°ùæjh ¿ƒdƒq Áh ¿ƒ££îj(iôNCG äÉ« ∏ ª©dG ∂ dòch ,á ≤ jô£dG √ ò¡H â“ ,‹ƒa ¢ùfQƒd ,»cÒeC’G»°SÉeƒ ∏ HódG ∫ É«àZG á«°†b ¿q EÉa ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi . 137 z…óëàdGh ìÓ°UE’G{ áYƒª› ¤EG âÑ°ùf»àdG π H ,§«£îàdG ≈∏ Y êQÉÿG QhO É¡«a öüà ≤ j’ äÉ« ∏ ªYh äÉYɪ÷ iôNCG IQƒ°U ´ƒædG Gòg øe ÜÎ ≤ jh ≈∏ Y á ∏ ãeC’G øeh ,QÉ«àdG OGôaCG øe áYƒ›™e ¿ƒ ∏°UGƒàjh ¿OQC’G ¤EG ¿ƒJCÉj OGôaCG ∫ ÓN øe ò«ØæàdÉH ∑ QÉ°ûjh .™«eÉéŸG øe ÉgÒZh zá«ØdC’G áYƒª›{h z Ω Ó°SE’G QÉ°üfCG{ á«°†b ∂ dP π« ∏°†à ∏ dh ,»æeCG ¥GÎNG OƒLh Ω óY ¿Éª°†d ,êQÉÿG øe ¿ƒJCÉj øjòØq æŸGh Ú££îŸG ¿q EÉa;iôNCG ä’ÉM‘h ≈∏ Y RQÉÑdG ∫ ÉãŸGh ,QÉ«àdG OGôaCG øe IöTÉÑe ácQÉ°ûe ájCG ¿hO á« ∏ ª©dG ò«ØæàH ¿ƒeƒ ≤ jh ,á«æeC’G Iõ¡LC’G ≈∏ Y .záÑ ≤©dG äGÒéØJ{h z¿ÉªY äGÒéØJ{ ∂ dP QÉ«àdG øe OGôaCG π Ñb øe ±ƒ°ûµe ÒZ»à°ùLƒd ºYO OƒLƒd Ék 浇’k ɪàMG ∑ Éæg ¿q EÉa ,ádÉ ◊ G √ òg‘ ≈ àMh .AÉÑàN’Gh QhôŸG π«¡°ùJ hCG ,á浪ŸG ±Góg’C G ójó–h äÉeƒ ∏©ŸG™ªL á« ∏ ª©c ,äÉ« ∏ ª©dG π«¡°ùàd á檫¡dG ¿q EÉa ,Ék eƒªY ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ«àdh ,äÉYƒªéŸG √ ò¡d á ≤∏ ¨ŸGh 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≈∏ Y Ω ƒ ≤ J»àdG ,á«bÉÑà°S’G áHö†dG ¤EG»æeC’G ¥GÎN’G CGóÑe øe ∫ ƒëàdG ,çó ◊ G ¥ÉÑà°SG ¤EG IQOÉÑŸG π H ,ÊOQC’G»æWƒdG øeC’G ó°V äÉ« ∏ ªY «LƒàH É¡àµÑ°ûH á£ÑJôŸG äÉYƒªéŸG .CGóÑJ ¿CG π Ñb É¡HöVh »àdGh ,áeÉ©dG äGôHÉîŸG RÉ¡÷ á©HÉàdG z ≥◊ G ¿É°Sôa{ áÑ«àc‘ π ã“ áYÉæ ≤ dG √ òg äÉLô fl RôHCG ióMEG óbh ,ÊOQC’G»æWƒdG øeC’G ájɪ ◊ á°UÉN iôNCG äɪ¡eh ,ájôµ°ùY äÉ« ∏ ª©H Ω É« ≤ dG ᪡e É¡d â ∏ chCG ‘ IRQÉÑdG öUÉæ©dG óMCG ,‹ƒHôµdG OÉjR ∫ É ≤ àYG øe z ≥◊ G ¿É°Sôa{ øµ“ øY ø ∏ YoCGh, π©ØdÉH ∂ dP çóM 2006^ 143 ¿GôjõM ô¡°T‘(¥Gô©dG‘) IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ »bGô©dG™ªàéŸG π NGO•É°ûædG ¤EG IóYÉ ≤ dG á¡LGƒe‘ ´ÉaódG ¥É«°S øe á«æeC’G á«é«JGΰS’G â ∏≤ àfG äGƒë°üdG ºYO‘ ¿OQC’G ∑ QÉ°Th ,¿OQC’G ±Gó¡à°SG ó°V»bGôY z»°SÉ«°S ƒà«a{ áeÉbEG ≈∏ Y 𠪩dGh . 144 ¥Gô©dG IóYÉ ≤ d ᪰UÉ ≤ dG áHö†dG Ék ≤ M’ â ∏ ãq e»àdG á«æ°ùdG áeÉ©dG äÉjóàæŸG‘ äÉYɪ÷Gh IóYÉ ≤ dG ºYóH ìɪ°ùdG Ω óYh z…ÒصàdG ôµØdG áHQÉ fi{ ≈∏ Y õ«cÎdG OGORG øjò ∏ dG ,ÜÉgQE’Gh OÉ°TQE’Gh ßYƒdG ʃfÉb ÊOQC’G ÜGƒædG ¢ù ∏ › ôbCÉa ,á«æjódG äÉ°ù°SDƒŸG π NGO hCG . 145 «dEG IƒYódG hCG zÜÉgQE’G 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¢ù°SCGh ,zäGÒg{ á ≤£æe‘ …hÉbQõdG ô ≤ à°SG 2000 Ω ÉY ájGóH‘h ¿GôjEG ÚH …hÉbQõdG π≤ s æJ 2001 ∫ ƒ ∏ jCG öûY …OÉ ◊ G äɪég Ö ≤ Yh ,áØ ∏ à fl äm É«°ùæL øe GOk óY Ö£ ≤ à°SGh ∫ É«àZG á« ∏ ªY ≈∏ Y ±öTCGh ,á°UÉÿG ájq OÉ¡÷G °T CÉ°ûfCG ób …hÉbQõdG ¿Éc 2002 Ω ÉY‘h ,ájQƒ°Sh ¥Gô©dGh ∫ ÓàM’G ó©Hh ,…hÉbQõq dG º°SG™Ÿ á ∏ MôŸG √ òg‘h, √ QÉ°üfCG øe OóY™e ≥«°ùæàq dÉH ¿Éªq Y‘»m µjôeCG»m°SÉeƒ ∏ HO äm ɵ«àµJ óªàYGh ,á©°SGh äÉHÉ°üY ÜôM ò«ØæàH °T ∫ ÓN øe …hÉbQõq dG CGóH 2003 QGPBG‘ ¥Gô© ∏ d»q µjôeC’G ï«°ûdG ¥ÉëàdG ¿Éch ,Ú«q bGô©dG ¤EG áaÉ°VE’ÉH ÖfÉLC’Gh Üô©dG Ú ∏ JÉ ≤ ŸG øe Ol óY «dEG º°†fGh ,ám Ø«æY ám«q dÉàb ¢ùfCG ƒHCG ¿Éch ,zOÉ¡÷Gh ó«Mƒàs dG{ º«¶æJ ¤EG áµÑ°qûdG äQƒs£J å«M Ébk QÉa ÉKk óM …hÉbQõq dÉH»eÉ°ûdG ¢ùfCG ƒHCG .áYɪé ∏ d»Yöq ûdG ∫ hDƒ°ùŸG ƒg»eÉ°ûdG âfÉc zó«MƒàdG ÖFÉàc{ º«¶æàH âaôY iÈc á« ∏ ªY•ÉÑMEG” å«M ∞ æ©dG ôjó°üàH …hÉbQõq dG CGóH 2004 Ω ÉY‘h ¤EG zOÉ¡÷Gh ó«MƒàdG{ «¶æJh …hÉbQõq dG º°†fG óbh ,äGôHÉîŸG ≈ æÑeh ¿OQC’G‘ AGQRƒdG á°SÉFQ ±ó¡à°ùJ ¿Éªq Y‘ ¥OÉæa çÓK …hÉbQõdG ±ó¡à°SG 2005/11/9 ïjQÉàHh ,2004/10/17 ïjQÉàH IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ …hÉbQõs dG π à ≤ e øY ¿ÓYE’G”s óbh ,100 øe ÌcCG ìôLh ¢müî°T 60 π à ≤ e ¤EG äOs CG áæeGõàe ájq QÉëàfG äm É« ∏ ª©H .᫵jôeCG ájƒL Im QÉZ ≥ jôW øY ∂ dPh ,2006 ¿GôjõM øe™°SÉàs dG‘ 121 í«ë°üdG ≈ æ©ŸÉH ¿ƒeõà ∏ j ºgQÉÑàYÉH zó«MƒàdG{ ᪠∏ c øe ≤ à°T’ º°S’G Gòg √ QÉ°üfCGh QÉ«àdG OGôaCG π°†Øj-2 ’»àdG ᪶fC’Gh ÒJÉ°SódGh äÉeƒµ ◊ ÉH ôصdG á«°SÉ«°ùdG ’O‘h äƒZÉ£dÉH ôصdG ∫ hC’G « ≤°ûH ó«Mƒà ∏ d …òdG ó«MƒdG …CG(á«¡dE’G ᫪cÉ ◊ G) á«°SÉ«°ùdG ’O‘h √ óMh ˆÉH ¿ÉÁE’Gh á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöûdÉH ºµà– Ω Ó°SE’Gh» ≤« ≤◊ G ó«MƒàdG ¿q EÉa ≈ æ©ŸG Gò¡d Ék ≤ ahh. ∂ dòH Ω É« ≤ dG öûÑ ∏ d Rƒéj’h ,äÉ©jöûàdG™°Vh ≥ ëj ¿ƒªµëj’ ø‡ º¡JAGôHh ºgôØc Gƒæ ∏©j ¿CGh á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöû ∏ d’EG Gƒªµàëj’CG øe»Yóà°ùj í«ë°üdG .QÉ«à ∏ d áªcÉ ◊ G º«gÉØŸGÉH ¢UÉÿG Aõ÷G‘»JCÉ«°S ɪc ,äÉ©jöûJh Ω ÉµMCG øe zˆG ∫ õfCG Ée{`H øe ,áÑ«àY ¤EG °ùf Oƒ©jh ,»q°Só ≤ ŸÉH ô¡à°ûjh ,óª fi ƒHCG «æch ,…hÉbÈdG ôgÉW øH óª fi øH Ω É°üY ƒg-3 ∏ FÉY™e Úæ°S™HQCG hCG çÓK øHG ƒgh π≤ àfG ºK ,1959 Ω ÉY ódh ,Ú£°ù ∏ a‘ ¢ù ∏ HÉf ∫ ɪYCG øe ábôH ájôb ó«dGƒe äÓ°U âfÉch ,¥Gô©dG ∫ ɪ°T π°UƒŸG á©eÉL‘ Ω ƒ ∏©dG ¢SQO ºK ,ájƒfÉãdG °SGQO É¡H π ªcCG å«M âjƒµdG ¤EG ,QhöS óª fi ï«°ûdG ¤EG Ö°ùàæJ»àdG ájQhöo t ùdG á«Ø ∏°qùdG É°Uk ƒ°üNh ,á«eÓ°SE’G äÉYɪ÷Gh äÉcô ◊ G ¢†©ÑH âî°SôJ å«M ájOƒ©°ùdGh âjƒµdG ÚH Égó©H π≤ æJ ,Ú«u Ñ£ ≤ o dG ïjÉ°ûe øe Om ó©Hh ,¿Éª«¡L áYɪL™e ábÓY .ájóéæs dG IƒYós dG áªFCG çGôJ ≈∏ Y™ ∏ WCGh ,á«HÉgƒdG á«Ø ∏°qùdÉH ©e ÜÉàc ∫ hCG á ∏ MôŸG √ òg‘ Öàch ,…OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°ùdG RôH å«M ,äGôe Iós Y ¿Éà°ùfɨaCGh ¿Éà°ùcÉH ¤EG ôaÉ°S å«M ,á«fÉãdG è« ∏ ÿG ÜôM ó©H ,1992 Ω ÉY ∏ FÉY™e ¿OQC’G‘ ô ≤ à°SGh ,zº«gGôHEG á ∏ q e{:¿Gƒæ©H Égô¡°TCGh á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ôØc‘ ÉHk Éàc ∞ dCG å«M»x ∏ L π m µ°ûH äRôHh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ¤EG IƒYóq dÉH °ûf CGóH ‘ öûf ≈∏ Y π ªYh ,ájó« ∏≤ às dG á«Ø ∏°sùdG á°SQóŸG ´ÉÑJCG™e ∫ m Éé°S‘ π NOh ,zøjO á«WGô ≤ ÁódG{:¿Gƒæ©H .á«fOQC’G ¿óŸG áaÉc Ö©°üe ƒHCG º«¶æàdG‘ ©e ¿Éch ,z Ω ÉeE’G á©«H{ º«¶æJ ¤EG Aɪàf’G á«Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y 1993 Ω ÉY Im ôe ∫ hCG π≤ àYG º¡JGh ,ä’É ≤ àYG Ióq©d Égó©H ¢Vô©Jh ,1999 Ω ÉY‘»x µ ∏ e ƒm Ø©H êôN ’EG ,áæ°S 15 « ∏ Y ºµMh ,…hÉbQõdG .Gôk NDƒe êôaCG óbh ,äɪ«¶æJ Iós Y ¤EG ÜÉ°ùàf’ÉH á ∏ e{:É¡æe;IójóY ihÉàah π FÉ°SQh äl ÉØdDƒe , ⁄ É©dGh ¿OQC’G‘ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°sù ∏ d É©k Lôe Èà©Jh ,zöü©dG áÄLôe äÉ¡Ñ°T ∞°ûc‘ ô¶ædG ´ÉàeEG{h ,zájOƒ©°ùdG ádhódG ôØc‘ á«q ∏ ÷G ∞°TGƒµdG{h ,zº«gGôHEG ƒu ∏ ¨dG øe ôjòëàq dG‘ á«q æ«KÓãdG ádÉ°SôdG{h ,z¢SQGóŸG OÉ°ùa ôé¡H ¢SQGƒØdG IOÉ ≤ dG OGóYEGh ,zøjO á«WGô ≤ ÁódG{h §°ShC’G ¥öûdG ´höûe{h ,zÜɨdG á©jöT øY ÜÉ ≤ ædG ∞°ûc{h ,zOÉ¡÷G äGôªK™e äÉØbh{h ,zÒµØàdG‘ .zOÉ¡÷Gh ó«MƒàdG Èæe{ ¿Gƒæ©H âfÎfE’G áµÑ°T ≈∏ Y™l bƒe .zÒѵdG ÊOQCG ƒgh ,¢Só ≤ dG ∫ ɪYCG øe ï«°ûdG ôjO ájôb øe ,1961 Ω ÉY ó«dGƒe øe ,ôªY ƒHCG ¿ÉªãY Oƒª fi ôªY ƒg-4 á©jöûdG‘ ¢SƒjQƒdɵÑdG IOÉ¡°T ≈∏ Y π°üMh ,á©jöûdG á« ∏ c- á«fOQC’G á©eÉ÷G‘ ¢SQO ,»æ«£°ù ∏ a π m °UCG øe ‘ π ªYh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ±ƒØ°U ¤EG π≤ àfG ºK ,IƒYódGh ≠« ∏ Ñàq dG áYɪL‘ ájƒYódG «M CGóH ,1984 Ω ÉY áæ°ùdG π gCG ácôM{ º°SÉH á«MÓ°UEG á«q Ø ∏°S áYɪL ¢ù«°SCÉJ ≈∏ Y π ªY ,äGƒæ°S™HQCG IóŸ AÉàaE’G- ÊOQC’G ¢û«÷G å«M ¿Éà°ùcÉH ¤EG ÖgP ºK øeh ,Éjõ«dÉe ¤EG QOÉZ á«fÉãdG è« ∏ ÿG ÜôM Ö ≤ Yh ,äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ájGóH‘ záYɪ÷Gh 122 ôm ¶æªc RôH ¿óæd‘h ,»°SÉ«°S Åm LÓc É«fÉ£jôH‘ ô ≤ à°SG 1994 Ω ÉY‘h ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ù ∏ d √ AɪàfG Qƒ ∏ ÑJ ‘ záë ∏°ùŸG á«eÓ°SE’G áYɪ÷G{ IófÉ°ùŸ ál°ü°qü fl Il öûf»gh ,zQÉ°üfC’G{ Iöûf Qó°UCGh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°qù ∏ d á ∏ › Qó°UCG ºK ,É«Ñ«d‘ zá ∏ JÉ ≤ ŸG á«q eÓ°SE’G áYɪ÷G{ äófÉ°S»àdGh zôéØdG{ Iöûf QGó°UEG‘ ºgÉ°Sh ,ôFGõ÷G .»ŸÉ©dG ájq OÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°qùdG çGôJ öûf‘ á°üàîŸG zêÉ¡æŸG{ ,Éek ÉY öûY á°ùªN É«qk HÉ«Z « ∏ Y ºµMh ,1998 Ω ÉY z…óëàs dG h ìÓ°UE’G{ º«¶æJ ¤EG Aɪàf’ÉH ¿OQC’G‘ º¡JG óbh .»°Só ≤ ŸG™e ¿OQC’G‘ IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ ¤EG Aɪàf’ÉH º¡JGh êôaCG ºK ,ójó÷G ÜÉgQE’G áëaɵe ¿ƒfÉb á«s Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y π≤ àYG 2001 ∫ ƒ ∏ jCG øe öûY …OÉ ◊ G çGóMCG Ö ≤ Yh ∫ ɪ°Th ÉHhQhGC ‘ IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æàd»Mhôt dG ÜC’ÉH É«qk eÓYEG ±ôY óbh ,äɪé¡dG √ òg‘ ádOC’G ôat ƒJ Ω ó©d .É« ≤ jôaCG Ω óY á«q °†b Ö°ùc IOÉàb ƒHCG ¿CG’EG ,É«fÉ£jôH øe ∏ t °ùàH ¿OQC’G âÑdÉW óbh ,2005 Ω ÉY iôNCG Iôe π≤ àYGh •m höT ≥ ah ∂ dPh ,2008/6/17 ïjQÉàH Gôk NDƒe IOÉàb ƒHCG ìGöS á«fÉ£jÈdG äÉ£ ∏°ùdG â ≤∏ WCGh , ∏«MôJ .á«°SÉb ,zè¡æŸG‘ äÓeCÉJ:OÉ¡àL’Gh OÉ¡÷G{:É¡æeh ,ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ù ∏ d Ò¶æàq dG‘ äÉØdDƒe Ióq Y IOÉàb ƒHCG ∞ dq CG óbh Ω Ó°SE’G{h ,zOÉ¡÷G ÉjGöS{h ,zៃ©dG{h ,zOÉ¡÷G GPÉŸ{h ,zIQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£dG ⁄ É©e{h ,zÚÑ«£ŸG áfDƒL{h .ä’É ≤ ŸGh π FÉ°Sôs dG äGöûY ,zɵjôeCGh ∂ dP ≈∏ Y IôµÑŸG á ∏ ãeC’G øeh;ájöùdG äɪ«¶æàdGh äÉYɪ÷G‘ GÒÑc GQÉgORG äÉ«æ«©°ùàdG ó ≤ Y ó¡°T-5 ܃ ≤©jh äÓ«Ñ°T å«d ɪg ¿É«eÓ°SEG ¿ÉÑFÉf É¡H º¡JG»àdGh z»eÓ°SE’G ÒØædG{ ,1991 Ω ÉY zóª fi ¢û«L{ ,õ««ªàdG ᪵ fi ó©H ɪ«a º¡JCGôH óbh ,1993 Ω ÉY zájôµ°ù©dG áJDƒe á©eÉL{ º«¶æàH»ª°S Éeh ,1992 Ω ÉY ¢Tôb »àdG á«°† ≤ dGh ,1995 Ω ÉY»°ùfôØdG»°SÉeƒ ∏ HódG ∫ É«àZG ádhÉ fi h ,1994 Ω ÉY z¿ƒ«fOQC’G ¿É¨aC’G{ º«¶æJh É¡æY ø ∏ YCG óbh z…óëàdGh ìÓ°UE’G{ º«¶æJh ,zá© ≤ ÑdG äGôHÉ fl{ á«°†bh ,1994 Ω ÉY z Ω ÉeE’G á©«ÑH{ âaôY »gh ,2000 Ω ÉY zá«ØdC’G IôeGDƒe{ äÉ« ∏ ª©H»ª°S Éeh ,1994 Ω ÉY z»eÓ°SE’G ójóéàdG{ º«¶æJh,1997 Ω ÉY äɪ«¶æàdGh ÉjÉ°† ≤ dG øe ÒãµdG ∑ Éægh ,á«fOQC’G äGôHÉîŸG™e ¿hÉ©àdÉH á«cÒeC’G äGôHÉîŸG É¡æY âØ°ûc»àdG .iôNC’G âfÉc ÚM‘. www.aljazeera.net ,±ô£àdGh ∞ æ©dG áeRCG OGÒà°SGh ¿OQC’G ,áÑjGôZ º«gGôHEG:ô¶fG-6 ‘ á«eÓ°SE’G IQƒãdGh ,öüe‘ í ∏°ùŸG Ω Ó°SE’G äÉcôM RhôH™e äÉ«æ«fɪãdG ájGóHh äÉ«æ«©Ñ°ùdG ó ≤ Y‘ ¤hC’G .»µŸG Ω ô ◊ G áKOÉMh ,äGOÉ°ùdG ∫ É«àZGh ,¿GôjEG .äÉYƒªéŸG √ òg‘ Ú ≤ HÉ°ùdG OGôaC’G óMCG IOÉ¡°T-7 ,áë°UÉæeh IöUÉæe …hÉbQõdG ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-8 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=dtwiam56 123 .‹ƒa ¢ùfQƒd ∫ É«àZG ¿CÉ°ûH á«FÉ°† ≤ dG IƒYódG ô¶fG-9 . ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,áë°UÉæeh IöUÉæe …hÉbQõdG ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-10 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y, Ω ÉeE’G á©«ÑH GƒØ°Uh øªY Ω Éã ∏ dG ∞°ûc ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG:ô¶fG-11 .http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=dtwiam56 …òdG á«q KQÉM ƒHCG π«Ñf ƒgh ,AÉ°†YC’G óMCG IOÉaEG øe äAÉL ó ≤ a ,ÉWk ÉÑàYG äCÉJ ⁄( Ω ÉeE’G á©«H) ᫪°ùàq dG √ òg ¿CG’EG ÜõM øY Ú ≤°ûæŸG óMCG ƒgh, √ óÑY ÂÉZ™e zÉHÉM- Ω ÉeE’G á©«H ácôM{:º°SÉH ɪk«¶æJ ∂ dP π Ñb ¢ù°qSCG ób ¿Éc π FGhCG ¿É©e øé°S‘ √ óÑY‘ƒJ óbh ,zGôk aÉc{ ºcÉ ◊ G Ω É¶æq dG QÉÑàYÉH Úª ∏°ùª ∏ d GÒk eCG °ùØæH iOÉf ,ôjôëàdG º°SÉH äÉfÉ«H Iós Y GQó°UCGh ,è« ∏ ÿG ÜôM AÉæKCG ɪ¡ª«¶æJ É°ù°sSCG ób √ óÑY ÂÉZh á«KQÉM ƒHCG ¿Éch.1995 Ω ÉY ,Ú£°TÉæq dG™«ªL ≈∏ Y «¶æàd Ω Éª°†f’G ¢Vô©j á«q KQÉM ƒHCG ¿Éch ,ÉMk É‚ ≥∏ j ⁄ h ,ô¡à°ûj ⁄ ÒZ º«¶æàs dG .á°UÉÿG º¡àYɪL ¢ù«°SCÉJ ≈∏ Y ¿Óª©j ÉfÉc …hÉbQõdGh»°Só ≤ ŸG ¿CG’EG ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG º¡æeh á©Ñ£dG ,ähÒH, ∫ É«ÿG QGO ,zIóYÉ ≤∏ d ÊÉãdG π«÷G:…hÉbQõdG{:Ú°ùM OGDƒa:øª°V ,öüàæŸG ƒHCG IOÉaEG-12 .87¢U,2005 ,¤hC’G .(±öTCG ƒHCG) ìÉàØdG óÑY ∞ jöT™e áHÉ ≤ e-13 .1994 ÜBG ,95/300 ºbQ QGôb ,zádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi{:…hÉbQõdG Ö©°üe ƒHCG äÉaGÎYG-14 ±öTCG ƒHCG ôcòjh ,ɪ¡°ùØfCG º« ∏°ùJ Ω óYh QGôØdG»°Só ≤ ŸGh …hÉbQõdG ∫ hÉM º«¶æàdG ±É°ûàcG ó©H-15 IOÉaEG ∫ ÓN øe É«k ∏ L ∂ dP ô¡¶jh ,Éëk ∏°ùe Úªc Ö ≤ Y ∑ ôJo óbh ,í ∏ q °ùe ƒgh ∫ ƒéàj ¿Éc …hÉbQõdG ¿CG ,…OÉ«àbG GhQôb ºg ¿EG Ω hÉbCÉ°S âæch ,º¡«dEG ÖgPCG ÓÄd π«ëà°ùŸG π©aCÉ°S âæc{:‘ ∫ ƒ ≤ j PEG …hÉbQõdG ¿EG áehÉ ≤ ŸG ±ó¡d ∂ dP â ∏ ©a ó ≤ d ,QÉæjO(800) â©aOh ,É°kTÉ°TQ âjΰTG ,â«Yóà°SG ób»æfCG âaôY ÉeóæYh .zá°UÉ°UQ ¿ƒKÓKh ¢ùªNh ìÓ°ùdG ∂ dòd ¿RÉ fl áKÓK …q ód ¿Éc....‹õ`æe ¤EG áWöûdG äAÉL å«M ,»°Só ≤ ŸG π≤ àYG Ω ÉjCG á°ùªîH Égó©Hh ,1994 Ω ÉY QGPBG/29‘ …hÉbQõdG π≤ àYG ó ≤ a ∂ dP øe ºZôq dG ≈∏ Yh Om Gƒe IRÉ«Mh ,ʃfÉb ÒZ º«¶æJ ¢ù«°SCÉJ‘ ácQÉ°ûŸG:É¡æeh ,…ôµ°ù©dG Ω É©dG ≈ YóŸG π Ñb øe º¡J Ióq Y «LƒJ”q ≈∏ Y …hÉbQõdG™bq h óbh ,»µ ∏ ŸG Ω É ≤ ŸG ≈∏ Y ∫ hÉ£àdGh ,ôØ°S äGRGƒL ôjhõJh ,¢ü«NôJ ¿hO áë ∏°SCGh IôéØàe ¢mü«NôJ ¿hO Ω É¨dCGh π HÉæb»JRÉ« ◊ Öfòe ÉfCG{: ≤ H ôbCGh …ôµ°ù©dG Ω É©dG ≈ YóŸG Ω ÉeCG á ∏°qüØŸG …hÉbQõdG äÉaGÎYG øe) z™bhCGh ∂ dP ≈∏ Y ¥OÉ°UCG ÉfCGh ,©à°SGh ôØ°S RGƒL ôjhõJ‘» ∏ Nóàdh ,Êx ƒfÉb .(ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi‘ Ω É¨dC’Gh π HÉæ ≤ dG ¿EG{: ∫ Éb PEG ÜÉgQE’G áfGOEG óM ¤EG ÖgPh π H ,¥É«°uùdG ¢ùØf‘ äÉaGÎYG ≈∏ Y»°Só ≤ ŸG™bq h ɪc ,» ∏«FGöSE’G hó©dG áehÉ ≤ e π LCG øe ɉEGh ,¿OQC’G‘ á«HÉgQEG ∫ ɪYC’ á°ü°sü fl ÒZ»JRƒëH âfÉc»àdG áë ∏°SC’Gh 124 ɪ櫰ùdG QhOh äGôHÉîŸG AÓªYh áWöûdG äGƒb ó°V á«HÉgQEG ∫ ɪYCG ¿ƒaÎ ≤ j øjòdG ¢UÉî°TC’G™«ªL ó°V ÉfCGh .(ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi Ω ÉeCG»°Só ≤ ŸG äÉaGÎYG øe) z ∫ ƒëµdG™«H øcÉeCGh .1994 ÜBG 31 ,95/300 ºbQ QGôb ,ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi ,…QhQÉ©dG ódÉN äÉaGÎYG-16 .95/300 QGôb ,ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG äÉaGÎYG-17 1¢U záë°UÉæeh IöUÉæe: Ω’BGh ∫ ÉeBG:…hÉbQõdG{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-18 . Ω ÉeE’G á©«H OGôaCG™e É¡JGP IÎØdG‘ ,¿ƒ ∏ éY äGÒéØJ á«Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y Ék fƒé°ùe ¿Éc ,á©HÉHQ ∞°Sƒj IOÉ¡°T-19 .(±öTCG ƒHCG) ìÉàØdG óÑY ∞ jöT™e á ∏ HÉ ≤ e-20 .(áÑ«àb ƒHCG) ‹ÉéŸG ó«éŸG óÑY™e á ∏ HÉ ≤ e-21 -1:¿ƒª¡àŸG{:É¡«a AÉL zˆG ´öT ¤EG É¡JÉ°†bh ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi áªcÉ fi{:¿Gƒæ©H ©aGôe âfÉch-22 ᪵ fi»°VÉb- 2.á«©°VƒdG º¡JÉ©jöûJ ≈∏ Y º¡fhÉYh ºgöUÉf øeh ¿Éeõq dG Gòg Ω ÉµM™«ªLh ó ∏ ÑdG Gòg ºcÉM øjòdG º¡fGƒYCGh ºgQÉ°üfCGh ºgóæLh º¡JGôHÉ fl-3.á«©°VƒdG äÉ©jöûàq dÉH ºµëj ¢mVÉb π ch «fhÉ©eh ádhódG ≈∏ Y á ∏ WÉÑdG °qûdG ¿ƒª« ≤ j øjòdG Ú ∏ q °†ŸG º¡àfó°Sh º¡fÉÑgQh ºgQÉÑMCG-4.»©°VƒdG º¡©jöûJ ¿höüæj º¡ª°SÉH ∞ àgh ,º¡d ≥ Øq°Uh ºgójCG øe π q c-5.zÖ©°û ∏ d Ö©°ûdG™jöûJ{»cöûdG á«WGô ≤ Áóq dG øjO ≠ jƒ°ùJ ádhódG øeCG ᪵ fi áªcÉ fi{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG:ô¶fG.á«WGô ≤ ÁódG{ π WÉÑdG º¡æjO π«©ØJh QGôbEG‘ ∑ QÉ°Th .zˆG ´öT ¤EG É¡JÉ°†bh ,zQÉædG ¤EG»æfƒYóJh áæ÷G ¤EG ºcƒYOCG ‹Ée Ω ƒb Éj:Ò°SCG IOÉaEG{:…hÉbQõdG Ö©°üe ƒHCG-23 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=ou3wjvb3 . ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,záë°UÉæeh IöUÉæe:…hÉbQõdG{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-24 . ≥ HÉ°ùdG™LôŸG-25 ôjÉæj 14) á«fóæ ∏ dG§°ShC’G ¥öûdG ,ºgC’G óª fi ƒHCG ≈≤ Ñjh ¿hÒãc ∞ æ©dG ñƒ«°T ,…ójGòdG …QÉ°ûe:ô¶fG-26 http://www.asharqalawsat.com/details.asp?section=4&a :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y(2004 rticle=212637&issueno=9178 125 ,º¡H Éæ« ≤ àdG √ hCGQ ø‡ Oó©d IOÉ¡°T ∑ Éægh ,¿GôjEG‘ ∫ ó©dG ∞«°S OƒLh ≈∏ Y ájƒb IójóY äGöTDƒe áªK-27 IOÉb øe OóY™e º« ≤ j iôj ÚãMÉÑdGh ÚÑbGôŸG ¢†©H ∫ Gõj Óa, ∑ Éæg √ OƒLh ᨫ°U ∫ ƒM ±ÓÿG øµd Éæg IQÉ°TE’G QóŒh.¿GôjEG‘ ¿ƒ ∏≤ à©e º¡fCG ¿hôNBG iôj ɪæ«H ,¿GôjEG‘ záæeB’G 䃫ÑdG{`H ≈ ª°ùj ɪ«a º«¶æàdG Ö°ùæjh ,¿Éà°ùfɨaCG‘ ÒNB’G OƒLh ∫ ÓN â ≤ KƒJ ób …hÉbQõdG Ö©°üe ƒHCGh ∫ ó©dG ∞«°S ÚH ábÓ©dG ¿q CG ¤EG ,…hÉbQõdG» ≤ aGôe RôHCG óMCG ,óª fi ƒHCG Ò°ûjh. ∫ ó©dG ∞«°S ¤EG ¥Gô©dG ¤EG …hÉbQõdG ÜÉgP ìÎ ≤ e ¢†©ÑdG ,z Ω É°qûdG óæL{ áYɪL AÉ°ûfEG «Y ìÎbGh{ ∞«°†jh.äGÒg ôµ°ù©e AÉ°ûfEG Iôµa ≈ æÑJ øe ƒg ∫ ó©dG ∞«°S ¿q CG ¤EG (óª fi ƒHCG™e á°UÉN á ∏ HÉ ≤ e) zQ’hO ∞ dGC 35 ≠∏ Ñe √ É£YCGh øe °ûd á«°SÉ°SC’G IGƒædG Gƒ ∏ µs°T Gƒk°†Y 40 ‹GƒM º°†j zäGÒg{ ôµ°ù©e ¿Éc 2000 Ω ÉY ájGóH‘-28 ,¿GôjEG‘ π≤ à©e ∫ É ≤ 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Ó°SE’G QÉ°üfCG áYɪL øY ∞°ûµj ¿OQC’G.:ô¶fG) ºgÒZh ¿É°û«°Th .(2003 ∫ ƒ ∏ jCG äGôFÉ£dG øe áØ°UÉ©H ,2001 ȪàÑ°S/ ∫ ƒ ∏ jCG øe öûY …OÉ ◊ G‘ IóëàŸG äÉj’ƒdG IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ ºLÉg-29 ,É°küî°T 2823 π à ≤ e øY äôØ°SCG ,»ŸÉ©dG IQÉéàdG õcôeh ¿ƒZÉàæÑdG Gók jó–h ø£æ°TGhh ∑ Qƒjƒ«f âaó¡à°SG ,¿ÉÑdÉW ºµM Ω É¶f•É ≤°SE’ ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG hõ¨H Ω É« ≤∏ d ‹m hO ∞ m dÉ–™ªL ≈∏ Y IóëàŸG äÉj’ƒdG π ªM …òdG ôeC’G Gƒæµ“ IóYÉ ≤ dG IOÉb º¶©e ¿CG’EG ,¿ÉÑdÉW Ω É¶æd™jöq ùdG QÉ«¡f’G øe ºZôs dG ≈∏ Yh ,IóYÉ ≤ dG º«¶æJ ≈∏ Y AÉ°† ≤ dGh áæjóe‘ ´ÉªàLG ó ≤©fG»µjôeC’G Ω ƒé¡dG ∫ ÓNh ,á«q fÉà°ùcÉÑdG ¿Éà°SôjRh‘ á«q ∏ Ñ ≤ dG ≥ WÉæŸG ¤EG QGôØdG øe ƒHCG QÉ°TCGh.ÆÈeÉg á« ∏ N ≥°qùf …òdG ,áÑ«°ûdG øH …õeQh, ∫ ó©dG ∞«°Sh ,Ió«HR ƒHCGh ,…hÉbQõq dG º°V QÉgóæb Ók JÉ ≤ e 15 ¤EG 12 ÚHÉe º°†J áYƒªéŸ …öq S êGôNEÉH √ ôeCG …hÉbQõdG Qó°UCG ´ÉªàL’G ∂ dP ∫ ÓN ¤EG Ió«HR ,Ú©ªà› GƒfÉc å«M ,QÉgóæb ∫ õ`æe ÜÉ°UCG É«k cÒeCG ÉNk hQÉ°U ¿CG ±É°VCGh ,¥Gô©dG ¤EG Ögòàd ¿Éà°ùfɨaCG øe áWöûdG øe π eÉ°T ôjô ≤ J:ô¶fG).áØ«ØÿG ìhô÷G ¢†©ÑH Ö«°UCGh ¢VÉ ≤ fC’G â– øe …hÉbQõdG π°ûàfG 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≤ dG øe Am É°†YCG Ióq Y â ∏≤ àYG ób ¿GôjEG …QhQÉ©dG ódÉN ∫ hC’G √ óYÉ°ùe º¡àeó ≤ e‘h ,…hÉbQõdG áYƒª› AÉ°†YCG øe Om ó©H â¶ØàMG á«q fGôjE’G á«q æeC’G .ájQƒ°Sh ¥Gô©dG ÚH π≤ æàj CGóH å«M …hÉbQõq dG ìGöS â ≤∏ WCGh ,¿OQC’G ¤EG º¡°†©H â ∏ Mq Qh ,( Ω É°ù ≤ dG ƒHCG) ™e á ∏ HÉ ≤ e øe ∂ dòch ,129-128 ¢U, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe z…hÉbQõdG Ö©°üe ƒHCG{:QGõHôH ∫ QÉ°T ¿ÉL:ô¶fG) .(±öTCG ƒHCG) ìÉàØdG óÑY ∞ jöT ìÉàØdG óÑY ∞ jöT™e á ∏ HÉ ≤ Ÿ Ék ≤ ahh ,‹ƒa ∫ É«àZÉH á ≤∏©àŸG ádhódG øeG ᪵ fi äÉ ≤« ≤ – °ûc Ée ≥ ah-31 .(±öTCG ƒHCG) ,óª fi Ú°ùM ,ôHôH óFGQ ,Qɪ°S áeÉ°SCG ,¢ùeɨe ódÉN ,öTƒg ƒHCG ö†N:ºg ¿ƒ«°ù«FôdG ¿ƒª¡àŸG-32 QGöV ,…hÉYô ≤ dG óª fi ,IQÉÑL ôeÉ°S ,…hÉ£æW»eGQ ,ÊÉJQƒ©dG óª fi ,Ö«£ÿG π«Yɪ°SG ,…RÉéM óFÉ°S ,…hÉYô ≤ dG QGöV, ∞∏ N ó«°TQ ,¢Sƒ ∏ Z ƒHCG öSÉj ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG, ≈°ù«Y óª fi ,ìó ≤ e Òæe ,¿Éª« ∏°S ,…hô¨dG óªMCG ,ø°ùM øjóHÉ©dG øjR ,ôªY ƒHCG ôªY ,…RÉéM óFGQ ,Iƒ« ∏ M ƒHCG º«gGôHEG ,…hGô¡£dG ∫ ɪL .»WÉjôdG óªMCG ,(»£©ŸGóÑY) ,Qƒ°ùædG PÉ©e ,»Ñ«à©dG ∫ ɪL ,»eÉ°ûdG óª fi ƒHCG ,¢ù ∏ ZO …OÉ¡dG óÑY:ºg á«°† ≤ dG‘ ᪡àŸG 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∞°UGhh ôgGR øe π c É¡«a º¡JG»àdG á«°† ≤ dÉc ,Ú£°ù ∏ a ¤EG Ohó ◊ G ÈY π∏°ùàdG ä’hÉ fi‘ ÉjÉ°†b IóY â ∏ é°S-38 .øjóHÉY Oƒª fi h ,ôgõe ¿Éà°SOôc‘ Ω É°ûdG óæéH ¥Éë ∏ dG GƒdhÉM ø‡ ,ÜÉÑ°ûdG óMCG äɪ«æZ Ö«£ÿG ódÉN ¿GóªM IOÉ¡°T Éæg Ω ó ≤ f-39 ádÉM‘ π ã“ ,1993 Ω ÉY «M‘ ÒÑc ∫ ƒ– çóM ,1972 Ω ÉY ó«dGƒe øe ,§ ∏°ùdG áæjóe ¿Éµ°S ƒgh.¥Gô©dG ºµëj’ øe ÒصJh ,á«eÓ°SE’G á©jöûdG ≥«Ñ£J ¤EG IƒYódGh ,…OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ«àdG è¡æe ≈∏ Y øjóàdG øe §ÑJQG ºK.¢û«÷G øe ¤GE iOCG ɇ ,áWöûdGh ¢Tƒ«÷Gh äÉeƒµ ◊ G øe GOó°ûàe ÉØbƒe òîJGh ,É¡H ¤EG ôaÉ°S ºK ,2000 ,1997 ,1996 äGôe IóY π≤ àYGh ,äÉjGóÑdG òæe§ ∏°ùdG‘ …OÉ¡÷G»Ø ∏°ùdG QÉ«àdG™e ∏≤ àYG ºK ,ÊÉÑdÉW ∫ ÓL áYɪL ó°V z Ω Ó°SE’G QÉ°üfCG{™e OÉ¡é ∏ d √ ƒ ≤ Ñ°S øjòdG ¤EG º°†æ«d ¿Éà°SOôc áà°S áHGôb øé°ùdG‘ åµeh ,Ohó ◊ G ≈∏ Y ≤ àYG iôL PEG ,¿OQC’G ¤EG OÉY É¡æeh ,ájQƒ°S ¤EG ∏°SQCGh ¿GôjEG .Qƒ¡°T øYh ,¿Éà°SOôc á ≤£æe ¤EG§ ∏°ùdG áæjóe øe á ∏ MôdG á©«ÑW ≈∏ Y ±ô©àdG ∫ hÉëf ,(IOÉ¡°ûdG) á ∏ HÉ ≤ ŸG √ òg‘ óbh ,ˆG π«Ñ°S‘ OÉ¡÷G á°†jôØH Ω É« ≤∏ d ¿Éà°SOôc ¤EG äôaÉ°S{:äɪ«æZ ∫ ƒ ≤ j.áØ ∏ àîŸG 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øe ∫ hs CG π©dh π gCG º ∏°Sh « ∏ Y ˆG ≈∏°U ˆG ∫ ƒ°SQ É¡«a ∞ dÉN»àdG á« ∏ gÉ÷G π FÉ°ùe{:¿Gƒæ©H ák dÉ°SQ á«s HÉgƒdG IƒYós dG ¢ù°uSDƒe Ω ÉY É¡MöT”CGh ,»°SƒdB’G …ôµ°T Oƒª fi ¥Gô©dG áeÓY É¡«a™°sSƒJ óbh ,zÚ«q HÉàµdGh Ú«q eC’G øe á« ∏ gÉ÷G ≈∏ YC’G ƒHCG:ô¶fG.1924 áæ°S öüe‘ É¡©ÑWh É¡« ∏ Y ≥« ∏©às dGh É¡ ≤« ≤ ëàH Ö«£ÿG øjódG Ö fi Ω Ébh.1907 QGO ,»MÓ°UE’G ø°ùM π« ∏ L áªLôJ ,zQƒà°SódGh ¿ƒfÉ ≤ dGh á«°SÉ«°ùdG‘ Ω Ó°SE’G ájô¶f{:…OhOƒŸG ‘ á©HQC’G äÉë ∏£°üŸG{:…OhOƒŸG ≈∏ YC’G ƒHCG:…OhOƒŸG ÜÉàc ∂ dòch.153 ,34¢U ,1969 ,Qƒg’ ,ôµØdG ø°ù ◊ G ƒHCG:`H ∂ dP ¿QÉb.9-8¢U ,1969 ,¤hC’G á©Ñ£dG ,á«àjƒµdG QGódG, ≥ HÉ°S ºXÉc óª fi áªLôJ ,z¿BGô ≤ dG ,1965 ,á°SOÉ°ùdG á©Ñ£dG ,IôgÉ ≤ dG ,á«eÓ°SE’G IƒYódG áÑàµe ,zÚª ∏°ùŸG•É£ëfÉH ⁄ É©dG öùN GPÉe{:…hóædG ¢U ,1974 ,IôgÉ ≤ dG ,»eÓ°SE’G QÉàîŸG QGO zÉ¡d ôµH ƒHCG’h IOq Q{:…hóædG ø°ù ◊ G ƒHCGh.158-135¢U áeó ≤ e Öàch ,zÚª ∏°ùŸG•É£ëfÉH ⁄ É©dG öùN GPÉe{ …hóædG ÜÉàc ≈∏ Y™ ∏ WG ób Ö£b ó«q °S ¿Éch.16-11 .1951 áæ°S ôµØ ∏ d»ŸÉ©dG ó¡©ŸG ,zá«aô©e ájDhQ:᫪cÉ ◊ G Ω ƒ¡ØŸ á«°SÉ«°ùdG OÉ©HC’G{:ôØ©L ¢VƒY óªMCG Ω É°ûg-82 .225¢U ,1995 ,¤hC’G á©Ñ£dG ,᫵jôeC’G IóëàŸG äÉj’ƒdG ,É«æ«LÒa ,¿OÒg ,»eÓ°SE’G 7¢U ,IôgÉ ≤ dG ,¥höûdG QGO ,zOôØæe è¡æe øjódG Gòg{:Ö£b ó«°S-83 .93-91¢U ,1982 ,áæeÉãdG á©Ñ£dG ,ähÒH ,IôgÉ ≤ dG ,¥höûdG QGO ,z ≥ jô£dG‘ ⁄ É©e{:Ö£b ó«°S-84 .10¢U °ùØf™LôŸG-85 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,á«gƒdC’Gh ᫪cÉ ◊ G ó«MƒJ ÚH ¥ôØdG Ée»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG:ô¶fG-86 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=raosd34n :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y , ∏«dO ƒg Éeh ᫪cÉ ◊ G ó«MƒJ ,»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHCG:ô¶fG-87 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=ycux7zmn http://www.tawhed.ws/f :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ÜÉàµdG-88 ≥ HÉ°ùdG™LôŸG-89 .13-12¢U ≥ HÉ°ùdG™LôŸG-90 °ùØf™LôŸG-91 134 .47¢U ≥ HÉ°ùdG™LôŸG-92 .104-103¢U, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,zOÉ¡àL’Gh OÉ¡÷G{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-93 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,79 ºbQ zÚé¡æe ÚH{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-94 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=usjyghh8 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,75 ºbQ zÚé¡æe ÚH{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-95 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=y2pdxyvi :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,45 ºbQ zÚé¡æe ÚH{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-96 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=i8tmaobw :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,41 ºbQ zÚé¡æe ÚH{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-97 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=qdcg2js8 §HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,z» ∏°UC’G ôصdG OÓH‘ á«©jöûàdG ¢ùdÉéŸG äÉHÉîàfG‘ ácQÉ°ûŸG ºµM{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-98 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=p86ymspg :‹ÉàdG .1408:OóY ,z Ω Ó°SE’G AGóf{ á ∏ ›™e QGƒM:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-99 106¢U, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,zOÉ¡àL’Gh OÉ¡÷G{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-100 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ÜÉàµdG ,z™eÉ÷G äÉXƒë ∏ e‘™eGƒ ∏ dG âµædG{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-101 .41-40 ¢U ، http://www.tawhed.ws/f 108¢U, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,zOÉ¡àL’Gh OÉ¡÷G{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-102 73/1 ,1973 ,ähÒH, π Ñ÷G QGO ,zÚŸÉ©dG ÜQ øY Ú©bƒŸG Ω ÓYEG{:º« ≤ dG øHG-103 57¢U ,z π«÷G AÉæH‘ ÉgôKCGh Ió« ≤©dG{, Ω GõY ˆG óÑY-104 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,zÜɨdG á©jöT øY ÜÉ ≤ ædG ∞°ûc{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-105 2¢U, http://www.tawhed.ws/f 135 1¢U ≥ HÉ°ùdG™LôŸG-106 ‘ ´öûŸG ’G øe.Qƒà°SódG øe ájôØc á ∏ ãeCG:ÜɨdG á©jöT øY ÜÉ ≤ ædG ∞°ûc{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-107 .1¢U, http://www.tawhed.ws/f :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y z?ºgQƒà°SO .5¢U, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,øjO á«WGô ≤ ÁódG ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHG-108 ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe, Ω Ó°SE’G AGóf á ∏ ›™e QGƒM-109 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,zøªMôdG á©jöûd ÚdóÑŸG Ω Éµ ◊ G‘ ¤É©J ˆG ºµM{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-110 http://www.tawhed.ws/f :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,3¢U ,94 ºbQ ,Úé¡æe ÚH ,IOÉàb ƒHCG-111 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=et3bux0w §HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,1¢U ,zÉ¡©««“‘ Iɨ£dG Ö«dÉ°SCGh Ú ∏°SôŸGh AÉ«ÑfC’G IƒYOh º«gGôHEG á ∏ e{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-112 http://www.tawhed.ws/f :‹ÉàdG .22¢U ≥ HÉ°ùdG™LôŸG-113 3¢U ,z¢Só ≤ ŸG â«H ±ÉæcCG‘ Ú£HGôŸG øjógÉéª ∏ d IöUÉæe ¿É«H{:Aɪ ∏©dG áYƒª›-114 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,9¢U ,zÉ¡©æ°üj ∞«°ùdG ábÓY...ɵjôeCGh Ω Ó°SE’G{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-115 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=rpsqsfza :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y.31¢U ,zÉæJó« ≤ Y √ òg{:»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-116 http://www.tawhed.ws/f :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,92¢U zÒصàdG‘ ƒ ∏ ¨dG øe ôjòëàdG‘ á«æ«KÓãdG ádÉ°SôdG{ ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi ƒHCG-117 http://www.tawhed.ws/f :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y:IQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£dG ⁄ É©e{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-118 http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=jqmdm3ht 136 .°ùØf™LôŸG-119 .109-93 ¢U, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe zOÉ¡àL’Gh OÉ¡÷G{:IOÉàb ƒHCG-120 Ω ÉeE’G √ GhQ záeÉ« ≤ dG Ω ƒj ¤EG øjôgÉX ≥ q ◊ G ≈∏ Y ¿ƒ ∏ JÉ ≤ j»àeCG øe ál ØFÉW ∫ GõJ’{:…ƒÑædG åjó ◊ G‘ AÉL-121 ºgöt †j’ ,ºght ó©d øjôgÉb π Lh õY ˆG ôeCG ≈∏ Y ¿ƒ ∏ JÉ ≤ j»àeCG øe ál HÉ°üY ∫ GõJ’{:ôNB’G åjó ◊ Gh ,º ∏°ùe : ∫ Éb ,…q óæµdG π«Øf øH ᪠∏°S øY …hôŸG åjó ◊ Gh ,º ∏°ùe √ GhQ z ∂ dP ≈∏ Y ºgh áYÉ°ùdG º¡«JCÉJ ≈ àM º¡ØdÉN øe OÉ¡L’:GƒdÉbh ,ìÓ°ùdG Gƒ©°Vhh, π«ÿG ¢SÉædG ∫ GPCG ˆG ∫ ƒ°SQ Éj: π l LQ ∫ É ≤ a ρ ˆG ∫ ƒ°SQ óæY É°kùdÉL âæc{ ’h, ∫ Éà ≤ dG AÉL ¿B’G ,GƒHòc: ∫ Ébh , Ω Ó°ùdGh IÓ°qüdG « ∏ Y ˆG ∫ ƒ°SQ π ÑbCÉa ,ÉgQGRhCG Üô ◊ G â©°Vh ób ≈ àMh ,áYÉ°ùdG Ω ƒ ≤ J ≈ àM ,º¡æe º¡bRôjh, Ω GƒbCG ܃ ∏ b º¡d ˆG ≠ jõjh, ≥ q ◊ G ≈∏ Y ¿ƒ ∏ JÉ ≤ j ál eCG»àeCG øe ∫ Gõj ºàfCGh ,åÑ ∏ e ÒZ ¢lVƒÑ ≤ e ÊCG ‹q EG ≈ Mƒj ƒgh ,áeÉ« ≤ dG Ω ƒj ¤EG ÒÿG É¡«°UGƒf‘ Ol ƒ ≤©e π«ÿGh ,ˆG óYh»JCÉj .óªMCG Ω ÉeE’G √ GhQ z Ω É°ûdG ÚæeDƒŸG QGO ô ≤ Yh ,¢†©H ÜÉbQ ºµ°†©H Üö†j GOk ÉæaCG ʃ©ÑàJ .63, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,ÉæJó« ≤ Y √ òg ,»°Só ≤ ŸG-122 . ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,IQƒ°üæŸG áØFÉ£dG ⁄ É©e ,»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHG-123 .218¢U, ≥ HÉ°S™Lôe ,è¡æŸG‘ äÓeCÉJ OÉ¡àL’Gh OÉ¡÷G ,»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHCG-124 á«eÉ÷G ábôØdG ä’Ó°V øe ájÈdG ôjò– ,»°Só ≤ ŸG óª fi 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.http://www.alarabalyawm.net/print.php?articles_id=2644 Üô©dG ,¥Gô©dG ¤EG ¿Éà°ùfɨaG‘ øjógÉéŸG ÉjÉ ≤ H ÚH ±Gó¡à°S’G IôFGO‘ ¿OQC’G ,ÆÉÑ°üdG ÉfQ:ô¶fG-136 :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,2007-4-8 á«fOQC’G Ω ƒ«dG http://www.alarabalyawm.net/print.php?articles_id=1037 .‹ƒa»°SÉeƒ ∏ HódG ∫ É«àZG á« ∏ ªY ≈∏ Y ±GöTE’ÉH êQÉÿG‘ QÉ«àdG OGôaCG øe OóYh …hÉbQõdG º¡JG-137 ©H»æ«£°ù ∏ ØdG IOÉàb ƒHCG º¡JG ó ≤ a ÉgAÉ°†YCG õ««ªàdG ᪵ fi äCGôH»àdG …óëàdGh ìÓ°UE’G á«°†b ÉeCG .áYƒªéŸÉH º«¶æJ ,á© ≤ ÑdG øe á© ≤ ÑdG äGôHÉ fl ≈∏ Y QÉædG ¥ÓWEG º«¶æJ ,AÉbQõdG øe √ OGôaCG Ö ∏ ZCG Ω ÉeE’G á©«H º«¶æJ-138 ,á© ≤ ÑdG øe º¡Ñ ∏ ZCG ¿ƒ«fOQC’G ¿É¨aC’G ,á«böûdG ¿ÉªY øe ÉjÓÿG ,¥ôØŸG øe OGôaC’G Ö ∏ ZCG á«Ø ∏°ùdG ácô ◊ G .ïdG..§ ∏°ùdG áæjóe øe ¥ÉLôH ∫ É«àZG ádhÉ fi ,Ò°ùdG …OGh QOÉ«H»Mh äGóMƒdG º« fl øe óª fi ¢û«Lh Ók ãe óª fi ¢û«L á«Ø ∏ N ≈∏ Y Ú°ù«FôdG ÚeƒµëŸG ¿q EÉa;áë°VGhh áæ«©e ä’ÉM ≈∏ Y ∂ dP ≥«Ñ£àH-139 ÚH á©HQCGh ,øjöû©dGh á°ùªÿGh øjöû©dG ÚH ºgQɪYCG º¡æe IöûY ,Ék°üî°T öûY á°ùªN GƒfÉc ,(1992) »M øe á«fɪKh ,äGóMƒdG º« fl øe OGôaCG 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á«YɪàL’G «YGóJh ¿OQC’G‘ …OÉ°üàb’G ìÓ°UE’G èeÉfôH ∫ ƒM á°ù«©dG ¿É«Ø°S á°SGQóH ∂ dP ¿QÉb :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,çÉëHEÓd»¨«fQÉc á°ù°SDƒe ,É«fódGh ≈£°SƒdG äÉ ≤ Ñ£dG ≈∏ Y ájOÉ°üàb’Gh http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=1 . 9465&prog=zgp&proj=zme §HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,…QÉÑNE’G ¿ƒªY™bƒe ,?GPÉŸh ∞«c:§ ∏°ùdG‘ ájOÉ¡÷G á«Ø ∏°ùdG ,¿ÉeQ ƒHCG óª fi:ô¶fG-142 . http://www.ammonnews.net/article.aspx?articleNO=9017 :‹ÉàdG :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,2006-5-26 ,á«fóæ ∏ dG IÉ« ◊ G áØ«ë°U:ô¶fG-143 Item- /2006-http://www.daralhayat.com/arab_news/levant_news/05 2f175b9e2008/story.html-10ed-0134-62bfc390-c0a8-20060523 ,(172´) ,á«dhódG á°SÉ«°ùdG á ∏ ›, ≈°VƒØdG π HÉ ≤ e AGƒàM’G:¥Gô©dGh ¿OQC’G ,¿ÉeQ ƒHCG óª fi:ô¶fG-144 2008 ¿É°ù«f- π jôHCG :‹ÉàdG§HGôdG ,á«fOQC’G á« ∏ NGódG IQGRh™bƒe ≈∏ Y ÜÉgQE’G™æe ¿ƒfÉb ¢üf:ô¶fG-145 §HGôdG ≈∏ Y ,á«fOQC’G äÉ©jöûàdG™bƒe ≈∏ Y OÉ°TQE’Gh ßYƒdG ¿ƒfÉb ∂ dòch, http://www.moi.gov.jo http://www.lob.gov.jo/ui/laws/search_no.jsp?no=7&year=1986 :‹ÉàdG ,2008 ∫ ƒ ∏ jCG ,ÜÉgQE’G 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http://www.daralhayat.com/arab_news/levant_news/05-2006/Item20060523-62bfc390-c0a8-10ed-0134-2f175b9e2008/story.html. 144. Refer to Mohammad Abu Rumman,“Jordan and Iraq: Containment Rather than Chaos”; International Journal of Political Studies, Issue Number 172, April, 2008. 145. Refer to the text of the law against terrorism on the Jordanian Ministry of Interior website; available on the following link: http://www.moi.gov.jo; also refer to the text of the law against preaching or advocating terrorism on the Jordanian Legal Code website; available on the following link: http://www.lob.gov.jo/ui/laws/search_no.jsp?no=7&year=1986. 146. For further information on this subject, refer to Christopher Boucek,“The Flexibility in the Saudi Counter-terrorism Strategy”; Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Carnegie Paper, September 2008, Issue 97; available on the following link: http://carnegieendowment.org/ fi les/cp97_boucek_saudi_arabic.pdf. 147. Refer for further information to: Mohammad Abu Rumman,“The Middle Class is the Weakest Economic Link”; al-Ghad Daily Newspaper, Jordan, July 14, 2008; available on the following link: http://www.alghad.jo/index.php?article=9695. 148. http://www.carnegieendowment.org/programs/arabic/jordan_ august07.pdf. 149. For further details about this incident refer to the following link: http://www.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/D2BAA062-360B-4AF1-AEEB6A76C7222CB4.htm. 150. For further details refer to Mohammad Abu Rumman,“Pausing at the Crime in the Roman Amphitheatre”; al-Ghad Daily Newspaper, Jordan, September 7, 2006; available on the following link: http://www.alghad.jo/ index.php?article=4619&searchFor ﻲﻧﺎﻣﻭﺮﻟﺍ 20% ﺝﺭﺪﳌﺍ =. 151. For further details about this incident refer to Mohammad Abu Rumman,“Syrian and the Jihadists: Who Overthrew Whom”; al-Ghad Daily Newspaper, Jordan, October 11, 2008; available on the following link: http://www.alghad.jo/index.php?article=10685. 202 139. For example: Twenty- fi ve men were tried and prosecuted for their membership in“The Army of Mohammad” in 1992; of these men, ten were between 20 and 25 years in age, four were between the ages of 25 and 30, and only one was over 30 years old. Four of them were from the Wihdat refugee camp, eight were from the Wadi el-Seer neighborhood, one of them was from the neighborhood of Muqabilain and another was from the town of Kerak. Only one of the 25 men prosecuted had a higher education. The members of the“Bay’at al-Imam” group(Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam group) were ten in number. Two were over 30, seven were between the ages of 25 and 30, and two were under 25 years old. The majority of these members were from lower income classes, some were of the middle lower income classes, and only one had gotten a partial university education(that he did not fi nish) and another had a diploma. The majority came from the city of Zarqa. And if one was to take a sampling of the members from the city of al-Salt who were tried or arrested for Jihadi Sala fi st activities, there would be around 30 individuals who could be considered“ fi rst generation”, the majority of were less than 30 years in age, were uneducated, did not possess any prior political experience and were from the middle lower to lower income classes of society. 140. Private interview with an American diplomat. 141. Refer to the study conducted by Ibrahim Saif and Yasmine alTabbaa on the Jordanian middle class and the pressures it is facing, published by the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan; available on the following link: http://www.css-jordan.org/SubDefaultar. aspx?PageId=79&EventId=158. Also refer to the study conducted by Sufyan Alissa,“Rethinking Economic Reform in Jordan: Confronting Socioeconomic Realities”, which discusses the economic reform program in Jordan and its social and economic impact on the middle and poorer classes; Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Carnegie Paper; available on the following link: http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm? fa=view&id=19465&prog=zgp&proj=zme. 142. Refer to Mohammad Abu Rumman,“Jihadi Sala fi sm in al-Salt: How and Why?”, Ammon News website; available on the following link: http://www.ammonnews.net/article.aspx?articleNO=9017. 143. Refer to al-Hayat Newspaper, London Edition, article by Nabil Gheishan (Amman), May 26, 2006; available on the following link: 201 131. Refer to the private interview conducted by Mohammad Abu Rumman with al-Maqdisi; previous reference. 132. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“A Meeting Behind Bars”; from an interview with the magazine“Nida’a al-Islam”, issue no. 1408(previous reference), pp. 16-17. 133. Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“Fighting the Apostates and Blasphemers, and the Cooperation between Groups and Movements”; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=ujnvgr4o. It should also be noted that Abu Qatada’s position on this subject gave great leeway to justifying the killing of the women and children of members of the Algerian Armed Forces; refer to:“An Important Fatwa(Religious Opinion) of Vital Signi fi cance”; the “al-Ansar” Magazine, Issue Number 88; March 16, 1995. 134. Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, pp. 175-176. 135. See Rana al-Sabbagh,“Jordan and the Excommunicators: Security, Evolution and Politics”; al-Arab al-Yawm Newspaper, Jordan, October 7, 2007; available on the following link: http://www.alarabalyawm.net/print.php?articles_id=2644. 136. See Rana al-Sabbagh,“Jordan Targeted by Mujahidin from Afghanistan to Iraq”, al-Arab al-Yawm Newspaper, Jordan, April 8, 2007; available on the following link: http://www.alarabalyawm.net/print.php?articles_id=1037. 137. Zarqawi and several other individuals in the movement outside Jordan were accused of supervising the operation in which the American diplomat Lawrence Foley was assassinated. On the other hand, the“Reform and Challenge” group were exonerated by the Court of Cassation for the operation they were accused of. As a note, Abu Qatada al-Falastini was also accused of being linked with the latter organization. 138. For example, most of the members of the group known as the“Bay’at al-Imam” group(Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam group) came from Zarqa; the members of the group that carried out the assault on the intelligence of fi ces in Baqaa were from Baqaa; the“Sala fi st Movement” group’s members were all from Mafraq; the members of the“Cells Organization” were all from Eastern Amman; the“Afghani Jordanians” were mostly from Baqaa; the members of“The Army of Mohammad” were from the Wihdat refugee camp or the Bayader Wadi al-Seer area; and the attempted assassination of Berjak was carried out by a group whose members were all from al-Salt, and so on. 200 118. Abu Qatada,“The Signs of the Victorious Sect”, available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=jqmdm3ht. 119. Ibid. 120. Abu Qatada,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, pp. 93-109. 121. From the Prophet’s Hadith,“A group of my Umma(the world community of Muslims) shall remain steadfast, in the truth, victorious, unharmed by those who oppose them, and do not support them, until death or until the Day of Resurrection”,[Saheeh al-Bukhari, no. 71 and 3641, and Saheeh Muslim, no. 1920]; there are various versions of this Hadith and a discussion on its meanings and the concept of the“Victorious Sect” that are available on the following link: http://www.sunniforum.com/forum/archive/index.php?t-3287.html. 122. Al-Maqdisi,“This is Our Creed”; previous reference, p. 63. 123. Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“The Signs of the Victorious Sect”; previous reference. 124. Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, p. 218. 125. Ibid, pp. 216-218; also refer to the text of Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=z8k2hrad. 126. Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, p. 93. 127. Abdullah Azzam,“Religious Opinions and Scholarship in the Jihad”; The Martyr Azzam Media Center, Peshawar, Pakistan, p. 7. 128. Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, p. 87. 129. Ibid, p. 93. 130. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“This is Our Creed”; previous reference, pp. 33-35. 199 105. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Removing the Veil of Legitimacy from the Jungle”; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f; p. 2. 106. Ibid; p. 1. 107. Ibid; p. 1. 108. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Democracy is Religion”; previous reference, p. 5. 109. From an interview with Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“A Meeting Behind Bars”, in the“Nida’a al-Islam” magazine, Issue Number 1408. 110. Abu Qatada,“God’s Judgment on Those who Govern Not by the Laws of the Merciful”; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f. 111. Abu Qatada,“Between Two Models”; Number 94, p. 3; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=et3buxOw. 112. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Abraham’s Creed(and the Ways in which the Oppressors Dilute It)”, p. 1; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f. 113. Ibid; p. 22. 114. Declaration of a group of scholars entitled,“The Declaration of Support for the Mujahidin in the Patronage and Folds of the Holy House(‘ Beit alMaqdis’)”; p. 3. 115. Abu Qatada,“Islam and America... A Relationship Produced by the Sword”, p. 9; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=rpsqsfza. 116. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“This is Our Doctrine”, p. 31; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f. 117. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“The 30 th Letter of Warning on the Exaggerated Extremism of‘ Tak fi r’(in the Disavowal of Others as Blasphemous)”, p. 92; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f. 198 91. Ibid. pp. 12-13. 92. Ibid. p. 47. 93. Abu Qatada,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, pp. 103-104. 94. Abu Qatada,“Between Two Models”, Number 79; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=usjyghh8. 95. Ibid; Number 75; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=y2pdxyv. 96. Ibid; Number 45; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=i8tmaobw. 97. Ibid; Number 41; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=qdcg2js8. 98. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“A Ruling on the Participation in Legislative Assembly Elections in Originally Blasphemous(non-Muslim) Countries”; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=p86ymspg. 99. From an interview with Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“A Meeting Behind Bars”, in the“Nida’a al-Islam” magazine, Issue Number 1408. 100. Abu Qatada,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, p. 106. 101. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Nukat al-Lawami’ fi Malhouthat al-Jam’i” (Illustrious Jokes from Mosque Communications); available on the website: http://www.tawhed.ws/f; pp. 40-41. 102. Abu Qatada,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, p. 108. 103. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyhah,“Declarations of those who have become Signatories for God Almighty”; Dar al-Jabal Publishing House, Beirut, Lebanon, 1973, 1/73. 104. Abdullah Azzam,“The Faith and Its In fl uence in Re-building the Next Generation”, p. 57. 197 [Reference: Abu al-A’alla al-Mawdoudi Books:“An Islamic Theory and Contribution to the Political, the Legal and the Constitutional”; translated by Khalil Hassan al-Isslahi, Dar al-Fikir Publishing House, Lahore, Pakistan, 1969, p. 34, p. 153; and“The Four Words in the Quran”; translated by Mohammad Kathem Sabiq, Dar al-Kuwaitiya Publishing House, First Edition, 1969, pp. 8-9.] [Reference: Abu al-Hassan al-Niddawi’s books:“What the World Lost with the Muslims’ Demise”; The Islamic Da’wa Library, Cairo, Egypt, Sixth Edition, 1965, pp. 135-158; and“Riddat Walla Abu Bakir Laha”, Dar al-Mukhtar alIslami, Cairo, Egypt, 1974, pp. 11-16.] [Reference: Sayyid Qutb’s scholarly review and introduction to al-Niddawi’s book,“What the World Lost with the Muslims’ Demise”, 1951.] 82. Hisham Ahmad Awad Jaafar,“The Political Dimensions of the Concept of‘ al-Hakimiya’(Divine Governance and Sovereignty): An Didactic Outlook”; Global Center for Islamic Thought, Herdon, Virginia, United States of America, First Edition, 1995, p. 225. 83. Sayyid Qutb,“This Religion is a Unique Model”, Dar al-Sharq Publishing House, Cairo, Egypt, p. 7. 84. Sayyid Qutb,“Milestones”, Dar al-Sharq Publishing House, Cairo, Egypt and Beirut, Lebanon, 8 th Edition, pp. 91-93. 85. Ibid, p. 10. 86. Reference: Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“The Difference between The Unitarianism of Divine Governance and Sovereignty( Tawhid al-Hakimiya) and of the Divinity”; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=raosd34n. 87. Reference: Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“Unitarianism of Divine Governance and Sovereignty( Tawhid al-Hakimiya) and its Evidence”; available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=ycux7zmn. 88. The text of this book can be found on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f. 89. Ibid. 90. Ibid. pp. 12-13. 196 81. Sayyid Qutb took the concept of“ al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty) from the famous Islamic thinker from the Indian sub-continent, Abu al-A’lla al-Mawdoudi; however, al-Mawdoudi’s theory of al-Hakimiya does not go to the extent of disavowing as blasphemous(“ tak fi r”) all those who do not enforce or abide by it( al-Hakimiya), but rather de fi nes them as “ignorant”( jahel) or as emulating the“ al-Jahiliya”(the Age of Ignorance). For al-Mawdoudi, Islamic societies guilty of“ignorance” are those that, “Preserve only the super fi cial features of Islam; where Islam is not genuinely applied or practiced”; and therefore,“a society cannot view or represent itself as Islamic when it chooses a model other than Islam in its way of life”. However, even in this explanation, al-Mawdoudi does not disavow as blasphemous(“ tak fi r”) these societies, although he does views them as, without a doubt, societies that have chosen or descended into“the culture and traditions of“ al-Jahiliya”, and its practices of idolatry and polytheism”. Despite the fact that al-Mawdoudi did not work according to the logic of “ tak fi r”(disavowal as blasphemous), he nevertheless did lay the foundations and presented the instruments for the practice of“ tak fi r” to take place to the furthest dimensions(without coming outright and saying so) in his book,“The Four Words of the Quran”, which are“the Divine, God, Belief, and Religion”. The conclusion of this book proclaims that(contemporary) Islamic society is a“hostage”, despite the fact that it may repeat the Oath( Shehadah) that “There is No God but God”, because this society does not understand what this oath and its essence means. Sayyid Qutb borrowed the concept of“ al-Jahiliya” from another thinker from the Indian sub-continent, Abu al-Hassan al-Niddawi, who used this phrase in his book,“What the World Lost in the Muslims’ Demise”. This book provides a description of the situation and conditions in which humanity existed prior to the arrival of the Prophet Mohammad, and names this era as“ al-Jahiliya”. He then shows how an“Age of Ignorance”( Jahiliya) is not measurable in time or eras, but rather describes and is measured by the state or condition of demise and disgrace of certain eras in Islamic history. The book concludes by saying that the world, in its entirety(today) is descending into“ al-Jahiliya”, and with it the Islamic world, as well. The term“ al-Jahiliya” fi rst appears in one of the essays of Sheikh Mohammad Bin Abdel Wahhab(1703-1791 A.D.), the founder of the Wahhabi Da’wa movement. Later, in 1907, the Iraqi Islamic scholar Mahmoud Shukri alAlloussi expanded upon the idea and described it at great length. In 1924, Muhibaddin al-Khatib further investigated the subject and supplemented previous works with his own analysis in an essay published in Egypt. 195 71. Al-Siba’ai’s declaration was published on the al-Hisba internet site. 72. From a private discussion with al-Maqdisi; previous reference, see: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=83. 73. Ibid. 74. Abdel Salam Faraj,“The Missing Pillar”; the text of this can be found on the“Minbar al-Tawhid wal Jihad” website on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/c?i=39. 75. http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=yrvjtyr8. 76. For a comparative review, refer to a personal interview with al-Maqdisi on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=83. 77. Abdullah Azzam,“The Right to Convoy”; published by The Martyr Abdullah Azzam Communications Center, Peshawar, Pakistan, p. 45. 78. The text of this essay is available on the following link: http://www. tawhed.ws/r?i=8fsj2em2. Al-A’ayiri is considered one of the most important Jihadi Sala fi st scholars and theorists in the world. He is the fi rst emir of alQaeda in Saudi Arabia. After presenting a list of the many women(from the era of the Prophet and after) who fought and entered into Jihad in the name of Islam, he says, in an attempt to mobilize and galvanize the contemporary Muslim woman,“This, my Muslim sisters, is only a part of the history of the women of our Salaf(the“Righteous Predecessors” or“Righteous Ancestors”), whose Jihad we have shared with you; and there are many more examples of their Jihad. What prevents us from giving more examples is that it would take too long. We are aware that we have shown you only one aspect of the female Sahaba’s history. What if we told you about their worship and their fear of God, their work, their honesty and the rest of their righteous work? Then, we would be talking for a long time. Nonetheless, we hope we have provided you with enough, God willing”; refer to the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=8fsj2em2. 79. The text of this book is available on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f. 80. Abu Qatada al-Falastini,“The Jihad and Ijtihad: Re fl ections on a Prospectus”; Dar al-Beyarq, Amman, First Edition, p. 47. 194 59. Reference: Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Zarqawi: Hopes and Pain: Advocacy and Advise”. 60. Ibid; and for further details about this opinion, refer to the discussion between Mohammad Abu Rumman and al-Maqdisi on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=j37307wg. 61. Refer to the details of the critique of the errors committed by Zarqawi while in command of al-Qaeda in Iraq in Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi’s essay, “Zarqawi: Hopes and Pain: Advocacy and Advise”. 62. Refer to: Mohammad Abu Rumman,“Al-Maqdisi(Zarqawi’s Sheikh and Mentor) Released from His Shackles: Will He be able to Continue in his Review and Revisions, or has He Lost His Presence”; al-Hayat Newspaper, London, March, 13, 2008. 63. Refer to the texts of the essays on al-Maqdisi’s website,“Minbar alJihad wal Tawhid”, on the following link: http://www.tawhed.ws/f. 64. The text of this book is available on the following link: http://www.taweh.ws/f. 65. For a comparative review, refer to Mohammad Abu Rumman,“The Egyptian Jihadi Movement Revisits Itself in the Rearview Mirror of the Jordanian Jihadists”, al-Hayat Newspaper, London, June 17, 2007. 66. Reference: http://www.asharqalawsat.com/details.asp?section=4&artic le=309753&issueno=9715. 67. Reference: Mohammad Abu Rumman,“Al-Maqdisi(Zarqawi’s Sheikh and Mentor) Released from His Shackles: Will He be able to Continue in his Review and Revisions, or has He Lost His Presence”; al-Hayat Newspaper, London, March, 13, 2008. 68. As published on the internet forum entitled“I am a Muslim”. 69. Refer to the text of this book,“al-Bida’a wal Dallal” on al-Maqdisi’s website, www.tawhed.ws/n. 70. The text of this statement was published on numerous Jihadi sites and forums such as the al-Hisba, Jihadi Fallujah and Minbar al-Islam sites, amongst others. 193 real identity is not revealed in the documents found, was responsible for the training side of the operations. The accused were sentenced to between four and seven years in prison; however, the Court of Cassation reversed the ruling, returning the case to the National Security Court. The most prominent of the persons charged in this case were Zaid Hourani and Khaled Sarkoush. There was another case based on similar charges in which 17 individuals were charged, of which the most important persons were: Ziad al-Nusour, Mutasem Mohammad Suleiman, Ali Abu Rass, Mamoun Khodor, Bashar Abu Risa’ and Mohammad al-Zogby(a Syrian national). 52. The National Security Court charged 24-year old Haitham al-Qariyouti with the crime of using the internet for the production of explosives [Reference: al-Sharq al-Awsat Newspaper, London Edition, January 3, 2006.] Testimonies of several other persons arrested(and later released) also attest to activities on internet sites connected with al-Qaeda. 53. For further details about this operation, refer to the investigative report by journalist Hazem al-Amin in the al-Hayat Newspaper, London, March 26, 2006. 54. In this case, the Jordanian National Security Court sentenced one Libyan, three Iraqis and one Saudi to life in prison with hard labor and exonerated one Iraqi due to lack of evidence.[For further details on the operation refer to the BBC Arabic website link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/arabic/middle_ east_news/newsid_6519000/6519575.stm. 55. From an interview with Yousef Rababa’a, an ex-political prisoner, who was in prison at the same time, and who claims he heard these types of statements from some of the members of the movement in prison with him. 56. Reference: Text of the essay on the link: http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=dtwiam56. 57. Ibid. 58. Reference: Mohammad Abu Rumman,“Al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi: The Con fl ict is Not About Ideas Only”; see the following link: http://www.alasr. ws/index.cfm?method=home.con&contentID=5958&keywords= ﻱﻭﺎﻗﺭﺰﻟﺍﻭ ﻲﺳﺪﻘﳌﺍ ﲔﺑ ﻑﻼﳋﺍ . 192 44. The Jordanian, Shadi Abdullah, was one of the members of the“Tawhid” group interrogated by the Germans. He revealed that the strategic objective of the“Tawhid” cell was to attack Jordan, according to a plan drawn up by Zarqawi, in addition to attacking certain targets inside Germany. Despite the arrest and dismantling of the“Tawhid” cell in March 2002(persons arrested included the Jordanians Shadi Abdullah, Mohammad Abu Dees, Ismail Shalabi and Jamal Mustafa), the Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi sts continued to enjoy extensive support from the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Europe, which considered Abu Qatada(a Jordanian himself) its spiritual leader and strategic thinker. Indeed, the United States considered Abu Qatada as Bin Laden’s ambassador in Europe. It was well-known that the relationship between Zarqawi and Abu Qatada was very close. In his testimony with German interrogators, Shadi Abdullah describes the relationship between the two as very close; he also con fi rms to the courts that Zarqawi“was unable to make any moves without ensuring he had prior permission from the religious leader Abu Qatada.”[Reference: Jean Charles Barbazar,“Abu Musab Zarqawi: The Other Face of al-Qaeda”; pp. 204-207.] 45. Reference: Abd al Bari Atwan,“Al-Qaeda: The Secret Organization”; Saqi Books, Beirut, First Edition, 2007, p. 250. 46. Abu Musab Zarqawi,“And the Grandsons of Ibn al-‘Alqami Return”; p.5. 47. Reference: Abu Musab Zarqawi,“Nothing Will Be Amiss in the Religion While I am Alive”; http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=g4e8hfmy; in addition to Abu Musab Zarqawi,“The Son of the Chivalrous”; http://www.tawhed.ws/ r?i=58sjkxbg. 48. For more details, refer to the Dustour Newspaper, October 16, 2004, Issue Number 14469. 49. For more details, refer to the Sharq al Awsat Newspaper, issue of Friday, December 8, 2006. 50. Reference: Dr. Fares Breizat,“After the Amman Bombings: Terrorism and Jordanian Public Opinion”; Public Opinion Polls Unit, Center for Strategic Studies, Jordan University, January, 2006, p.4. 51. Perhaps the most prominent of these cases was the case known as“The Case of Abu al-Janna,” where seven persons were accused of creating a cell specialized in training and sending new recruits to Iraq. A Syrian, whose 191 40. Abu Anas al-Shami was born Omar Yousef Juma’a in 1969. A Jordanian of Palestinian descent, he moved to Jordan after the Second Gulf War. He went to Bosnia to partake in the Jihad there as a teacher, and worked in Jordan as an imam in a mosque. He was the director of the Imam Bukhari Foundation, which is af fi liated with the(Charitable) Society of the Book and the Sunna. He met with Zarqawi in the middle of 2003. Abu Anas al-Shami was successful in convincing Zarqawi to declare the launch of a group, under a clear banner and title, which they called“Jama’at al-Tawhid wal Jihad”(The Unitarian and Jihadi Group)(It should be noted that this is the same name as al-Maqdisi’s site on the internet). This group was of fi cially declared at the end of September, 2003; and a strict hierarchical structure was constituted under the command of Zarqawi and a Shura Council, along with several other organizational committees to deal with media, security, fi nances and a legislative committee. Abu Anas al-Shami headed the group’s legislative committee and was killed on September 16, 2004(the same day as his birthday) during an attempt to storm the Abu Ghraib prison. 41. For further details, refer to: Mansour, Ahmad,“The Battle of Fallujah: The Defeat of the Americans in Iraq”; Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, Beirut, First Edition, 2007. 42. A great debate took place within al-Qaeda between the network’s central command, under Bin Laden and Zawahiri, and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, led by its emir, Yousef al-‘Ayri and the Moroccan Karim Majani. The local al-Qaeda organization in Saudi Arabia refused to initiate an armed struggle before they were fully prepared. However, Bin Laden and Zawahiri won the day and operations were launched in May of 2003. Riyadh was targeted by three bomb attacks and confrontations with Saudi security services ensued. However, in the end, the Saudi security services succeeded in killing the al-Qaeda emirs in Saudi Arabia, Yousef al-‘Ayri Abdel Aziz al-Muqaran, Turki al-Dandani and Saleh al-Ou fi, and imprisoned the majority of its members.[Reference: Anthony Cordesman and Nawaf Obeid on al-Qaeda: Report:“Saudi Counter Terrorism Efforts: The Changing Paramilitary and Domestic Security Apparatus”; Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington D.C. February, 2005.] 43. Such as Abu Hafs al-Masri, who was killed by an American missile attack, and the capture of Abu Zubeida, Ramzi bin al-Shaiba and Khaled Sheikh Mohammad. 190 Meanwhile, he denies that there was a large number of Arabs there, saying “There were only tens of other Arabs present – and the majority of these Arabs were from al-Salt because they had followed the brother, Raed Khreisat and others(from al-Salt) – several of them were martyred in Kurdistan.” Ghneimat describes his return after spending several months in Kurdistan, saying“I spent several months there, then returned by means of illegal crossings and routes used for smuggling via Iran. When I went to renew my visa there, they placed me under arrest and I spent 21 days in jail in Iran. After that, I traveled to Syria by plane; and from Syria, I returned to Jordan where I was placed under arrest and spent six months in prison.” He was asked if the exodus of several of the sons of the movement to Kurdistan- especially those who were seen as key catalysts in the movement - had in fl uenced him and his actions. Ghneimat’s reply was,“First of all, the “Tawhid” is not an organized movement, with a chain of command. It is an authoritative and intellectual model that an individual human being adopts and commits to. And, there are other brothers who share this way of thinking and way of life. As for those who left – the individuals I named previously – obviously, this absence had an impact on the movement. On the other hand, the number of individuals who are in fl uenced by this way of thinking is growing. Indeed, the political situation today triggers a maturity in people’s awareness, and provides an explanation and reveals the truth to people about the prevailing blasphemy against Islam. This situation pushes young men in the population, both educated and uneducated, to return to a clear, unadulterated Islam under the manifest banner of“ al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism, belief in the oneness of God). And, despite all the harassment, I see that this“calling”( da’wa) is growing steadily... For example, Khattab was killed in Chechnya, but Abu Walid took over command immediately... If any leader is killed or imprisoned, a new leader immediately appears in his place. Take the case of Muammar al-Jaghbeer: Who knew him? He emerged on the battle fi eld of Jihad; and suddenly, he was wanted, with a bounty of millions for any information that would lead to his capture. And what about Abu Musab Zarqawi?... In a matter of months he was transformed into a man who America would pay millions to capture, but failed to do so. Abu Musab today (this interview took place before Zarqawi was killed) is in command of the battle in the hottest spot, Iraq, and not Osama bin Laden, for example!” [Reference: Mohammad Abu Rumman,“From Salt to Kurdistan: Discussions with One of the Members of the Jihadi Sala fi st Movement”; al-‘Asr Magazine, http://www.alasr.ws/index.cfm?method=home. con&contenID=5700&keywords] 189 Mubarak, Bader Mohammad, Niyazi al-Harbawi, Jamal Jassem, Su fi an Walid and Wassif Saleh. 38. Many cases of attempted in fi ltrations across the borders into Palestine were recorded, such as the attempt in which Zaher Mizhar and Mahmoud Abdin were charged. 39. From an interview by the author with Hamdan Khaled al-Khatib Ghneimat, one of the young men who tried to enlist in“Jund el-Sham”(The Soldiers of Damascus) in Kurdistan, Iraq. Born in 1972, he is a resident of the city of alSalt, in Jordan. His life was greatly transformed in 1993 when he took on a religious tendency that followed the Jihadi Sala fi st model, which calls for the application of Islamic law( Sharia), and disavows as blasphemous(“ tak fi r”) all those who do not govern or rule by Islamic law. Ghneimat took on a hardline position against(modern) governments, armies and security apparatuses. This extreme position led him to leave the army. He became part of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in al-Salt early on and was arrested several times, in 1996, 1997 and 2000. Afterwards, he left Jordan to Kurdistan in order to join colleagues, who had joined in the Jihad before him as part of the “Ansar al-Islam” group(which fought against the followers of Jalal Talabani). Later, he was arrested in Iran and sent to Syria, from which he made his way back to Jordan – where he was immediately arrested upon his arrival at the Jordanian borders. He remained in a Jordanian prison for almost six months. In this interview(from the testimony), we tried to get a better understanding about the causes, details and nature of the exodus from the city of al-Salt to Kurdistan. Ghneimat told us,“I traveled to Kurdistan to carry out my duty and obligation of Jihad, for the sake of God; I had learned of the martyrdom there(in Kurdistan) of the brothers that had left before me – Raed, Mutasem, Mahmoud, Louay. So, I decided to go there and join the Mujahiddin, for the sake of God, and because the banner of Jihad was so clear in those areas. I traveled through Iraq to Iran; and from there, I was smuggled into Kurdistan, where I then set out for the areas that were under the control of‘Ansar alIslam’”. With regard to the situation in Kurdistan, and the nature of the relationship between Jordanians, other Arabs and“Ansar al-Islam” there, Hamdan says, “Before the occupation, northern Iraq lacked any kind of political authority; and, different Kurdish factions were competing for control over the cities and other populated areas. The majority of these movements were secular. And so, there was a constant struggle and many confrontations between them and between“Ansar al-Islam,” which followed and applied Islamic law (Sharia) and manned the borders of the areas in which it was in control.” 188 128-129; as well as excerpts from an interview with Sharif Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf).] 31. According to information gathered from the investigation by the National Security Court into the Foley assassination; and according to excerpts from an interview with Sharif Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf). 32. The most prominent names of the persons charged in this case were: Khodor Abu Hauwsher, Khaled Maghamis, Osama Sammar, Raed Barbar, Hussein Mohammad, Sa’id Hijazi, Ismail al-Khatib, Mohammad al-‘Ortani, Rami Tantawi, Samer Jibara, Mohammad al-Qar’awi, Dirar Suleiman, Munir Maqdah, Mohammad Issa, Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi, Yasser Abu Ghalous, Rashid Khalaf, Dirar al-Qar’awi, Jamal al-Tahrawi, Ibrahiim Abu Hiliwah, Raed Hijazi, Omar Abu Omar, Zein al-Abidin Hassan, Ahmad alArouri(Abdul Mu’ti) and Ahmad al-Riyati. 33. The most prominent names of the persons charged in this case were: Abdel Hadi Daghlas, Abu Mohammad al-Shami, Jamal al-Itani, Mi’ath alNsour, Shehadeh al-Kilani, Munther Abu Shamma, Mohammad Qteishat, Ahmad al-Riyati, Khaled al-Arouri, Mow fi q Adwan, Salahuddin al-Itani, Mohammad Ismail al-Safadi, Sari Mohammad Shehab, Najmuddin Faraj (Mullah Krekar), Omar Izzidin Issam al-Itani, Raya Saleh(Abu Abdullah alShami). 34. Charged in this case were: Abu Musab Zarqawi(tried in absentia), Salem al-Soueid(Abu Abdullah al-Liby)(executed), Yasser Fathi Freihat, Mohammad Amin Nu’man al-Hirsh, Shaker al-Qaisi, Mohammad Ahmad Tayourah, Mohammad Issa Di’mas, Ahmad Hussein Hassoun, and Mahmud Abdel Rahman Dhaher. 35. Charged in this case were: Samer al-Hisban, Mohammad al-Serhan, Faisal al-Khalidi, Jala’a Hleibar, Abdel Hadi Daghlas and Saud al-Khalayleh. 36. The most prominent names amongst the persons charged in this case were: Mustafa Yousef Siyam(tried in absentia),‘Ahed Khreisat(tried in absentia), Mohammad Arafat Hijazi, Mohammad Jamil Arabiyat, Muawaya Hassan al-Nabulsi, Ali Abdel Fattah Nassar, and Mohammad Adnan and Mohammad Awad(suspects). 37. The most prominent names amongst the persons charged in this case were: Awad Khreisat, Jaafar Walid Awad, Jamal al-Maghrebi, Yousef Alauddin, Zaid al-Nsour, Abdel Razzaq Khreisat, Mahmoud Yassin, Yasser 187 29. Al-Qaeda attacked the United States on September 11, 2001 with civilian airplanes, which targeted New York City’s World Trade Center Twin Towers and the Pentagon in Washington D.C. The attack led to the death of 2,823 individuals. A direct outcome of these attacks was the United States’ creation of an international coalition, which invaded Afghanistan with the objective of toppling the Taliban regime and eliminating al-Qaeda. Despite the Taliban’s almost immediate collapse, the commanders and leaders of alQaeda managed to fl ee to the tribal regions of Afghanistan and Waziristan in Pakistan. During the American attack on Afghanistan, a meeting was convened in the city of Kandahar that included Zarqawi, Abu Zubeidah, Saif al-‘Adl and Ramzi bin al-Shaybah – the man who coordinated what was known as the“Hamburg Cell.” Abu Zubeidah claims that it was during this meeting that Zarqawi announced his decision to take a group of 12 to 15 fi ghters secretly out of Afghanistan and go to Iraq. Abu Zubeidah added that an American missile targeted the house in Kandahar while they were meeting and Zarqawi had to be removed from the rubble, but was only slightly wounded.[Reference: The full report by the crime unit of the German police on Abu Musab Zarqawi, produced in 2004; Jean Charles Barbazar, “Abu Musab Zarqawi: The Other Face of al-Qaeda”; pp. 125-126.] 30. Zarqawi organized his and his followers escape to Iran with the assistance of his cell in Germany, known as the“Tawhid” cell. On December 12, 2002, he crossed the southern borders of Afghanistan, stopping in Zahedan(a town in southeastern Iran that borders Afghanistan and Pakistan) on his way to Tehran, where he remained until April 4, 2002. From there, he contacted his German“Tawhid” cell to insure that he got what he needed. The German cell sent Zarqawi and his group false passports and money before the cell was discovered and dismantled by the German police on the 23 rd of April, 2002. The members of the German“Tawhid” cell included Yasser Hassan(Abu Ali)(Iraqi national), Zeidan Imad Abdel Hadi(Iraqi national), Osama Ahmad(Kuwaiti national), Ashraf al-Daghmeh(Jordanian national) and Ismail Shalabi(Jordanian national), amongst others. According to the German police report, Abu Ali had discussed carrying out operations in Europe with Zarqawi. During an interrogation about the cell, Shadi Abdullah con fi rmed that Zarqawi and his group were arrested by the Iranian security services. Indeed, Iran had several members of al-Qaeda in custody, the most prominent of which were Saif al-‘Adl and Saad Osama Bin Laden, as well as several members of Zarqawi’s group, the most prominent of which was Zarqawi’s right-hand man, Khaled al-Arouri(Abu al-Kassem). Others were extradited from Iran to Jordan. After his release by the Iranians, Zarqawi began to travel intermittently between Iraq and Syria.[References: Jean Charles Barbazar,“Abu Musab Zarqawi: The Other Face of al-Qaeda”; pp 186 26. Mashari al-Thaydie,“The Sheikhs of Violence are Many, with Abu Mohammad at the Fore”; al-Sharq al-Awsat Newspaper, London Edition, January 14, 2004; link: http://www.asharqalawsat.com/details.asp?section =4&article=212637&issueno=9178. 27. There are strong indications that Saif al-‘Adl is present in Iran today; numerous eye witnesses claim to have seen him there. However there are con fl icting opinions on the status or context of his presence there. There are many analysts and researchers that claim he is in Iran with several other leaders from the organization(al-Qaeda) in what are known“safe houses”. Others claim that they are actually all under arrest in Iran. It should be noted here that the relationship between Saif al-‘Adl and Abu Musab Zarqawi became close during the time the latter stayed in Afghanistan. Many attribute Zarqawi’s move to Iraq to Saif al-‘Adl. Abu Mohammad, one of Zarqawi’s closest companions, says that it was actually Saif al-‘Adl who came up with the idea of establishing the Herat Military Training Camp and adds,“He (Saif al-‘Adl) was the one who also put forth the idea of establishing“Jund al-Sham”(the Soldiers of Damascus), and gave Zarqawi$35,000(for that purpose)”.[Reference: Private interview with Abu Mohammad.] 28. In early 2000, there were around 40 recruits at the Herat Military Training Camp; most of these recruits were Jordanians or other Arabs. The most prominent of these were Khaled al-Arouri(Abu al-Shami), who was killed in Kurdistan, Iraq prior to the American invasion; Azmi al-Jayyousi, who was imprisoned in Jordan for attempting to blow up the National Security and Intelligence building(as a member of“Kataib al-Tawhid”); Nidal Arabiyat, who was killed in Iraq; Muammar al-Jaghbeer, imprisoned in Jordan for the assassination of the American Diplomat, Lawrence Foley; and hailing from Syria, Suleiman Khaled Darwish(Abu al-Ghadiya); Abu Mohammad al-Lubnani(the Lebanese), who was killed in Iraq by the American Armed Forces. In Iraq, Zarqawi oversaw several training camps in the Serghat area of Kurdistan, Iraq. According to the testimony of Abu Mohammad al-Rabati, who was captured by the Americans in Kurdistan, Iraq and handed over to Jordanian authorities, Zarqawi, from as early as 1999, encouraged Jordanians and others to enlist in training camps in Afghanistan, then in Kurdistan – that was how a multi-national group was formed in Kurdistan made up of Jordanians, Iraqis, Afghanis and Chechens, amongst others. [Reference:“Jordan Discloses Information on the Ansar al-Islam Group’s Ties with al-Qaeda”; al-Rai Newspaper, September, 13, 2003.] 185 16. From the confessions of Khaled al-A’arouri; the National Security Court, Case Number 95/300, August 31, 1994. 17. From the confessions of Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi; the National Security Court; Case Number 95/300. 18. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Zarqawi: Hopes and Pain: Advocacy and Advise”; p. 1. 19. Testimony of Yousef Rababa’ah, who was imprisoned for the Ajlun Bombings at the same time as members of the“ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam group) were in prison. 20. Interview with Sharif Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf). 21. Interview with Abdel Majid al-Majali(Abu Qutaiba). 22. The plea for the defense was entitled,“The Trial of the National Security Court and its Judges by Islamic Law”; and in this defense were the following statements: 1) The accused: The ruler of this country and all the rulers of this era, and all those who supported them and aided and abetted legalizing their statutory legislation; 2) The national state court judge and all those who assist him, and all those who judge according to state(statutory) legislation; 3) Their intelligence services, their soldiers, their supporters and all those associated with allowing their statutory legislation to triumph; 4) Their misguided scholars, their false pontiffs, priests and their followers who advocate and justify the null and void religion of idolatrous democracy or “the rule of law of the people, for the people”; 5) All those who supported and applauded them; all those who spoke in their name and partnered in their void religion“democracy”’. [Reference: Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“The Trial of the National Security Court and its Judges by Islamic Law.”] 23. Abu Musab Zarqawi,“Af fi davit of a Prisoner: O my people! What of me... I call you to salvation and you call me to hell’s fi re”; http://www.tawhed.ws/r?i=ou3wjvb3 24. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Zarqawi: Hopes and Pain: Advocacy and Advise”; see endnote 18. 25. Ibid. 184 7. According to the testimony of a former member in these organizations. 8. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Zarqawi: Advocacy and Advise”; www.tawhed.ws/r?u=dtwiam56 9. Refer to the court case on the assassination of Lawrence Foley. 10. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Zarqawi: Advocacy and Advise”; see endnote 8. 11. See: Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi,“Unmasking those ascribing to ‘ Bay’at al-Imam’(the‘Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam’ group)”; on the following link: http://www.tawhed.wsr?idtwiam56. This description(pledging allegiance…) was not arbitrarily arrived at; indeed, it came from the af fi davit of one of its members, Nabil Abu Harithiya, who had previously established an organization known as the“Movement for Pledging Allegiance to the Imam” with Ghanem Abdo – a former member of“ Hizb ut-Tahrir”, who called himself the“Emir of the Muslims” and considered the state regime as blasphemous. Abdo died in Ma’an prison(Jordan) in early 1995. Abu Harithiya and Ghanem Abdo established their movement during the Gulf War, issuing numerous statements in the name of this movement, although it never received much fame or success. Abu Harithiya offered membership to his organization to a wide array of Islamist activists, including Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi and Abu Musab Zarqawi; but al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi were themselves busy working on establishing their own group. 12. Af fi davit by Abu Muntaser from: Fuad Hussein’s“Zarqawi: The Second Generation of al-Qaeda”; Dar al-Khayyal Publishing House, First Edition, 2005, p. 87. 13. Interview with Sharif Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf). 14. From the confessions of Abu Musab Zarqawi; the National Security Court, Case Number 95/300, August, 1994. 15. After the organization was exposed, Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi did not turn themselves in and attempted to fl ee; Abu Ashraf remembers that Zarqawi was moving about, hiding from the authorities and fully armed. This is also made quite clear in an af fi davit by Zarqawi where he says,“I was ready to do the impossible not to go to them; and I was going to resist if they tried to capture me; when I found out that I was wanted, I went out and bought myself a machine gun; I paid 800 Jordanian Dinars for it. I did that with the aim of resisting if the police came to my home… I had three clips for that gun and thirty bullets.” 183 In 1998, in Jordan, he was charged with being af fi liated to an organization known as“ Al-Islah wal-Tahadi”(the“Reform and Challenge” group) and was sentenced to 15 years in absentia. He, along with al-Maqdisi, was also charged in connection with al-Qaeda in Jordan. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, he was arrested under a new law enacted against terrorism, but was released due to a lack of evidence linking him to the attacks. He is known worldwide as the spiritual leader of al-Qaeda in Europe and in North Africa. He was arrested again in 2005, with Jordan demanding his extradition from Great Britain. However, Abu Qatada won a court battle against the extradition and the British authorities were obliged to release him recently (June 16, 2008), but under strict conditions restricting his activities. Abu Qatada has written numerous publications theorizing on Jihadi Sala fi sm, amongst them,“Jihad and Ijtihad: Contemplations on the Prospectus”, “Signs of the Victorious Sect”,“Why Jihad”,“Globalization”,“The Troops of the Jihad” and“Islam and America”, as well as tens of other essays and articles. 5. The 1990s was a decade that witnessed a great proliferation of secret groups and organizations. The earliest examples of this phenomena were “The Army of Mohammad” in 1991;“Na fi r al-Islam” in 1992 and the Mu’tah Military Troops” in 1993 – of which Jordanian parliamentarians, Leith Shbeilat and Yaacoub Qarash, were accused of being involved with. The two parliamentarians were later exonerated of all charges by the Court of Cassation. Other examples of these kinds of groups and their activities include the“Jordanian Afghans” in 1994; the attempted assassination of a French diplomat in 1995; the case of the“Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam” in 1994; the case of the“Baqaa Intelligence Building Attack”; the “Reform and Challenge” group in 1997;“The Islam Revival” group in 1994; and“The Millennium Conspiracy” operations in 2000, which were uncovered by American intelligence in cooperation with the Jordanian intelligence services; – as well as many other cases and organizations. 6. See Ibrahim Gharaibeh,“Jordan Imports the Crisis of Violence and Extremism”; www.aljazeera.net. The article refers to the‘ fi rst wave’ of violence, which begins in the 1970s with the rise of armed Islamic movements in Egypt early in that decade, the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979, and what is known as the Mecca Uprising or the Siege of Mecca on November 20, 1979, as well as the assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in 1981. 182 His Jihadi Sala fi st tendencies began to appear during his numerous travels to Pakistan and Afghanistan. During this period, he wrote his fi rst and most famous book,“ Mullat Ibrahim”(Abraham’s Creed). In 1992 and after the Second Gulf War, he and his family settled in Jordan, where he began to actively call and recruit others to Jihadi Sala fi sm. His position and stances were clearly articulated in another book he wrote during that time entitled, “Democracy is a Religion”. In this book, al-Maqdisi declares and disavows democracy as blasphemous. Simultaneously, he entered into an open, public debate with the followers of the“Traditional Sala fi st” school of thought and actively worked to spread his Jihadi Sala fi st word throughout Jordan. He was arrested, along with Abu Musab Zarqawi, in 1993 for being af fi liated with the“ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging Allegiance to the Imam) group. Like Zarqawi, Al-Maqdisi was sentenced to 15 years but released in 1999 by a royal pardon. However, he was arrested several times after his release on charges of being af fi liated to various movements, and only recently was released from his last arrest. His writings are a reference for Jihadi Sala fi sm not only in Jordan but all over the world; his essays, letters and“ fatwas”(opinions of a religious scholar) are numerous and include:“ Mullat Ibrahim(Abraham’s Creed)”,“ Al-Kawashif al-Jaliya fi Kufr al-Dawla al-Saudia(Clear Evidence of the Blasphemy of the Saudi State)”, amongst others. 4. Abu Qatada al-Falastini’s real name is Omar Mahmoud Othman Abu Omar. He was born in 1961 and is a Jordanian of Palestinian descent. He originally comes from the village of Deir el-Sheikh, on the outskirts of Jerusalem. He studied at the Sharia(Islamic Law) College at the University of Jordan, and received a bachelor degree in Islamic Law in 1984. He began his career in the da’wa(invocation or calling to God) with the“ Jama’at alDa’wa wal-Tabligh” before he moved to the ranks of the Jihadi Sala fi sts. He worked for four years as a religious guide(preacher) in the Jordanian army and worked to establish a reformist Sala fi st group, which was known as“ Haraket Ahel al-Sunna wal-Jama’ah”(The Movement of the Followers and Brotherhood of the Way of the Prophet”). In the early 1990s, after the Second Gulf War, he left for Malaysia and continued on to Pakistan where his af fi liation to the Jihadi Sala fi st movement developed. In 1994, he settled in Great Britain as a political refugee. In London, he emerged as a leading thinker in the Jihadi Sala fi st movement, and began to issue the“al-Ansar” publication, which particularly supports the Armed Islamic Group in Algeria. He also contributed to the“al-Fajr” publication, which supports the Fighting Muslims Group in Libya. Thereafter, he published another magazine entitled “al-Manhaj,” which specializes in spreading the traditions and word of Global Jihadi Sala fi sm. 181 organization known as“( Jama’at) al-Tawhid wal-Jihad” with Abu Anas alShami as the of fi cial leader of the group. In 2004, Zarqawi began to export his violence from Iraq to Jordan, when a massive operation[(attributed to“ Kataib al-Tawhid”(the Tawhid Brigades)], targeting the Prime Ministry and the National Security and Intelligence buildings in Jordan, was thwarted. Zarqawi and his organization“ Tawhid wal-Jihad” joined the al-Qaeda network on October 17, 2004. On November 9, 2005 Zarqawi organized a simultaneous attack on three hotels in Amman using suicide bombers. The attacks killed 60 people and injured more than 100. On June 9, 2006, an announcement was made that Zarqawi had been killed that day by way of an American airstrike. 2. Members of this movement and its followers prefer this name as it is a deriva ve of the word“ al-Tawhid”(or Unitarianism[monotheism]; the a ffi rma on of the Oneness of God: Muslims regard this as the fi rst part of the First Pillar of Islam, the second part is accep ng Muhammad as the messenger of God). The members of the movement consider themselves as the true adherents of“ al-Tawhid” in its fi rst part, and their struggle is against the blasphemy of idolatry and its poli cal manifesta ons, as revealed in the blasphemous governments, cons tu ons and regimes, which are not governed by Islamic Law( Sharia) or by faith and belief in God alone – or by the poli cal manifesta on of the tenet of“ al-Hakimiya al-Illahiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty).“ Al-Hakimiya” dictates that God alone has the right to legislate – an act forbidden to human beings. And according to this belief, the true“ Tawhid” and Islam, in its proper and pure form, requires its followers to adhere to none but the laws of Islam( Sharia); and therefore, they disavow as blasphemous(“ tak fi r”) all those who do not rule by“that which was decreed by God” in terms of law and legisla on. 3. Issam Bin Mohammad Taher al-Barqawi’s alias(or nom de guerre) is Abu Mohammad, and known as al-Maqdisi, with his lineage going back to Otaiba. He was born in the outskirts of Nablus in Palestine in 1959. His family left for Kuwait when he was three or four years old. In Kuwait, he fi nished his high school studies and then moved on to the University of Mossul in Northern Iraq to study sciences. He had ties with various Islamist movements and groups and, in particular, the“Srouriya Sala fi sts,” who follow the teachings and traditions of Sheikh Mohammad Srour, the“Juhaiman” group and a number of Qutbian Sheikhs(followers of Sayyid Qutb). After university, he traveled between Kuwait and Saudi Arabia where he became knowledgeable in“Wahhabi Sala fi sm” and where he studied the traditions of the Najdian (of the area of Najd in central Saudi Arabia) imams of the“ da’wa”(calling/ invocation). 180 Endnotes and references 1. Abu Musab Zarqawi’s real name is Ahmad Fadil Nazzal al-Khalayleh. He was born in the city of Zarqa, Jordan on the 20 th of October 1966 and belonged to the Khalayleh clan, which is one of the Bani Hassan tribes. He left school in the 11 th grade and worked as an employee in the Zarqa Municipality in 1983. In 1984, he entered the Jordanian Army to do his two-year mandatory military service; during this time, he fell into a phase of personal imbalance and recklessness, after which he became devoutly religious. In 1989, he left heading for Afghanistan via Peshawar, Pakistan, to join the Jihad against the Soviets, who actually withdrew from Afghanistan prior to Zarqawi’s arrival. While in Peshawar, Zarqawi met Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi, and worked for a while at the“al-Bunyan al-Marsous” magazine. In Afghanistan, Zarqawi underwent military training in several training camps and in particular, the“Sada” training camp. He returned to Jordan in early 1993, where he met al-Maqdisi again. The two worked together to promote the calling( da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm. He was arrested for belonging to a group known as“ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging Allegiance to the Imam) and was sentenced to 15 years. During his time in prison, Zarqawi emerged as a fi eld commander, and became the‘emir’ for the Jihadi Sala fi st group, originally established by al-Maqdisi. In 1999, he was released from prison by a royal pardon. In the summer of that same year, he left to Pakistan and then continued on to Afghanistan. In early 2000, Zarqawi settled in the Herat area(in Afghanistan), where he established a training camp for Jordanians and Palestinians. The camp attracted other nationalities as well. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, he began to move between Iran, Iraq and Syria. In 2002, Zarqawi established his own Jihadi network, and with a number of his followers, planned and coordinated the assassination of an American diplomat in Amman. It was during this period that the name“Zarqawi” began to emerge. After the American occupation of Iraq in March 2003, Zarqawi began to carry out an extensive guerilla-style war in Iraq in which he employed very violent fi ghting tactics. Numerous Arab, foreign and Iraqi fi ghters joined him. A turning point in the evolution of the network took place when Sheikh Abu Anas al-Shami joined with Zarqawi. The network soon evolved into an 179 near future) and in light of the internal divisions that have emerged amongst Palestinians of late. The latter all pose as abetting factors tempting young men to shake off the hold of traditional, mainstream authorities such as the secular nationalists(Fateh and others), and the Islamist nationalists(Hamas and Jihad al-Islami], and turning to more extreme, angry Arab platforms and international alternatives on the scene- which are, no doubt, that of al-Qaeda and the Jihadi Sala fi sts. Indeed, one can catch sight of the potential of this possibility with the evolution and rising numbers of those who have adopted al-Qaeda’s discourse in Palestinian refugee camps in Gaza, Syria and Lebanon. In Gaza, organizations such as“The Army of Islam” and“The Army of the Islamic Nation( Umma)” have emerged; and in Lebanon, the movements of“Fateh al-Islam” and“The Soldiers of Islam” have emerged; and in Syria, a militant group recently emerged that is af fi liated with Lebanon’s“Fateh al-Islam”(which became involved in an armed confrontation with Syrian security on the doorsteps of the Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp). All these point to the rise of Jihadi Sala fi st groups there. 151 The potential that Palestinian camps, which are reaching a point of impoverishment equivalent to the lowest form of any life with dignity, are becoming social incubators for this movement is a fear that is quite in its place. Even if, today, the situation in Jordan is still different; and the presence of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in the refugee camps in Jordan is limited and under strict surveillance, the repercussions of setbacks and the impact of the Palestinian issue on Jordanian society is still very strong and tangible. A large portion of the population of Jordan is of Palestinian origin, of which an extensive segment is comprised of young men, who are ready to take a political and security gamble under the stress of their religious and nationalist zeal! 178 - 3The Global Context: The Global Security Environment and“Global Jihad” The impact of these three interacting“spheres” was tangible and obvious during Zarqawi’s“Golden Era” as commander of al-Qaeda in Iraq. Indeed, these conditions and the way they worked together led to a transformation in the kind of militant operations and in the types of external threats that would target Jordan. Despite the fact that the security environment in Jordan played an effective and important role in protecting national security, it also became a factor in strengthening the morale, rebellious spirit and mobilization capacities of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement there. Indeed, its members – in the most part – formed the‘local’ component that aided the threats poised against the nation. What is more dangerous is that these individuals, today, represent a“latent” entity, waiting for the right time and circumstances to take political, and what is worse, armed action. Despite the weakening of al-Qaeda in Iraq recently, certain parts of the country are still host to Jihadi Sala fi sm; and, the precarious situation in Iraq still remains a source of potential threat to Jordan’s security. Furthermore, in addition to al-Qaeda, which is not entirely fi nished in Iraq, there is the threat of further clashes and schisms between the Sunnis and Shiites – a factor that can be exploited in the discourse of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in a call to the‘defence of the Sunnis and their interests’ – as was the case with the movement in Lebanon recently. Finally, the most important factor remains the Palestinian issue, especially in light of the impasse and deadlock in the peace process (and with it the diminishing prospects of peace anytime in the 177 There is little choice in reconciling and reaching agreement with the moderate Islamist movements calling for reform. And, this option should be kept far from the temptations of a security-minded‘policy’ and the concrete, direct repercussions of such policies, which produce side effects that, in themselves, create further causes conducive to breeding the rise of extremist groups. Supporting this reading are two independent events, which targeted foreign tourists in the heart of the Jordanian capital in Amman. The fi rst incident took place in 2006; the second took place in 2008 and targeted a Lebanese musical band 149 . Despite the success that security services enjoyed in dismantling many groups, and in confronting the expansion of al-Qaeda’s strategies, nothing can stop an individual from using primitive means to attack foreigners. And, indeed, these types of attacks are even more dangerous and lethal than those carried out by groups – which can be in fi ltrated or stopped(by coordinated security action) – for, taking security measures against an individual and the in fi ltration of an individual act is impossible. Certainly, the cure more likely to succeed is building up a social and cultural immunity against extremist thinking, and creating alternative political and economic conditions, which are not conducive to breeding and nurturing extremist groups and radical tendencies. 150 176 Meanwhile, this task could be undertaken by the reform Islamist movements, which have already taken it upon themselves to initiate a historical debate and an intellectual discussion with American thinkers, and have presented a progressive vision of Islam in response to American antagonism. At the same time, they have already proven successful in pulling the rug out from under al-Qaeda, and have worked hard to weaken the authority of al-Qaeda’s political and religious discourse. At the same time, in Egypt,“Jihadist concessions” and an elite group of moderate Egyptian Islamic scholars helped, to a great degree, to curb the presence and in fl uence of al-Qaeda there. Indeed, moderate Islamists in Egypt possessed an enlightened, moderate and progressive discourse, which formed a preventive barrier against extremism and radical Islam. They also possess a great degree of political and social credibility, despite the limitations inherent in their current relationship with the government. Relative to other Arab countries, Jordan has a large, legalized and authoritative Islamist movement, represented by the Muslim Brotherhood; however, the state’s relationship with this movement, in the past and till this day, has been that of a(pragmatic) or‘security’ nature. The state is far from trying to reach a consensual arrangement with the program of this movement, far from any agreement on possible reforms. This reality has, in itself, limited the potential role of the movement in this context; and, instead has led to tainting their discourse with a political brush that has led a large portion of the Brotherhood’s political activists to clash with the government at various levels and in varying degrees. On the other hand, there has been little in the way of the kind of strategic thinking that strives towards creating the conditions conducive to the rise of independent Islamic researchers, scholars, intellectuals and thinkers. Such‘independents’ could act as an elite group of in fl uential individuals that could assist in creating the kind of “social immunity” required to counter extremist thinking and groups, who adopt the policy of a militant struggle within Jordan’s borders. 175 Unfortunately, the error in this policy orientation is compounded: First, even if this movement does pledge“obedience to governance by the state”, it is borne of the same logic, religious scholarship and religious grounds to which the Jihadi Sala fi st movement belongs – a fact that makes their scholarly and religious propositions(their social discourse) similar to that of the Jihadi Sala fi sts, despite the differences in their political discourse. Second, the womb of “Traditional Sala fi sm” is quite prone to incubating and giving birth to groups that later transform into Jihadi Sala fi sts, due to the natural “ fl uidity” between the various Sala fi st movements. Furthermore, the “Traditional Sala fi sts” lack“political credibility” in a highly educated society, where university degrees are proli fi c, and which, therefore, may not readily accept a discourse that requires absolute obedience to the authorities, especially at the expense of certain political and human rights(which is what much of the literature and general discourse of Traditional Sala fi sts call for). What is more important is that this policy does not produce an enlightened discourse capable of drawing in and integrating“religious youth” into the prevailing framework of social transformations, which are taking place in the country, and effectively instilling in them a spirit conducive to the requirements of the contemporary and modern world. The latter is indeed one of the greatest problems at the root of many of the crises in Arab societies – the clash between the tendency towards zealous religiosity and the needs and provisions required of every day, modern life. The“Saudi model”, once again, proves the validity of this supposition. For, after the events of September 11, the Traditional Sala fi sts – who have enjoyed the patronage of the state during the past few decades, and who have been used by the state as an instrument to strike down those who doubt its authority – have not been able to face the harsh external aggression and challenges directed at the kingdom, nor have they been able to confront the rise of al-Qaeda; indeed and instead, they were impotent and stood paralyzed before these challenges and threats. 174 to economic changes that a large segment of the population found great dif fi culty adapting to, and which increased feelings of anger, depression and deprivation. It is individuals from these suffering classes that have become clear and robust candidates for boarding the“Jihadi Sala fi st” train. 147 The real challenge before the state is whether or not it will be able to redirect the economic reform program towards achieving a greater degree of social and political equilibrium, and reduce the severity of the pockets of poverty in the country and the feelings of social and economic deprivation. The latter requires that the present course of the economic reform program be“revisited” as the economic analyst, Sufyan Alissa, recommends in an important paper written by him on the subject and published by the Carnegie Institute in the United States 148 . If the political and economic situation is too complicated to tackle at the moment – to the point that it may be dif fi cult to enact the necessary and fundamental changes immediately, or achieve the tangible outcomes required in the short term – then priority should be given to a political and ideological reconciliation(and not a temporary reconciliation based on immediate interests, but rather a genuine dialogue towards long-term reconciliation) with moderate Islamist reform movements, which possess the ability and the discourse to play an effective role in confronting the extremist discourse and providing an‘Islamist alternative’ to it. Making this reconciliation a priority would be taking a step forward in curbing the growth and expansion of the movement and would weaken the rationale used to justify their religious and socio-political legitimacy and authority. One of the enigmas of Jordanian policy is the decision the state made to resort to using the“Traditional Sala fi st”(al-Sala fi ya alTaqlidiyeh) movement to confront the Jihadi Sala fi sts and the Muslim Brotherhood. The rationale behind this policy was that these Sala fi sts would be a more effective and secure ally because they were“loyal” to the state, abstained from“political work or activities” and“pledged obedience to the state and government” in their discourse. 173 country’s political life, then the regime’s ability in containing extremist tendencies will strengthen and improve, and the size of the movement and the ideological justi fi cations for its existence will come under check. However, if the wheels of political reform come to a halt, and if the central role assigned to political institutions and to civic society breaks down, then the opportunities for the movement to recruit and mobilize others will remain unchecked, and the rationale and justi fi cations for its radical ideology will remain operative, effectual and dynamic. And herein lies the danger of focusing on a security strategy in local political life. It may ensure national security and the public peace, and protect the country from terrorist activity or security chaos like that which exists in countries like Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine(where the weakness of the central authority is so obvious). However, the persistence in maintaining a security-based strategy, the erosion of public and civic freedoms, and any weakening of the political reform process will carry in their wings the seeds of growth for extremist thinking and for radical groups, who will channel their energies towards subversive activity and armed struggle. The in fl uence and impact of the way the political-security formula evolves is obvious: The more the spheres of public and civic freedoms expand, and the capacities of political and civil society institutions are strengthened, the more the sphere available for radical and extremist action will shrink and weaken; and, in the same vein, the more political and civic institutions and public freedoms weaken, the more the presence and strength of radical and extremist groups will grow. This reading drives forth the following major prescription for Jordan’s political-security formula, which is that,“security should be an instrument of the political process” and not the opposite. Certain socio-economic factors and outcomes of the hasty economic reform program, such as pockets of poverty and higher unemployment rates, also played a part in creating a conducive internal environment for the movement. It is obvious that the middle class in Jordan was harmed during the last few years due to the socio-economic rami fi cations of the rapid implementation of harsh, liberal prescriptions for Jordan’s economic ills – measures that led 172 -2The Political and Security Context: A Security Based Solution,“Social Impunity” It is a recognized fact that the Jordanian state is a strong, cohesive and united entity in terms of its political institutions and security apparatus. It is also obvious that the state possesses a superior internal capacity to safeguard its national interests and security and keep the movement and its activities at bay and under a tight reign. Indeed, this strength will reduce the chance that the movement will ever transform into a major fi rst degree threat, because this type of movement thrives, gains strength and proliferates in a social environment made conducive and nurtured by the manifestations of the“Failed State” syndrome – and, until today, this is not the case in Jordan. On the other hand, this does not mean that the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan will wither away anytime soon. Indeed, there are a whole set of causes and conditions that still exist, which can serve as catalysts for the movement’s growth and expansion – despite the limits imposed on the movement in terms of political constraints and security measures, and even the boundaries imposed on the movement by society itself. Marginalized communities in Jordanian society are still quite accessible to the movement; and at its core, the remainder of society can still become an easy target for penetration by the movement. Needless to say, the future of the movement in Jordan will very much depend on the way political, economic and social conditions and circumstances play out in the country: If there is a move towards political openness and fundamental reform in the 171 The“third” scenario: The fi nal scenario is the possibility that the“scenario of ongoing fi ssure” in the movement will prevail. Or, in other words, that the struggle between the two wings will continue, without either side gaining any signi fi cant victories over the other, leading to a schism and the ultimate disintegration of the movement into two, or even more groups. This fi nal scenario would lead to a situation where the country would be faced with smaller groups of individuals, scattered here and there, working independently of each other, with not one or two, but rather many heads. 169 This scenario depends entirely upon al-Maqdisi not falling into the trap of slipping either to the right or to the left of this tightrope; and his capacity to maintain his course“adroitly and with caution” between the state, his ambitions and the two sides struggling inside the movement. To do so, he must be able to maintain direct communications with key players and with a diverse range of large segments in the movement; and he must be able to convince them of the value of his agenda and of his position. It should be expected that any critical“concessions” by al-Maqdisi will not go to the extent or degree that the movement reached in Egypt, nor should the same outcomes be expected either. The political conditions in the country, the movement itself and the movement’s experiences in Jordan were and remain different than those of their Egyptian counterparts. Furthermore, all indications point to the fact that al-Maqdisi has gone as far as he possibly can with regard to the extent of his concessions, especially when one takes into consideration that, today, the internal crisis in the movement is unfolding between two principle tendencies – the fi rst represented by him and the other represented by the“extremist line” in the party. The“second” scenario: The second scenario is tied to the opposition wing(the extremists) in the movement and to how successful they are in concentrating and focusing their attack on al-Maqdisi; and, whether or not they will be able to reduce and weaken his in fl uence in the upcoming phase. Their strategy is to revive and use“the Zarqawi model” as the only legitimate course for the movement; and to isolate al-Maqdisi again and reduce his size back to the small group close to him. Indeed, some new, key players have emerged from this“extremist” wing, who are trying to revive and return to the ways of Zarqawi. They are using his legacy to try to persuade a vast majority of individuals in the group to come to their side and to redirect them to a line that corresponds with the program and model set by al-Qaeda’s central command outside. The potential for this scenario to succeed, of course, depends on the larger“sphere”(the international context and environment), the future of al-Qaeda(the mother organization) and the extent of its in fl uence and its activities on a global and regional scale. 168 -1The Internal Context of the Movement: Con fl ict and Schism We will begin with the smaller“sphere” or the internal context of the movement itself. Today, the movement is marked by the struggle between the group in the movement led by al-Maqdisi(towards“a half-reformed movement”) against the legacy of Zarqawi, which engulfed the movement in the past. Certainly, al-Maqdisi has won the fi rst round of this struggle and has managed to bring to his side several major players from key areas where the movement has a signi fi cant presence. Today, we stand before three major scenarios, which may develop and de fi ne the future characteristics and course of the movement, with regard to the movement’s internal situation and context: The“ fi rst” scenario: The fi rst scenario is embodied by a potential victory of the“halfreform” wing of the movement – or, the continued success of alMaqdisi, which will depend on his ability to adroitly walk the tight rope between the wants and desires of the extremist wing that wants to remain committed to the“Zarqawi line”, and between what the state wants, which is that al-Maqdisi back down completely from the radical stand against the regime, and between his own personal ambitions, which is to build a Jihadi Sala fi st movement that, in the short-term, takes on a paci fi st nature embodied in spreading the word or“calling”( da’wa) without the use of arms and without any direct form of violent confrontation with the state’s security apparatus. 167 There are structural contexts that have helped draw and de fi ne the course and evolution of Jihadi Sala fi sm(in Jordan). These contexts can be categorized into three major, central spheres, which may help in identifying certain scenarios in the future. The fi rst context is the middle or median“sphere” – or, the movement’s surroundings and immediate environs on the political, economic and social level. The second“sphere” is the larger context or the external environment, which is tied to the regional security situation and the implications of this security situation on Jordan internally, as well as on the status of al-Qaeda’s network and the extent of its strength, weaknesses and in fl uence in Jordan and in the region. Finally, the last context, or the smaller“sphere” includes the factors and determinants connected to the internal situation of the movement itself, and the extent of its cohesiveness and its ability to deal with the different challenges it faces, and will face. Of course, the three above-mentioned“spheres” do not work independent of each other; they are interconnected, interrelated and complementary in nature. The importance and in fl uence of each “sphere” on the course of the movement are interchangeable and should be seen as such when attempting to de fi ne the upcoming phase and potential horizons of the movement in the future. 165 Future Horizons: Prevailing Conditions and Potential Scenarios the feet of al-Qaeda in Saudi Arabia by undermining their religious authority and legitimacy. In addition and much to its credit, the Saudi government also took on a“soft” strategy in the struggle against alQaeda by confronting it on an academic, theoretical and ideological level. 146 In fact, today, there are two faces to political Islam in many Arab countries. Either the opportunity is provided to allow the more moderate Islamist movements into the socio-political process(despite the fact that many questions and reservations do exist with regard to some of their propositions), or allowing this space or vacuum to be fi lled with the likes of Jihadi Sala fi sts, who will very likely make further advances in their ability to penetrate the social fabric of society. However, under the pressure and impact of the prevailing political struggle, some Jordanian of fi cials have opted to direct their energies in directly confronting these movements. The rationale is that they are less threatening, more obvious in their agenda, ideology and strategy, and less elusive and ambiguous in terms of the general political context. This conviction, indeed, re fl ects a gross miscalculation and short-sightedness as it reduces the problem to a purely political framework. Within this rationale, the more“moderate” Islamic movements are discounted by a logic of“political excommunicating” the opposition. In the meantime, it is these kinds of movements that have come to fi ll a vital and important space in society. They play a central role in the country’s social and political scene and could be a safe ally in the struggle against the proliferation of extremist thinking amongst depressed, angry young men. Till this day, Jordan has not been able to take this step, or make this choice: Of reconciling and coming to an agreement with the “moderate Islamist movements” so that they can assist in playing a more“enlightening” social and political role. Indeed, these movements could assist the state in return for more access to legal channels in which these movements can express themselves and act. Instead, the of fi cial position has been to wager on a policy of tightening the“security grip”, which, in fact, actually reduces the chances of truly impeding the expansion of extremist movements like the Jihadi Sala fi st movement, and weakening their abilities to recruit more young men and mobilize its ranks in the future. 161 from the state. Real opportunities have to be created for youth so that they can truly express their talents and abilities – this is one of the ways that the state can effectively protect and strengthen society’s immunity to extremist thinking. The middle class must be resuscitated and social and economic deprivation must be reduced. To“dry up the springs,” the twin problems of poverty and unemployment must be dealt with at the roots; for, they are the waters that pour into these springs of violence and terrorism. The“golden rule” – which the previous American administration discovered too late in the game, and never actually implemented properly –, is that radical Islam and the extremist groups that spring from radical Islam are the result of the fertile environment provided by the realities in the Arab and Islamic worlds: In their political corruption, their developmental and economic failure, and in the absence of any real rehabilitation of their societies and of their economies. Indeed, all these factors have created the ideal environment for breeding an extremist discourse and for nurturing its growth and proliferation. Certainly, the more effective weapon in successfully combating this way of thinking is in pursuing genuine and comprehensive reform in the Arab and Islamic worlds. And, if achieving comprehensive reform is the more dif fi cult path, then, at the very least, steps towards achieving this goal must be taken. The state has to confront these critical issues on the social and economic levels while taking into consideration the above-mentioned“prescriptions”; it must make a serious effort to reconcile with the discourse of moderate Islamist movements, which are advocating reform... This is the prerequisite for pulling the rug from under the feet of extremist groups and their religious and political project. For reference, one can look to the case of Saudi Arabia, which has made great strides in weakening al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula after al-Qaeda had reached an advanced stage in its operational capacity, in its activities and in its popularity with young men. The greatest credit in this achievement is not attributed in the fi rst place to Saudi security services alone, but rather to the effective and central role that the Saudi reform movement took in confronting alQaeda. The reform movement, indeed, pulled the rug out from under 160 -2The Absence of the“Political” and a Culture of“Slogans” Despite Jordan’s success in combating Jihadi Sala fi sm and the success of the state’s security services in containing the threat posed by the movement’s activities and operations, the movement still has a signi fi cant presence. Certain testimonies even indicate that the movement is actually growing and expanding steadily. In the meantime, the Jordanian strategy in combating this phenomenon appears to remain standing on“one leg” – that of only utilizing a security approach or security measures in its battle against the movement. This approach, on the most part, deals with the ends and not the roots – it is a strategy that combats the results and outcomes of the movement’s activities and operations and not the political and socio-economic ills and underlying causes and conditions that have produced, bred and nurtured this phenomenon. It is a strategy of deterrence in which a real cure is absent. This approach may indeed be less costly to the country in terms of material resources; however, it does not cope with the real loss: the future of so many young men, who are being drawn to these groups and to this way of thinking. The politics of“drying up the springs” from which these radical groups emerge must do so by opening windows and letting in some fresh air. It means reviving civic freedoms, and moving forward with a genuine political reform program that is rooted in a parliament which is truly representative of the people, and ensuring the government has the trust of such a representative parliament – which, in the end, means that the people can choose responsibly and the government can act responsibly towards their representatives. Efforts should be made to strengthen civil society and civic activities must fi nd support 159 This step was reinforced by a decision taken by the Jordanian Parliament, which enacted laws against“preaching or advocating terrorism” in any form, especially in sermons given at mosques or any other public gathering, and criminalizing any form of “abetting and aiding terrorism” or“calling to( da’wa) terrorism” 145 . In the same vein, a declaration known as the“Amman Letter” was published under the patronage of the King, which called for dialogue between religions and sects, for cooperation on a humanitarian level, and for rejecting extremism and violence. This “Letter” was seen as an example of the kind of instruments that would be used in intellectually confronting extremist thinking on the one hand, and for presenting Jordan as the role model and representative of“Moderate Islam”, on the other. 158 its operational capacity had matured signi fi cantly. Without a doubt, the organization had become much more professional and thus, much more dangerous. It also re fl ected a major transformation in the region’s security environment after Iraq became the host for alQaeda. From Iraq, al-Qaeda would continue to work to spread its tentacles and its operations into the rest of the countries of the region and the world. In view of these transformations and new threats to national security, the Jordanian state undertook major structural changes in its security strategy. The most important features of this“new strategy” were: 1. Replacing the principle of“breaching” the movement, or the penetration and in fi ltration of the movement by the security services, with the principle of the“pre-emptive strike”. This new approach meant not waiting for al-Qaeda, or other groups linked to its network, to begin planning operations targeting Jordan, but rather initiating pre-emptive action against them and hitting them hard before they could even start. Indeed, one major outcome of this new approach was the delegation of the task of carrying out military operations and other tasks concerned with safeguarding Jordanian national security to the Fursan al-Haq(Righteous Knights) Division of the Jordanian Intelligence Services. And, this is exactly what happened: In June of 2006, Fursan al-Haq captured and arrested Ziad al-Karbalawi, one of the most notorious members of al-Qaeda in Iraq. 143 2. Moving from a defensive posture to an offensive one: That meant going on the offensive against al-Qaeda by targeting its base, i.e. confronting al-Qaeda inside Iraq by working to create an Iraqi “political veto” against the targeting of Jordan. In this capacity, Jordan partook in supporting the“ Sahawat al-Sunna” group. Indeed, it was the“ Sahawat” group, which later in fl icted the decisive, excruciating and fi nal blow against al-Qaeda in Iraq. 144 3. Focusing more attention on“waging war” against the principle of “ tak fi r”(disavowing others as blasphemous). This battle strategy included banning al-Qaeda(and movements linked to it) from participating in public forums or inside religious institutions. 157 In the meantime, the state continued in its approach of penetrating and in fi ltrating the movement. Even with Zarqawi outside the country, state security continued in its policy of gathering information and pre-empting operations by members of the movement and Zarqawi’s followers. On the international front, September 11 and President Bush’s declaration of“War against Terror” represented historical milestones that would set the future course of international relations – led to a process of“integrating” efforts on an international scale in the battle against al-Qaeda. In the process of integrating efforts to confront this“globalized Jihad”, a“globalization of security” took place. Jordan’s security services joined in on these“globalized” efforts and emerged as a major player with a signi fi cant role in the battle against al-Qaeda. This cooperation led to a large scale exchange of information and of members of the movement between Jordanian and other countries’ security services. Indeed, Jordan was able to capture several members from the movement through international surveillance efforts. Of course, the context and the source of the threats that Jordan had to deal with during this period changed signi fi cantly. The movement’s activities and capacities had evolved and had become more complex and professional. They lost their local, spontaneous and amateur nature that had been the trademark of the earlier period in the 1990s. This reality forced a change in the language of the state’s security response and a rede fi nition of parts of its security approach – which, nevertheless, remained focused on a strategy of penetration, in fi ltration, monitoring and surveillance of the movement and its members, and fi nally, bringing them before the courts for prosecution at the judicial level. The Amman Hotel Bombings introduced and marked the third period in the evolution of the state’s security strategy. This operation in itself represented the greatest and most dangerous breach of state security ever achieved by al-Qaeda on Jordanian soil. The nature of the bombings, its impact and its implications re fl ected several new realities: The fi rst of which was that al-Qaeda’s abilities and 156 -1From Security Breach to“Pre-Emptive Strike” The of fi cial strategy in confronting the manifestations of Jihadi Sala fi sm during the fi rst period, from the early 1990s until September 11, 2001, was characterized by a military approach or focused security measures. This approach depended on penetrating and in fi ltrating the organization and the various groups in the movement used different methods. The main objective was to abort operations before they could take place – or, nipping these operations at the bud. The success of this approach was evident in the fact that during this period no operations of any consequence, or that posed any real threat to national security took place. Indeed, at that time, the activities of the groups linked to this movement were quite spontaneous and amateur at best; and, breaching these operations was not such a complicated task. Most of the groups and many of the individuals planning to conduct operations were prevented from doing so. Instead, they were arrested, interrogated, tried and/or prosecuted in the National Security Court before they could carry out any sort of action. However, these security measures could not stop them from continuing to embrace, support, convey and advocate the ideas of this movement. The second period began with Zarqawi’s migration from Jordan to Afghanistan; it was marked by the fact that the capacities and methodologies of the movement had begun to evolve and had become more sophisticated. Zarqawi began to depend on members outside Jordan while continuing to use individuals from the movement inside. 155 political activities, and increasing the variety of legal channels in which individuals and groups can more freely express their positions and opinions. Finally, the state’s strategy of using“military or security” measures to confront the Jihadi Sala fi st movement has gone through three de fi nitive periods: The fi rst period began in the 1990s and ended with the September 11 attacks, the second commenced directly after the September 11 attacks; and the third was introduced by the Amman Hotel Bombings – the third period would witness a quantum leap in re-de fi ning the battle-lines and in the tactics used to confront the movement. 154 The Jordanian state’s strategy in confronting the rise of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement over the last 15 years is a narrative replete with crackdowns leading to arrests and prosecutions, as well as constant surveillance of the group, its members and their activities. However, in the most part, the nature of this strategy is characterized primarily by“military or security” measures. It is dependent on the ability and capacity of the country’s security apparatus to in fi ltrate and closely monitor these groups. Indeed, it is not a strategy that pays attention to or gives enough consideration to“preventive” measures – or, in other words curtailing the various conditions, causes and environmental factors that have helped catalyze its rise and nurture its activities. Following the Amman Hotel Bombings, efforts have been made to focus more on education, culture and the media; fi rst with the “Amman Letter,” then through the organization of series of scholarly seminars and conferences where the threat of extremism and “terrorism” has dominated the platform. However, these attempts, activities and events have all been characterized more by a vague form of advocacy and a plethora of slogans rather than a tangible, methodological strategy to educate, change cultural attitudes and increase religious awareness. What is more important is that the state has“skipped” over one major, effective and functional option to meeting the challenge presented by the rise and proliferation of these groups – that is“political reform”. The objective of a political reform strategy would be to curb the urge and need to go underground or the af fi nity for subversive and armed action by providing alternatives, such as legalizing and expanding the scope of civic freedoms and public, organizational and socio153 The State’s Strategy in Confronting Jihadi Sala fi sm: A Critical Outlook By the end of the 1990s, the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan entered into a new phase in its recruitment of new members and in attracting new followers and supporters with the help of the electronic revolution, which greatly facilitated the expanse of the scope and market for recruitment and mobilization through the internet. Indeed, the Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi sts worked to establish Jihadi sites for all its scholars and theorists. Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi’s site,“Minbar al-Tawhid wal Jihad,” in particular, is considered“one of the most renowned sites for Jihadi Sala fi sm in the world” as it provides access to the texts of most of the books and essays related to Global Jihadi Sala fi sm. Jihadi Sala fi sts became aware of the importance of this particular communication channel early on; and, the movement exploited this means in an extraordinarily effective way to spread its calling( da’wa) and in recruiting members – so much so that it came to be called the“Electronic Jihad”. Indeed, the electronic media are considered one of the main entry points for the globalization of the movement, as this platform greatly facilitated the easy and rapid exchange of information and the coordination of operations. The process of spreading the“calling”( da’wa) and recruiting members to Jihadi Sala fi sm through the internet reached its apex with Abu Musab Zarqawi during his command of al-Qaeda in Iraq. Zarqawi worked to establish several sites, one of which was called“Therwat al-Sinam”. His communications with the network became so rigorous that, at one point, he was making more than eight communications a day, surpassing the central command of al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan in his exploitation of this medium. Zarqawi went on to establish a media and communications committee that worked to fi lm and broadcast, through the internet, suicide and armed operations, kidnappings and beheadings, which were violent and terrifying in a way never witnessed before. Through the internet, he was also able to recruit a great number of Jordanians and other followers from every corner of the world. Indeed, this communications platform came to be one of the most important tools used by the Jihadi Sala fi sts in their recruitment and mobilization methodology and strategy. 149 to rid oneself of feelings of guilt can be a primary motivation to push one to take on an unbridled disavowal of sin. As a result, some of those who have joined Jihadi Sala fi sm came to the movement from a criminal background, and some of these young men were recruited in prison, where convicted Jihadi Sala fi sts were active in lecturing, in giving classes and in recruiting new supporters and followers. In addition to using verbal, one-on-one communications as one of the major instruments for recruiting new members and spreading the“calling”( da’wa), the Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi sts also work to disseminate their scholars’ books, essays, declarations and other literature in order to achieve the greatest outreach possible in target areas and communities. Indeed, the presence of spiritual leaders, scholars, theorists and strategists with a high degree of ef fi cacy in their speaking, writing and rhetorical abilities distinguishes the movement in the Arab and Islamic world. Some of these(Jordanian) men of the movement have become renowned on a globalized scale in the Global Jihadi Sala fi st context, such as Abu Qatada al-Falastini and Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi – whose ideas and opinions have spread on a massive scale through the dissemination of their publications through many channels, such as printed and photocopied material. For example, from his headquarters in London, Abu Qatada alFalastini has disseminated numerous Jihadi Sala fi st magazines, books and publications and has worked to globalize the movement by facilitating the networking between Sala fi sts in Europe and the Arab and Islamic world. Abu Qatada even oversees the publication of several newsletters, magazines and books, which focus on the Sala fi sm of speci fi c countries, such as the“al-Ansar” newsletter, which specializes in the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Algeria, the“alFajr” newsletter, which specializes in the Libyan Jihadi Sala fi sts, and the“al-Mua’alem” newsletter, which specializes in Jihadi Sala fi sm of the countries of“Greater Syria”(the fertile crescent). Some publications focus on Global Jihadi Sala fi sm, such as the“al-Manhaj” magazine. All of these publications have made their way to Jordan and have been circulated, copied and disseminated amongst and by the members of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement there. 148 The traditional instrument of“verbal” advocacy(the calling/ da’wa) is considered by Jihadi Sala fi sts as one of their principle means to recruiting new members and followers. This method entails using one-to-one meetings or meetings of small groups, one at a time, through private visits in which the message of Jihadi Sala fi sm is communicated. Mosques hold a special place in the process of this“calling”( da’wa) and in recruitment. With over 4,000 mosques scattered in every part of every city and town in Jordan, they have come to represent a major station for the movement’s advocacy and mobilization process(this is notwithstanding the hundreds of prayer sites(similar to small chapels) scattered throughout neighbourhoods and markets). Indeed, a careful study of Jihadi Sala fi st groups in Jordan reveals the importance of the role of the mosques as catalysts for the mobilization, recruitment and communications processes of the movement. Meetings, lectures, classes, sermons and meetings all take place in the mosques; and, they should be considered the principle strongholds from which these groups were and are launched. For example, the Mosque of Ibn Abbas was the place in which the “ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam) group that included Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi was formed. Family relations also plays an important, central and dynamic role in the movement’s communications and recruitment structure, as well as in nurturing support and in fl uencing others more quickly. This is especially the case in cities and towns where the social fabric is particularly tribal. When observing Jihadi Sala fi st groups in al-Salt and Ma’an, for example, the role of family relations is particularly effective and palpable, and directly in fl uences the recruitment process. The other place where the opportunity for recruiting new members was and is particularly fertile is the prison environment. In prison, a unique community emerged that was quite in fl uential in facilitating the conversion of individuals with aggressive, criminal behaviour to the Jihadi Sala fi st ideology – especially as this ideology provided a space for rebelling against reality, for unburdening feelings of transgression and wrongdoing, for feeding aggressive behaviour and creating an outlet for it using the principle of Jihad. Indeed, the desire 147 and followers as the“new arrivals” upon whom the responsibility falls to preserve the“identity” of Islam,“renew and revive the religion” and restore“ Dar al-Islam”(the House of Islam) – which has been transformed into“ Dar al-Kufr”(the House of Blasphemy) since the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate state in the year 1924 by a period of imperialist control, which divided the Islamic world and helped establish the state of Israel. Meanwhile, in its discourse, the movement presents Arab governments as regimes that should be seen as an inheritance from this imperialism in the form of“the national state”. These states adopted nationalist, socialist and liberal ideologies, and surrendered the rule of Islamic law( Sharia) and the governance and sovereignty of God alone. Furthermore, in doing so, these regimes have failed in meeting the obligation of liberating Palestine and in opposing the domination and hegemony of the West. Indeed, the Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi sts view the close relationship between Jordan and the United States of America as an alliance against Islam, which contradicts the principle of“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal). And fi nally, in their view, entering into a peace treaty with Israel has given the state all the more reason and excuse to abandon the Palestinian cause. The Jihadi Sala fi st discourse, based on the principles and views enumerated above, easily and effortlessly found a following; and this discourse facilitated the process of recruiting new members to their ranks. Finally, as stated before, existing conditions and prevailing political and socio-economic realities reinforced and supported this discourse. Through its spiritual leaders and strategists, Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordan worked on destabilizing the notion of Jordanian national identity and replacing it with a globalized Jihadi Sala fi st identity, which connects the self to a tradition that separates the“now or present” from the “thereafter or afterlife” and targeted this discourse at the young men in a‘young’ society – or a society in which the overwhelming majority of active members are youth. 146 -5The Movement’s Methodology and Instruments for Recruitment and Mobilization The methodology and instruments used for recruiting members and attracting supporters to the Jihadi Sala fi st movement are varied and diverse, and range from the traditional method of verbal advocacy, or the“calling”(da’wa), and end with the most modern techniques of exploiting cyberspace. Internal political, economic and social factors have nurtured the movement’s expansion, evolution and growth. Indeed, the movement presents itself as the Arab and Muslim median and medium, and considers itself,“A movement that represents Islam, in its entirety and in its complete, pure and unadulterated form, without the dismantling of any of its tenets, creeds, doctrines and laws in a community that represents Islam in its religion and in its identity for all its citizens.” It also considers itself as a movement of Jihad and resistance against foreign hegemony and domination. The strength of Jihadi Sala fi sm’s appeal is in the content of its religious and political discourse, which is derived from theoretical opinions on the pure faith, religious concepts and the principles of “ al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty),“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal) and“ al-Taghout”(the Rule of Impurity and of False Deities) and the Jihad. In its discourse, the Jihadi Sala fi sts present themselves as the“only representative” of Islam in the struggle against the external, alien and foreign forces and against internal tyranny. It also considers itself the “Victorious Sect” and the only“Surviving Group”, and its members 145 Indeed it is important to note, at this point, that Jordan possesses the longest borders with Israel. Furthermore, a large portion of the Jordanian population is of Palestinian origin, with strong and extensive social ties inside Palestine; they have issue with their political identity and are personally concerned and involved, in a central and dynamic way, with what takes place inside the occupied territories. This reality is directly linked to attempts by several of these groups and movements to repeatedly in fi ltrate the western borders, smuggle arms, target the interests of Western countries that are perceived as biased towards Israel and disrupt the peace process. 144 This particular issue requires that we take a quick pause to provide a rapid comparative analysis on the Muslim Brotherhood and the Jihadi Sala fi st movement. The majority of the Muslim Brotherhood’s members come from the sons of the middle class, particularly the middle class from the private sector, as well as the lower middle class of lesser economic standing, but which is educated and conservative. Meanwhile, the Jihadi Sala fi st movement’s membership is mainly made up of individuals from the poorer, less educated and uneducated classes. If the middle class from the private sector (mostly Jordanians of Palestinian origin) represents the backbone of the Muslim Brotherhood, then the expansion of Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordanian cities re fl ects the crisis of the middle class from the public sector(East Jordanians, or Jordanians of Jordanian origin). 142 The role of socio-economic factors in the evolution and expansion of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement, the supporting data, analyses and testimonies from the National Security Court, as well as the arrests and prosecutions, all point to the fact that the majority of the members of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement belong to either the poor or lower middle classes, as well as other politically and socially marginalized communities, with some exceptions. Two other major factors require examination when discussing the causes and conditions that helped foster the rise of Jihadi Sala fi sm: The fi rst is tied to religious sentiment. Within the overall rising mood of conservatism amongst the general public, which has been moving closer and closer to increased religiosity in the more recent past, Jihadi Sala fi sm represents the most radical and extreme right of this spectrum. Jihadi Sala fi sm adopts a religious outlook, vision, opinions and scholarship( fi qh) that is extreme relative to that which has been adopted by other individuals, groups and movements, which are more open and moderate in terms of their religious outlook, social views, political discourse and positions. The second major factor that requires examination is the Palestinian cause and events related to the Palestinian issue. This factor indeed plays a major role in stirring the emotions of the public, especially the youth, and especially when there is an escalation in the confrontations and clashes between Palestinian factions and the Israeli occupation forces. 143 The combination of all these factors produced a fertile breeding ground for movements like the Jihadi Sala fi sts, especially as these conditions were juxtaposed with a tangible and sharp regression in the track of the almost stillborn“nascent democracy”. The government enacted new electoral laws(the one-man, one-vote law) intended to weaken the Islamist opposition(in particular, the Muslim Brotherhood); and this policy of‘weakening the opposition’ then proceeded to target universities, municipalities and other public institutions, as well as religious institutions that focused on guidance, preaching and advocacy. This“siege on the(Islamist) moderates” actually worked to reinforce and strengthen the arguments and discourse of the radical Islamists. And, it led certain individuals to seek underground and subversive channels to express their frustrations, ideas and opinions within a discourse that disavowed the state and the constitution, rejected democracy and took a harsh posture with regard to the socioeconomic reality – many were ready, at times, to take up arms and use force in an attempt to change this reality. Feeling the pressures and disappointment of their reality, and seeing no light at the end of the tunnel from their social deprivation, the poorer classes in themselves became a source and channel for the recruitment and mobilization process of this movement. However, on the other hand, the stress and worry of the middle classes, and especially the more religious amongst them, about the future within these turbulent economic conditions provided another reason for many young, angry men to fl ock towards the sphere provided by Jihadi Sala fi sm. Many studies, indeed, point to the fact that the Jordanian middle class has been hurt in the past few years by the economic transformations and reform program in the country. These studies clearly indicate that the middle class is suffering from heavy stress and pressure – particularly the middle class employed by the public sector(a segment in society that historically represents one of the main political and social levers in the country, and a major conduit for rooting the relationship between the state and Jordanian society). 141 142 awareness in the“ fi rst generation” of Jihadi Sala fi sts during the First Gulf War, when Iraq was defeated by international forces. Without a doubt, this defeat stunned that generation of young men, who had become saturated and convinced over a period of several months that there was a possibility of victory for Saddam Hussein in an overall environment in which public opinion had become charged in favour of Saddam. This“shock” took place at the same time that another local“shock” was taking place, embodied by the Jordanian government’s entry into peace negotiations with Israel. This initiative was actually an attempt by the Jordanian government to break the international economic and political isolation it found itself in after the First Gulf War(as Jordan’s position during the war was unpopularly perceived as being in favour of Saddam by the international community). However, these peace negotiations were seen as something like a coup to a public raised and socially mobilized to perceive Israel as the enemy. Indeed, the public viewed these negotiations as traitorous to the cause and as conceding the inalienable rights of the Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims. Furthermore, after the First Gulf War, the state took on a politically motivated strategy of structural readjustment with the goal of reducing the burden on the country and freeing the national economy from the costly toll that ensued from the relationship of patronage, which had become the norm between the citizen and the government. The government worked to strengthen the private sector and increase its role in economic life. However, this strategy led to weakening wide segments of the population that had become economically dependent on the state. Indeed, for a long time, the state had been subsidizing the public sector in which of a large portion of this middle class made its living. This progressive deregulation and withdrawal of the state from economic life – without fi rst placing measures to protect the middle and poorer classes – led to widening the gap between the state and society. This loss of faith in the state and the rising suspicions that ensued, this time, would become encapsulated within a religious framework. 141 with a weak, centralized authority marked by political, economic and social impotence in meeting the most basic needs of its citizens. This syndrome(in the Arab and Islamic worlds) created the ideal conditions for the rise and growth of such groups and, indeed, strengthened them. Recurrent examples of this condition in areas of Northwestern Pakistan, Somalia and Iraq recently, as well as several areas in Lebanon and Palestine are a testament to the presence and signi fi cance of this particular factor. The market for radical-Islamic thinking also fl ourishes in countries where there is little in the form of genuine democracy and public freedoms, and where public and civil society institutions are incapable of channelling the frustration and agitation of citizens into constructive, appropriate and legal outlets. Perhaps this fact is best described by an American diplomat who commented on the events of September 11 with the following statement,“If there was democracy in Saudi Arabia, Bin Laden would have been an extreme member of parliament; he would not be holed up in the mountains threatening the interests of the United States.” 140 Economic and social conditions also play a direct role in nurturing these groups that, in many places, are closer in de fi nition to being “protest movements on a social, ideological and religious basis.” One can see examples of this particular phenomenon in many marginalized, destitute segments of many Arab societies in Morocco, Egypt and Algeria and the Northwestern and Baluchistan regions of Pakistan. There is no denying that global factors, external challenges and international provocations, such as the American occupation of Iraq and the Israeli occupation in Palestine, and the impotency of local governments to face these challenges, also breeds the urge in groups of young men to fi ll the(political) vacuum – a fact that became evident when young Arab men began to volunteer on their own initiative to fi ght in Iraq. Indeed, in Jordan, the formation and emergence of the movement is directly tied to political and economic transformations that took place in the early 1990s. Certain external challenges bred an acute 140 -4The Conditions and Causes Leading to the Movement’s Rise, Growth and Proliferation The rise of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement(in Jordan) took place at the same time as the second wave of Global Jihad unfolded in the early 1990s, particularly after the First Gulf War in 1991. During this period, the“Global Resistance Front against the Jews and the Crusaders” reached an advanced stage; and, the confrontation between alQaeda and the United States of America continued to escalate until it culminated in the events of September 11, 2001 and the United States declaring the“War against Terror”. At the same time, the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan was in a nascent stage in its formation when it witnessed and experienced certain profound transformations. Some of these‘transformations’ were connected to and in fl uenced by regional and global events, while others were tied to local factors related to political and socioeconomic conditions in Jordan. However, before entering into a discussion on the local factors that led to the movement’s formation and rise, it is important to note that, when trying to understand the general framework of this phenomenon, many external and local factors were inevitably and inextricably interlinked in many of the Arab countries(despite the fact that the extent and in fl uence of some of these factors differed between one country or community and the next). Indeed, political factors play the most signi fi cant role in stimulating the rise and expansion of this kind of movement. Of these factors, the most important is the“Failed States” syndrome – meaning states 139 Perhaps the fi rst catalyst in forming the fi rst generation was the state of disappointment and the depressing political situation that these young men felt(the First Gulf War defeat, the dwindling hope and window of opportunity for peaceful change, the way the peace process and negotiations with Israel were unfolding), and the stress that resulted from the prevailing economic transformations (especially for the sons of the middle classes, who would later begin to dissipate due to the dif fi cult economic times ahead). Meanwhile, the second generation emerged during a later phase, when the movement had matured in many of its ideas and had already launched into a harsh confrontation with state security, which carried with it heavier costs and losses. Members began to lose trust in the system and its by-products, and became in fl uenced by the culture and ideas that the movement adopted. They began to become suspicious of education, of its outcomes and of its usefulness, and began to turn to an education in the culture and religious curricula( fi qh) of the movement instead. One of the individuals who monitors the movement from close quarters adds to the latter the following condition, or catalyst, “The educated generation and the generation that came from the middle classes could not handle the costs of the confrontation with state security or the way the movement was evolving; and thus, they became overshadowed in the last period(from the late 1990s until recently), by the vision of the likes of Zarqawi, which reached the point of direct confrontation, and the fi rm belief in the armed struggle... And, these were dif fi cult and harsh choices that carried high risks in a country where the state has a potent, ready and powerful security apparatus at hand.” 138 Indeed, the majority of the members in the movement today range between 20 and 30 years in age; and of these young men, the majority joined the movement when they were less than 25 years old. Obviously, that means that today, the men of the fi rst generation are over 30 years old. 139 The second feature: The majority of the members in the movement never received a university education, with the majority obtaining, at the most, a high school degree or a junior high school education. The third feature: The majority of the members in the movement are from low-income communities, i.e. are from poor families, are simple day workers in the private sector, or are unemployed altogether. Others come from the lower middle classes, and are simple employees with small salaries in the public or private sector. Many of the members are married at quite a young age for“religious” or“moral” reasons. The fourth feature: The majority of the members in the movement have had little or no previous experience in politics or in any sort of political activism(outside the movement). Indeed, the majority have no organizational or intellectual experience or background outside the movement itself, except in very limited cases. What is worth noting is that the“ fi rst generation” represents a more diverse“mix” relative to the“second generation.” In the fi rst generation(even if on a small scale) are individuals who have obtained a higher education, or are from the middle class; meanwhile, in the second generation, the majority never made it to university and come from lower income economic classes. The difference between these“generations” can be attributed to several major factors. The fi rst generation(of the 1990s) included many university students that were“shocked” and angered by political events and economic transformations taking place at that time and thus became attracted to the movement and to what the ideas of Jihadi Sala fi sm offered. Furthermore, this period was the period where the movement was still forming and evolving; it had not reached the level of confrontation with the regime that would take place later. 137 Furthermore, the members of the movement prohibit music of any kind, particularly lyrical music. They do not watch television except to monitor the news, and even this is done under strict conditions. They do not participate in mass, public or social events that they believe violate the codes set by Islamic law( Sharia), for example, mixed events where women are not segregated from men. They are also extreme in their position about non-Muslim minorities, based on their interpretation of the doctrine of“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a” (Loyalty and Disavowal). Some go so far as not sending their children to public schools, because they do not consider it enough of an Islamic education. Some believe that the state educational curriculum not only does not give a proper Islamic education, but actually works to instil blasphemous concepts such as nationalism, democracy and other“corrupt” values into students. Indeed, with regard to this particular subject, Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi wrote a book entitled “Preparing the Knights to Abandon Corruption Learnt in Schools”. It is likely that these strict social postures have also limited the movement’s ability to integrate socially, or for society to accept its radical ideas and extreme views. Many members in the movement actually end up entering into“confrontations” with their families when they try to impose their ways on them. By closely reviewing cases tried by the National Security Court and arrest and prosecution records, one fi nds that the“Community of Muwahiddin” is mainly made up of two generations – that is if we skip the“ fi rst” generation that participated in the Afghani Jihad and joined the movement later. The fi rst generation began to appear in the decade of the 1990s, during the period when the movement and smaller groups orbiting the movement began to fl ourish. The second generation began to emerge in the beginning of the 21 st century and is mostly comprised of men much younger than those in the fi rst generation. 136 -3The“Community of the Muwahiddin” (the Unitarians): The Community’s Social Structure and General Features The fi rst feature: The“Community of the Muwahiddin”(as the Jihadi Sala fi sts prefer to call themselves), in Jordan, can best be characterized as a community that is“closed” in on itself. Their form of advocating the word(calling/ da’wa) and their ideas, and their adoption of a political posture that is“extreme” in its opposition to the prevailing political situation in the Arab and Islamic world, in particular, and to the West, in general, also entails that they tend to adopt social and religious postures that are extreme, as well. For example, they adhere to a strict religious code in their attire, where their women cover their faces and they all adhere to a code of attire and physical appearance that they believe is the way that the Prophet(the Prophet’s Sunna) and His Companions dressed and looked – i.e. for the men it can be in the length of their beards and in lining their eyes with kohl. Some members even grow their hair, wear long loose shirts that extend to below the knees over baggy pants and place a skullcap on their heads. Members of the movement also adhere to a very strict behavioural code. Their community is characterized by a high level of selfmonitoring, where anyone who violates this code of behaviour is chastised by his own community. Indeed, any measure of individual and personal freedom has faded in this regard, with the individual always strictly monitored and under a kind of behavioural surveillance by his/her community. 135 What remains to be said is that, due to the secretive and closed nature of these groups, in particular, and of the entire Jihadi Sala fi st movement, in general, the dominant feature in the structure and operational linkages that characterizes the movement is the individual relationship based on personal trust. It is obvious, as proven through numerous incidents and cases, that the connection between areas, communities, relatives and friends plays a fundamental role in the consensus-building required in forming an underground group willing to risk and undertake subversive activities. 138 134 prominent examples of this kind of organizational coordination are found in the case of the“Cells” organization in 2002; the attempted assassination of a Jordanian intelligence of fi cer in 2004, the attack on the intelligence of fi ces in the Baqa’a in 1994 and other similarscale operations attempted by small groups like the Mafraq Group in 2003. Another type of operational linkage speci fi c to the movement is a form that clearly expanded after Zarqawi left Jordan and before he settled in Iraq. This type of organizational linking entails coordinating between the leadership outside and a small group or groups inside Jordan, where a commander or some form of command outside the country(most of the time this was done by Zarqawi himself, or some other persons), plan, fund and coordinate an operation or operations that are then implemented by a local group. According to trial documents and National Security Court archives, the assassination of the American diplomat Lawrence Foley was carried out in this fashion, as were the operations attributed to the“Reform and Challenge” group. 137 There is yet another form of organizational linking that is similar in kind to the latter; however, in this operational structure the external command not only plans and coordinates, but also aids in the logistics and implementation of operations by sending individuals to Jordan to network with local groups or individuals. Examples of this type of organizational linking are the cases linked to“Ansar al-Islam” and the “Millennium Group”, amongst others. In other circumstances, the planners and implementers both come from the outside in order to ensure no security breaches can take place during the process and local security services remain in the dark. These operations are actually implemented without any direct assistance from the local movement or its members. The most prominent examples of this type of operation are the Amman Hotel Bombings and the Aqaba Bombings. However, even in the latter cases, it is very possible and quite likely that there was some sort of underground logistical support from local movement members to facilitate these operations, such as information gathering, scouting potential locations or facilitating the passage or safe shelter for the individuals delegated with the task of carrying out the operations. 133 groups scattered throughout different areas. Some of its members enjoy a symbolic and moral command of sorts, which gives them in fl uence and authority within these groups; however, this authority or in fl uence is neither structured nor de fi ned. Indeed, the‘rebellious’, ‘radical’, rigid and anxious nature of the individuals in the movement means that internal con fl icts, disagreements and suspicions about others is a natural and regular occurrence – and leads to the emergence of disparate wings, diverse opinions and differences within the overall framework of the movement. In any case, the overall image of the movement, in its“hard core” form, is distinguished to a great degree by the credibility and level of trust it enjoys in the eyes of its members, groups and small communities orbiting around or closely linked to it – starting with those closest, most supportive and most loyal to the movement all the way to its immediate environs, which hosts new and potential recruits, members, supporters and allies for the movement. Meanwhile, communicating within the movement is conducted on a direct, individual-to-individual basis; and this one-to-one communication line is the main method used for networking and for transmitting information, plans and positions from one member to another. On the other hand, the framework and formulas in which the germination of individuals, groups or organizations that cooperate or become linked to the movement’s militant activism and operations is quite varied: One form of this‘organizational linking’ is primitive and spontaneous. This kind of‘coordination’ entails that a certain group from a certain area calls on another person or group from another area, through a network of personal relations. Through this small-scale linking, they may decide to carry out a certain operation or operations on the spot, without any prior coordination with any other group or anyone else in the movement. This kind of organizational linking and coordination is characterized by limited planning, preparation and methodology, as well as limited fi nancing. And, most of the time, security services succeed in aborting these kinds of missions before they can actually take place – although some have met with certain, limited success. The most 132 -2The Movement’s Image and Organizational Links According to the indices, data and testimonies available, the number of individuals who are‘permanent’ members of al-Qaeda or have a close relationship to it, or are regularly active in organizational or other forms, is quite limited. In general, Jihadi Sala fi sm represents the core of the intellectual structure for the overall ideology and vision of al-Qaeda; and the members of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement can be considered the“store of human stock” that represents the organizational spine that supports al-Qaeda and supplies it with candidates for its operations and other activities. Through their activities and advocacy, the members of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement are, indeed, a fundamental instrument in recruiting others for al-Qaeda, or for in fl uencing public opinion in favour of alQaeda’s positions and views – notwithstanding that the movement acts as the social breeding ground for al-Qaeda in many other countries and communities. In light of this introduction, the rudimentary formula behind the relationship between the members and followers of this movement and al-Qaeda, in the Jordanian case at least, is generally represented by a shared ideology, theory and existential sympathy; and, at times, this is represented in the form of recruiting members, advocating and mobilizing support for al-Qaeda, its activities and operations. In terms of its organizational structure, the movement does not have a hierarchical structure or institutional nature. It is rather loose and gelatinous in its structure, and is based on assorted gatherings and 131 actively participate in the movement – although many do so in a most secretive manner and without unduly exposing themselves to others. It is without a doubt that the security services’ crackdowns, arrests and heavy surveillance have their share of in fl uence on the fl uctuations in the size and proliferation of the movement from one period to the next. Every time the security‘noose’ is tightened around the movement, many of its followers and individuals leave the movement; and the size keeps on shrinking until the security services loosen their reigns, at which time the movement begins to expand all over again. 130 claimed that the movement had around 800 active members at the turn of the 21 st century; however, it appears that the situation and the numbers clearly changed after the occupation of Iraq, which created fertile political grounds for the movement. Furthermore, the fl ourishing“Electronic Jihad” and the numerous sites tied to al-Qaeda and Jihadi ideology and thinking that have sprung up on the internet have helped create new communication channels and instruments for mobilizing support and enhancing the movement’s presence. Of fi cial sources have disclosed fi gures that show almost 1,000 individuals got involved in the fi ghting in Iraq during the war and after the occupation. And, if it is problematic to claim that all these individuals were members or supporters of the movement, the ability and success of the Iraqi al-Qaeda in absorbing and mobilizing newcomers in the past likely helped in converting a large number of returnees to Jihadi Sala fi sm and its religious and political postures. 136 Other indicators that help form a better picture about the size of this phenomenon and the extent of its proliferation are certain social occasions speci fi c to the members and supporters of the movement, such as funerals and wakes, weddings and certain religious occasions(such as Friday sermons and special sermons during Eid). Furthermore, the members of this movement are careful in maintaining a certain physical appearance, such as certain robegowns, the kind of beards that they don and so on. All in all, persons present at some of these“occasions” estimate that the number of the movement’s members as reaching anywhere from between 1,000 to 2,000 individuals, which is an estimate quite similar to the of fi cial estimate. Another essential factor to keep in mind when considering the size and proliferation of the movement is that it has never been of one speci fi c size or number. The movement is made up of groups that tend to vary and fl uctuate. These groups may expand suddenly, and shrink in size or disintegrate just as quickly. Furthermore, not every member or supporter has the same level of commitment to the movement’s vision, political positions and religious and social views. There are believers and sympathizers; there are people who become temporarily involved; and there are those who strongly believe and 129 individual acts that went to trial(for example, Muammar al-Jaghbir, who was tried in the case of the Foley assassination and for slander, etc.). The city of Irbid has also witnessed the presence of this phenomenon, especially in the(Palestinian) refugee camps in that city where several individuals, who are either from the movement or are sympathizers with the movement have been arrested. Indeed, this city and its outlying camps have had their share of their manifestations of Jihadi Sala fi sm. The city of Ma’an has also had its share in this phenomenon, as well as its share in arrests of individuals belonging to the movement. Several incidents bear witness to the movement’s presence and proliferation in Ma’an in the form of groups, which carry the Jihadi Sala fi st ideology and advocate its way of thinking. Several of the sons of Ma’an have been charged in cases tried before the national security courts; and, members of the movement have attempted to carry out numerous(yet limited) operations in Ma’an in the past few years. 135 In the meantime, the level of the social presence of the movement in the city of Amman is not as clear – although numerous incidents and cases indicate that this presence does exist(such as the incidents involving the“Cells” organization and“The Army of Mohammad,” particularly in the Wihdat Palestinian refugee camp). What presence there is seems to be concentrated mainly in Eastern and Southern Amman, with almost no traces to be found in Western Amman, which is a more economically wealthy area with higher income neighbourhoods. The movement’s presence in other areas is also not so clear in public and social settings, such as the Mafraq district and the Baqa’a refugee camp(where the“Afghani Jordanians” actually tried to blow up the Baqa’a intelligence of fi ces). It is dif fi cult to estimate the size of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan with little evidence and documentation to corroborate a de fi nitive number for its membership. Some of fi cial sources have 128 –1 – The Geography of Expansion and Evolution There is a general consensus among those close to the movement and those who closely monitor its activities that the movement’s heaviest concentration and highest rate of expansion can be seen in fi ve principle areas and cities; these include several areas in the capital Amman(particularly areas in East Amman that are of a more popular character) and the cities of Zarqa, al-Salt, Ma’an and Irbid. This deduction is veri fi ed by several indicators, the most important of which are the number of arrests, incidents and cases having to do with state security or with participating in armed struggles outside the country. The city of Zarqa is considered the movement’s principle stronghold and one of the cities where the movement has a particularly large presence. Indeed, the nucleus of what later became known as the “ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam) group formed there; and both, al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi as well as many of their comrades were residents of Zarqa. The importance of this city for the movement is clear in the sheer numbers of cases and individuals from Zarqa, who have been tried in the national security courts, as well as in the number of arrests and prosecutions of individuals from there, and the number of volunteers who left Zarqa to fi ght in the Jihad outside Jordan. Sharing this status is the city of al-Salt, where numerous individuals have been tried in the national security courts(for operations such as the attempted assassination of a Jordanian intelligence of fi cer), while others fought in Iraq, or have been arrested, or have committed 127 and towns that have witnessed a larger percentage of incidents and cases related to the Jihadi Sala fi st movement. Finally, we will track several testimonies and personal accounts of people close to the movement or who monitor its activities and membership. Prior to proceeding to the next section of this study, it is important to note that we are not dealing with an institutional or hierarchical phenomenon, or groups of individuals that work out in the open, that one can meet with and speak to in public, or in an open and uninhibited way. For, in addition to the secrecy and gelatinous nature of the movement, the security surveillance that the movement is subject to makes the task of this kind of research and of producing concrete data, criteria and conclusions all the more dif fi cult. This task is further complicated by the fact that the state does not have proper databases of information on the movement, which means clear indices, precise data and exact numbers are either inaccessible or not available at all. On the contrary, there is a palpable shortfall in the information and databases available and in use today; furthermore, whatever little information is available has a tendency to be‘of fi cially monopolized’. In light of these conditions and taking all these factors into consideration, the next section of the study will attempt to cover the following central themes: - The geography of the movement’s expansion and evolution; - The movement’s organizational structure and nature; - The social characteristics and features of the movement’s members and supporters; - The causes and conditions that led to the rise and expansion of the movement; - The movement’s methodology and the instruments used in its recruitment and mobilization. 126 Despite the fact that Jihadi Sala fi sm has been able to secure a foothold in the Jordanian social and political scene and, in the past few years, was able to make a signi fi cant presence for itself, it has not been able to penetrate the core of society and its social fabric. Nor has the movement become‘socially acceptable’ or perceived as legitimate in the eyes of mainstream society. Instead, it has managed to remain active and effective only at the margins of society, where it is able to target and in fl uence angry, discontented young men that ache for a fundamental change in their reality. In this part of the study, we will take a closer and more in-depth look at the nature of the society of the“ Muwahiddin”(the Unitarians, as the followers of this movement prefer to call themselves), and at the geographic and social pockets that represent their greatest concentration. The study will attempt to acquire a better understanding of their social characteristics, the nature of their organization and their activism as well as the instruments and methodologies they use to recruit followers and mobilize support. It will also look at and analyze the conditions that have assisted in their rise and evolution as movement and in the expansion of their activities in certain communities. We will attempt to analyze and determine the numerous variables and indicators tied to certain social characteristics and features of the movement and its members. At the fore of this analysis, we will look at the general social characteristics and features of the individuals who have been tried before the Jordanian National Security Court; fi rst, by conducting a general overview of the national security cases tried before the courts; and second, by looking at the cities 125 The Geography, the Movement, its Social Characteristics and its Methodology for Mobilization conditions. He used religious scholarship( fi qh) to rationalize and specify these conditions and the use of certain instruments or approaches by Jihadi groups in a book he wrote, entitled“Taking Pause at the Fruits of Jihad.” Although Abu Qatada al-Falastini agrees with al-Maqdisi on prioritizing the fi ght against the Arab and Islamic governments and regimes, he warns against neglecting the battle against the‘outside’ enemy(the United States of America and other countries that are “enemies” of Islam). He insists that, although the priority is for fi ghting the enemy‘within’ as represented by the Arab and Islamic regimes, there is a connection between the two(enemies); for, the Arab and Islamic regimes would not exist without the support of the foreign regimes. 133 In drawing the broad lines of the long-term strategy for Jihadi groups and movements in overthrowing the Arab governments and changing the prevailing reality, Abu Qatada differentiates between the“Spiteful Thorn” and the“Empowering Thorn” wherein he states that there is no doubt that, in the beginning, the confrontation with the regimes must be carried out using the“Spiteful Thorn”; and this stage will entail an accelerating use of violence that utilizes a gang-warfare approach. Afterwards, the stage of“Empowerment” will come, in which the people will be governed by Islam by all means and with the use of force if need be; he says,“Reaching the stage of‘Empowerment’ by means of the repeated use of the method and tactics of the‘Spiteful Thorn’ does not mean we are concerned with satisfying the people by providing them with housing, bread and employment. We are not in need of getting their approval or their blessing on how they are governed and with what they are governed... For, our Emir will govern over them, whether they like it or not. And, we will govern over them with Islam. And, we will decapitate the head raised in opposition to this, because we have been empowered by God alone; and we will not reach ‘Empowerment’ by way of a decision from a white house or a black one, but rather through our faith in and worship of God alone and through our disavowal of all the Oppressors( Tawagheet) on this earth.” 134 122 practical conditions and requirements necessary for initiating Jihadi activities? Finally, much debate has ensued around issues such as what methods and approaches should be adopted in implementing their work, for example, should they be using suicide operations, and what are the parameters of the theory of “ Tataross”[the‘barricade’/‘barricading’ principle in certain Islamic religious scholarship or interpretation where the death of civilians is exonerated if they happen to be present at a legitimate target (i.e. legitimizes certain civilian collateral damages)] as well as other such problematic issues. From his point of view, Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi emphasizes the necessity, centrality and duty of Jihad in the change process, but in the context of giving priority to fi ghting the Arab governments and regimes. 130 He justi fi es this priority with the rationale that these governments and regimes are apostate and blasphemous; however, he adds one very signi fi cant condition which is: It is necessary to create the conditions necessary for the Jihad, or creating a“base for the Jihad” that can actually cope with the armed struggle, its needs and its rami fi cations. In his opinion, therefore, the Jihad must be preceded by a phase of calling( da’wa) people forth to the creed of Jihadi Sala fi sm and creating the appropriate conditions and grounds necessary for it. 131 Despite al-Maqdisi’s espousal of the idea of working as a movement or group on preparing the‘social’ grounds in the strategic design for achieving comprehensive and complete change, he supports and endorses individual acts of Jihad; he says,“This fi eld of work requires a focused group effort that is serious and complementary, and which requires preparation, planning and logistics before all other types of work. And it is this work that should be given priority over individual efforts. However, in saying that, it does not mean that the importance of individual efforts(in the Jihad) should be negated; that is, if those efforts are based on a proper paradigm, and are based in sound religious scholarship, a realistic vision and in a balanced knowledge of what is good and what is evil.” 132 As previously stated, although al-Maqdisi did give license to suicide missions or operations, he refused their extensive use and insisted that they be carried out only under certain, speci fi c 121 The literature of Abdullah Azzam was particularly important in establishing and empowering the importance and centrality of the notion of Jihad in the change process, and in rooting this strategy within contemporary Islamist activism. Azzam’s writings emphasized that the path of Jihad was one that could not be avoided, even if it was the more dif fi cult and more costly path. However, Azzam’s literature, and, in more general terms, his real life experience were focused on confronting(foreign) military occupations(especially in Afghanistan), and, on several and speci fi c occasions, focused on the role of“Jihad” in confronting governments of“Ignorance”( Jahiliya). However, he was a follower of the school of thought to which the Muslim Brotherhood belongs, and in speci fi c, the Qutbian school of thought(based on the teachings and scholarship of Sayyid Qutb) that never went as far in its convictions as the Jihadi Sala fi st school that views Jihad as the “only” path, even on the internal front. 127 Abu Qatada also played a very signi fi cant role in positioning Jihad at the core of the Jihadi Sala fi st ideology, and in introducing the movement’s theoretical and political identity into local and international political contexts; he says,“The foundations of blasphemy, in all its forms, cannot be shaken or cast out except through armed struggle.” 128 Abu Qatada continues to the point that the obligation and duty of Jihad is upon“every Muslim in the Islamic world”, or what he calls Dar al-Rida(the“House of Apostasy”) in order to“restore the era of unity for the world community of Muslims that has been displaced and dispersed, or, in other words, to restore the lost state of the Caliphate”. 129 Despite the global agreement between all the scholars and theorists of Jihadi Sala fi sm on the“obligation and duty of Jihad,” and on Jihad being the only strategy to bring about the required change, they differ on many key issues within this scope. Of these issues, the most prominent is the question of priority: Was Jihad to be carried out against the enemy‘within’(the Arab and Islamic governments and states) or the‘outside’ enemy(the United States of America and the West)? Other points of contention include the questions of what scale is the Jihad to be, and what are the 120 in the work of the Jihad – either in the calling to Jihad or in partaking in it, or working for it. One may not be released from this obligation and duty without proper(Islamic) legal cause – for example, to be exempt of this obligation and duty, a person must fi t the speci fi c criteria of one of the legal exemptions de fi ned by the gracious law ( Sharia). For any notion or ideal cannot materialize in this life except through the work of the‘ Jama’ah’(the‘brotherhood’ of Muslims,) who are the fi rst brick in the structure of implementing any work or any task.” 126 Eighth: The Jihad: The Ideological Backbone of the Movement “Al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism) and the Jihad are the two fundamental cornerstones used by the movement’s scholars and theorists in de fi ning the speci fi c identity of Jihadi Sala fi sm. Indeed, these two distinguishing features are the main elements used in differentiating this movement from all the other movements and groups. Pure, unadulterated Tawhid is the creed that every individual in the movement carries with him. Indeed, this notion or creed is positioned within a political framework that is inextricably tied in with the principle of governance by Islamic law( Sharia); and is therefore also tied in with the disavowal as blasphemous of all leaders, who do not govern with Islamic law( Sharia), and all laws that violate it(the Sharia). And, since reality today is as such, a“(An Age of Ignorance) al-Jahiliya” and“ al-Taghout”(Rule of the Impure, of False Deities) has prevailed. Therefore, the only strategy that will be effective in bringing about the required change and establish the Islamic state(the Caliphate) is the strategy of“Jihad under the standard of the illuminating light of‘ al-Tawhid’.” Based on the latter view, the scholars and theorists of Jihadi Sala fi sm reject any other path or instrument for effecting change, whether it be parliaments, political parties or any other doctrine or creed that has any kind of direct or indirect contact with the “political impurity and tyranny”(“ al-Taghout”) that governs Islamic countries today. 119 Abu Qatada agrees with al-Maqdisi’s view, pointing to the Prophetic identi fi cation of Jihad with this sect; Abu Qatada says, “These Hadith(Prophetic sayings) indicate that the‘Victorious Sect’, praised by the Messenger of God(May God’s Blessings Be Upon Him) has as its prerequisite, or identifying mark, its willingness to fi ght for the sake of God and for the triumph of His religion. And, it is a sect that remains steadfast throughout time, and it is a sect whose presence has never been interrupted... It stands by the truth; and thus, its followers are the followers of the righteous“ Salaf”(the “Righteous Predecessors” or“Righteous ancestors”). It is guided only by the Holy Book and the Sunna; and it rejects the strange and is pure in its commitment to the truth.” 123 By emphasizing the prerequisite or precondition of Jihad in identifying the“Victorious Sect”, it is evident that both Abu Qatada and al-Maqdisi aim to show that Jihadi Sala fi sm has a distinct identity. At the same time, they use the same rationale to delegitimize other groups and movements. Indeed, Abu Qatada uses this reasoning to in fl ict his assault on the Muslim Brotherhood, traditional Sala fi sts and other groups because they have neglected to adopt the Jihad as a fundamental cornerstone in their ideology and practice; and, in his opinion, the cause for their deviation is due to these groups of Sala fi sts’ incomplete espousal of the Islamic paradigm and model. 124 To further prove that Jihadi Sala fi sm is the only legitimate representation of the“Victorious Sect” today, Abu Qatada and alMaqdisi have aggressively attacked any Islamist groups(who, in their opinion, are in violation of these basic principles), from the traditional Sala fi sts to the Muslim Brotherhood, and anyone else who differs with and from the Jihadi Sala fi sts. 125 Finally and in summary, Abu Qatada reaches the conclusion that not engaging in the ranks of the Jihadi Sala fi st groups is actually not an option. Abu Qatada emphasizes that the religion will not triumph except through their presence; he says,“Muslims must realize that joining these groups is a self-evident truth, and not a seasonal event. It is an obligation and duty for each and every Muslim; for it is the obligation and duty of every Muslim to partake 118 who acts the blasphemy of the stranger(non-Muslim). Thus, it is obligatory to fi ght these enemies in order to restore“Dar al-Islam”; he says,“If the ruler commits apostasy, it becomes legal and obligatory for all Muslims, without exception and without excuse, to rise up against him and oust him... And this provision, or ruling, has been agreed to by every sect in the family of the Sunna, without exception or debate. For the domination of the apostates(those who were Muslim but have blasphemed) over the lands of the Muslims is due to the original blasphemers(foreigners/strangers, i.e. Westerners) who entered Muslim lands with their thorns; and, it matters not whether they are original blasphemers or apostates, fi ghting them both until God’s religion is restored is a duty and obligation for all, without exception... And the swords will come out blazing from their sheathes, and the shrine will be preserved, and the enemy will be shamed and defeated.” 119 In his opinion, due to the blasphemy and the apostasy of all the contemporary Arab and Islamic regimes and the fact that the Umma (the world community of Muslims) has gone astray, Abu Qatada reaches the conclusion that the obligation of Jihad and the armed struggle today is necessary in order to restore the chaste“ Dar al-Islam” and the Caliphate. Also, in his view, the blasphemy and apostasy that has permeated throughout these countries is due to the triumph of blasphemous democracy and its ungodly laws over God’s law( Sharia) and to the battle being waged against Islam and Muslims. 120 Seventh: The“ Victorious Sect”: How the Movement Distinguishes Itself from other Islamist Movements The scholars and theorists of Jihadi Sala fi sm use the term the “Victorious Sect” and stories of the Prophet to emphasize the unique authority and legitimacy of this“Sect” to which the Jihadi Sala fi sts believe they belong. 121 Al-Maqdisi describes this sect as follows,“It is the sect that represents the followers of this religion in every era; and it is the sect of the Jihad and of the armed struggle; it strives to make triumphant God’s religion over everything else and to make His religion victorious in all manners of victory.” 122 117 ideology is to besiege the Arab and Islamic governments, overturn them and establish the Caliphate state in which Islamic law( Sharia) will fi nally be applied. This fi nal goal can only be accomplished, in their opinion, by a strategy of armed Jihad, which will pass through different, progressive phases that ultimately will lead to the achievement of the political objectives that the movement strives for. Al-Maqdisi introduces the concept of“ Dar al-Islam” and“ Dar al-Kufr” as follows,“In accordance with the opinions of religious scholars( fuqaha’a), we call the‘House’( dar) that upholds blasphemy, and in which the majority of its members are blasphemers and their ways and laws are blasphemous as‘ Dar al-Kufr’(the‘House of Blasphemy’). On the other hand, the term‘Dar al-Islam’(the‘House of Islam’) is used to de fi ne the‘House’( dar) in which the laws and ways of Islam are upheld; and even if the majority of the members of this‘House’ happen to be blasphemers, they are still obliged and subject to Islamic law – it is the‘House’ in which Islamic law is safeguarded and maintained...” 116 Al-Maqdisi fi nishes the statement with the opinion that the majority of states in the world today fall under the category of what is called the“ Dar al-Kufr”, whether or not they are original(i.e. foreign, non-Muslim by origin) blasphemers, but“just by virtue of being a resident of this‘House’ does not necessarily entail that one is a blasphemer”. 117 From the point of view of Abu Qatada, the Islamic world today can be described as both“ Dar al-Islam” and“Dar al-Kufr,” based on the fact that the kin of these“House” are in origin Muslim; however blasphemy has emerged amongst its kin. He says,“The‘House’ of the Muslims, which has submitted to the rule of blasphemy is a ‘House’ that fi ts both descriptions, that of‘ Dar al-Kufr’ and that of ‘ Dar al-Islam’. In other words, each person in this‘House’ can be categorized thus: the Muslim is Muslim and the blasphemer is the blasphemer; and the origins of all its kin is Islam, whether or not this condition is manifest or latent.” 118 However, on the other hand, Abu Qatada sees that the“House” can transform from a House of“ Islam” to a House of“ Kufr”(Blasphemy) if it is dominated by an external enemy, of blasphemous origins (originally non-Muslim) or if it is dominated by an internal enemy 116 individuals in the movement, and for stressing and reinforcing their link to the ideology of Jihadi Sala fi sm as the only true and proper doctrine in the face of those who violate the true faith. This strategy perhaps reveals the premise for the attack Abu Qatada launched against the American-led effort to create or produce“Moderate Islam”; on this matter he says,“Because Islam is the historical enemy of those who represent Satan on this earth... The enemy found“Moderated Islam” as a means with which to deal with(the true) Islam; and this means an Islam that is devoid of its content and the essence of the doctrine of‘ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a’, of which one of its applications is the Jihad for the sake of God Almighty – and it is the core and essence of this doctrine... It is an Islam‘moderated’ on the basis of co-existing with the other; not the co-existence of one equal with the other or a reciprocal coexistence, but rather the co-existence between the slave and his master.” 115 Sixth: Distinguishing between“ Dar al-Islam”(the House of Islam) and“ Dar al-Kufr”(the House of Blasphemy) to Substantiate Religious Rulings and Legal Opinions In line with the other central concepts governing the discourse of Jihadi Sala fi sm is their way of separating countries and communities into two camps: Those that belong to the“ Dar al-Islam”(the“House of Islam”) and those that belong to“ Dar al-Kufr”(the“House of Blasphemy”). The objective in recalling this Islamic tradition and applying it to today’s reality is, on the one hand, to ensure that the‘façade’ of authority and legitimacy of several contemporary Arab and Islamic countries and governments is exposed, and on the other to justify and substantiate certain provisions, rulings and religious opinions( fatwas) regarding the Jihad and the armed struggle against these governments. Judging contemporary Arab and Islamic regimes as blasphemous, and the accusation that“ Dar al-Islam” has been overrun by blasphemy, is the basis and core justi fi cation for the Jihadi Sala fi st revolutionary ideology’s notion of Jihad and the armed struggle. Indeed, the ultimate objective delineated in this revolutionary 115 worship and all that you follow without God’... Say,‘I disavow and am innocent of all your laws, your paradigms and models, your constitutions, your petty principles... your governments, your courts, your slogans and your rotting media’. Say,‘We disavow you as blasphemous and the confrontation and loathing between you and us has begun and will forever continue until you believe in God alone’”. 112 Al-Maqdisi places the essence of what is meant by“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a” at the center of the requirements of“ al-Tawhid” and the Muslim faith; and this‘essence’ entails two domains:“First: The disavowal of and innocence from the oppressors and all false deities worshipped other than God Almighty. This disavowal is a disavowal as blasphemous; and this disavowal cannot be deferred and cannot be delayed... It must be revealed and declared from the start. Second: The disavowal of and innocence from idolatrous nations and the people in themselves if they insist on continuing in their path of delusion and error.” 113 Abu Qatada also places much emphasis on the principle of“ alWala’a wal Bara’a” and its importance in distinguishing between a Muslim and a blasphemer – a distinction which is inherent in the principle, in its requirements and in its provisions; he says,“Of the requirements inherent in the doctrine of‘ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a’ is the Muslim’s obligation to confront as an enemy all blasphemers and hypocrites, no matter their nationality, race or language. For, in this matter there are only two camps: The fi rst camp is of the faithful and the community of‘ Muwahhidin’(Unitarians), no matter their race, colour or language – whether they be Arab or non-Arab –; and the other camp is of the blasphemers and hypocrites, no matter their race, colour or language – whether they be Arab or Jew or Christian or of a sect deviant from the righteous path, or followers of the misguided, such as‘ al-Ra fi da’(a negative term used by some Sunnis for the Shiites), and other modern blasphemous sects such as the Nationalists and the Baathists.” 114 What is evident in the discussions and deliberations of both alMaqdisi and Abu Qatada around this principle of“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a” is that both utilize it for the purpose of rousing and mobilizing 114 Fifth:“ Al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal) in the Movement’s Politics and in Reinforcing Loyalty The principle of“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal) also represents a central concept for the followers of Jihadi Sala fi sm. The general meaning behind this notion is in its fi rst part: “Al-Wala’a” or“Loyalty”, which is the commitment to the emotion and the conduct of loving God, ones’ parents, all Muslims who are truly committed and of the community of“ Muwahhidin”(the Unitarians, or believers in the one God; the true adherents of“ alTawhid”); and in its second part,“ Al-Bara’a” or“Disavowal”, which entails disavowing and targeting as enemies all those who commit “ al-Taghout”, all idolaters and sinners, and all those who go against and violate the laws of God Almighty( Sharia). Jihadi Sala fi st literature considers“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a” as one of the key concepts connected to the doctrine of Islam; for them, it represents a principle criteria for measuring the extent of the sincerity and genuineness of a Muslim’s faith and his/her commitment to Islam. Indeed, the importance and centrality of this concept in the Jihadi Sala fi st discourse is evident in a book written and published by alMaqdisi dedicated entirely to a meticulously detailed explanation of this concept, in content and in essence, to the members and supporters of the movement – the book has also been readily available to the general public. The book, entitled,“Abraham’s Creed:(and the Ways in which the Oppressors Dilute It)” is introduced with revolutionary terminology, equivalent to a call to relentlessly awaken and arouse the emotions of individuals, and persuade them to persevere in their adherence to the ideology of Jihadi Sala fi sm. In it, al-Maqdisi says,“Disavow ( al-Bara’a) the Oppressors( Tawagheet) of every time and of every place… these oppressors – rulers, emirs, caesars, chieftains, pharaohs and kings – and their injudicious counselors and scholars, their guardians, their armies, their police, their bodyguards and their intelligence and security apparatuses. Say to all of them, once and for all,‘I am innocent of you’(I disavow you) and all your ungodly 113 omnipotence and right of God in faith and in law; he says,“The one who commits what is called‘ al-Taghout’ is any one person who positions him/herself as a legislator in juxtaposition with God; whether he/she is governor or governed; or whether he/she is a representative in the legislative authority or allows another to represent him/her by election... Because, by doing so, he/she has violated the boundaries and limits created by God Almighty as he/ she was created as a slave(servant) of God.” 108 Al-Maqdisi is critical of all Islamist movements that commit to or abide by democracy and statutory law, such as the Muslim Brotherhood; he says,“Their strongest form of resistance for them is this‘legal’ opposition that they carry on with, without violating or overstepping the state’s law... For them,‘ al-Taghout’ is in itself inviolable, untouchable; they dare not approach it.” 109 Abu Qatada al-Falastini’s position on the matter is no different from that of al-Maqdisi. He also disavows as blasphemous those who govern or are governed by“ al-Taghout”, and considers all the rulers and leaders in the Islamic world today as“ Tawagheet”(in this sense,“Oppressors; Tyrants”), guilty of committing“ al-Taghout” by replacing Islamic law with the statutory laws through which they govern; he says,“Those who renounce God are those who claim and allege that they are of the faithful, meanwhile they submit to governing or being governed with that which is not the rule of God; for, this is what God Almighty calls‘ al-Taghout’... Therefore, those governors or rulers who have substituted the Law of the Merciful are indeed blasphemers and apostates.” 110 Thus, Abu Qatada makes it obligatory to fi ght and carry out the Jihad against those guilty of committing“ al-Taghout”, and calls on Muslims to claim innocence of them and disavow them. He says, “We will continue to celebrate and declare our joy at every act of Jihad in which the blasphemous are fought, killed or tormented... We will continue to celebrate and declare our joy at every act of martyrdom in which any of the bastions of those who have committed‘ al-Taghout’ are destroyed, and at every splendid act in which those who have committed‘ al-Taghout’ are repulsed.” 111 112 In his role as scholar and theorist, al-Maqdisi takes“ al-Taghout” to a new dimension in the literature of Jihadi Sala fi sm by his extensive use of this notion in his discourse, and by extending it to all those who govern or are governed by that which is not Islamic law( Sharia). He considers this a principle condition and tenet of the faith, and relates it to the kind of blasphemy of which ignorance cannot be excused – even if the one who is committing this sin is weak and lacks knowledge. He says,“If one cannot change this reality or declare one’s innocence of them, or reveal the blasphemy in their laws, and cannot call on the people to do the same, then one must, at the very least, disavow this‘ Taghout’ for oneself, and be innocent of its kin and its guardians in order to ful fi l the requirement of‘ al-Tawhid’, which is the right of God over his slaves(servants). And, teach your children that it is blasphemous and to loathe it; teach them loyalty to God, His Messenger, His laws, His wisdom and His judgment, and to His faithful. Teach them to disavow all those who govern by this‘ Taghout’ and in whom‘ al-Taghout’ has become instilled. Teach them to loathe all those who defend it, protect it and enslave the people in it – from governments to emirs, to presidents, kings or armies and the rest – even if they may be of the closest relations.” 105 Accordingly, al-Maqdisi considers disavowing state constitutions and statutory laws as blasphemous as part of the requirements of“ al-Tawhid”; he says,“You are required, before anything else, to disavow this‘ Taghout’ – the constitution and its laws – as blasphemous; to loathe it, to fi ght it and to claim innocence of it; to not consent to or surrender to anything but the rule and governance of God alone; so that you may ful fi l the true meaning of‘There is no God but God’”. 106 Al-Maqdisi stresses that“ al-Taghout” covers all state legislation and laws; he says,“It is blatant idolatry to submit to‘ al-Taghout’; and‘ al-Taghout’ includes every legislation other than that of God Almighty.” 107 Furthermore, according to al-Maqdisi,“ al-Taghout” does not include only the governor and the governed, but also any person who violates the boundaries and limits set(by the faith) and the 111 to be governed by that which was not sent forth by God and His Messenger; and those who follow all that which is not sent forth by God and His Messenger, and follow a path not set forth by God’s wisdom and judgment, or obey without knowing that obedience is only for God... These are the ones who commit the blasphemy of ‘ al-Taghout’ amongst the people. And, if I re fl ect upon this(sin) and re fl ect upon the situation of the people, I see that more forego the worship of God than those that follow‘ al-Taghout’, and leave the governance and rule of God and His Messenger to be governed and ruled by‘ al-Taghout’; and forego obedience and adherence to His Prophet to obey and follow‘ al-Taghout’.” 103 Many statements and declarations by all of Sayyid Qutb, Abdullah Azzam, al-Maqdisi and Abu Qatada emphasize the correlation between“ al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism) and the signi fi cance of the“ Kufr al-Taghout”(the blasphemy of Impurity; of False Deities). In terms of the political dimension of“ Kufr al-Taghout,” it includes all those persons who claim and take on the right to legislate and govern with that which was not sent forth by God, in addition to all the regimes, the legislation, the laws, the provisions and any traditions that are not in accordance with Islamic law(Sharia). It appears that the manifest objective of focusing on this notion is to justify stripping away, at the roots, the façade of religious and political authority claimed by contemporary Arab and Islamic governments and, establishing another legal standard tied to notion of the Islamic state and in the Caliphate. On this subject, Abdullah Azzam states,“God has equated governing by‘ al-Taghout’(that which is impure, rule of false deities) as believing in it; and there is no doubt that believing in‘ al-Taghout’ is blaspheming God; and disavowing‘ al-Taghout’ as blasphemy is faith in God.” 104 Based on this opinion, anyone who is governed by that which is not the law of God( Sharia) is guilty of the sin of idolatry, as is the case for anyone who governs or rules by that which is not Islamic law( Sharia). For governing and governance are integral to the nature of‘ al-Tawhid’ and governing and governance is only for God, and the sole right of God. 110 is real, and with no doubt, a reality... Especially as it exists within this new modernity of which the“ Salaf”(the“Righteous Predecessors” or“Righteous Ancestors”) did not speak of, in order for it to be clear to the(contemporary) Umma(The world community of Muslims). For the ignorance about this reality is indeed one of the impediments to following good judgment.” 102 Fourth:“ Kufr al-Taghout”(the blasphemy of Impurity; of False Deities), and Stripping Away the“Religious and Political Façade of Authority and Legitimacy” of Contemporary States and Governments The concept of“ al-Taghout ,” which means impurity, anything worshipped other than God, i.e. all false deities, is one of the fundamental and governing principles in the discourse of Jihadi Sala fi sm. It is the concept most used and employed by the movement to justify the disavowal of contemporary Islamic regimes as blasphemous or apostate.“ Al-Taghout” covers the entire scope of legislation, regimes, laws and institutions that are not governed by Islamic law( Sharia). Indeed, the concept of“ al-Taghout” encompasses the ruler, the constitution, the laws, democracy, legislative assembles, all nationalist ideologies, nationalism, socialism, capitalism, and extends to all those individuals who are not governed by Islamic law( Sharia). For, according to the Jihadi Sala fi st interpretation, the principle of“ Kufr al-Taghout” (the blasphemy of Impurity; of False Deities) is one of the tenets inherent in“ al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism). Any form of ignorance of the principles of“ al-Tawhid” is not excused because“ al-Tawhid” is the foundation of the Prophet and all of God’s Messengers’“calling” (da’wa), in the opinion of Jihadi Sala fi sm. The principle of“ al-Taghout” is used extensively and concertedly by Jihadi Sala fi st scholars and theorists as proof against“all those who situate themselves in the status and seat of the Divine in the faith and in the rule of law.” Many of them use the de fi nition by the Islamic scholar, Shamsedine Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyhah, as a reference; he says,“’Al-Taghout’ is any slave(servant of God) who exceeds the boundaries set for the worshiper, the adherent and the obedient; for,‘ al-Taghout’ is every nation that allows itself 109 and remain innocent of statutory laws, and of the blasphemy of legislative assemblies; and, I sincerely warned them of participating in their elections.” 99 Abu Qatada reaf fi rms the“idolatry” of legislative assemblies(and their place outside Islam) by saying,“We know that parliament is an idolatrous, tyrannical assembly because, in them, is the dei fi cation of those who are not God; and, these are the legislators of the religion of secularism.” 100 Despite the fact that legislative assemblies are considered blasphemous, al-Maqdisi and Abu Qatada distinguish between those who participate in(democratic) elections while being aware of the true nature of legislative assemblies, and who nevertheless insist on voting – and who are, therefore, blaspheming; and those who participate in elections but are unaware, and therefore, are absolved of their blasphemy because of their‘ignorance’. To this effect, al-Maqdisi says,“Whoever elected them(parliamentary representatives), knowingly and for that purpose, have committed blasphemy; because they have granted these people their representation or power of attorney to represent them in a blasphemous practice; and, therefore have aided, abetted and joined them in the practice of the religion of democracy, which is the rule and law of the people by the people for the people and not the law of God... However, we have excused the masses, the commoners, because they have made a blasphemous choice without that intention. As we all know, many of them are not aware and do not know about these assemblies and their true nature; and they would not have made these choices if they did not think they were legal or legitimate... They do not know better; therefore, they do not mean to, or have the conscious intention of committing a blasphemous act; they mean to do something else.” 101 Abu Qatada supports al-Maqdisi’s opinion on making this distinction; he says,“The reality of legislative electoral processes, as is the case with‘their’ constitutions, does not make it very clear to those who are in a place of in fl uence amongst the general public, such as scholars, sheikhs and other community leaders – who remain in a state of ignorance... The excuse of ignorance 108 means; and that it actually governs using Islamic law( Sharia). Would it then be Islamic rule? The answer is, without a doubt, no! For a law – even if it meets the standards of Islamic law( Sharia) in form and in implementation – if it is enacted by way of parliament, and the choice of the people is not Islamic, then it is a blasphemous, impure( Taghout) law.” 96 In Abu Qatada’s opinion, the legal and practical way to apply Islamic law( Sharia) can never be by way of democracy. It can only be accomplished through the struggle and the Jihad – a point he emphasizes as follows,“There has never been a state amongst states that has ever been able to secure itself or root its presence except after blood and carnage. There is not one state on the face of this earth, today, tomorrow, or yesterday, which is independent and invulnerable except after war after war, and after fi ghting... Thus, one must not be tempted by what one sees as democracy is in the Western world... when one observes the ease with which the transfer of power occurs between parties, and the ease with which they leave go of their seats; and thus, one is tempted to think that Muslims may be able to achieve a position of higher authority by these same means. This is a gross mistake... For circumstances(in the West) did not stabilize except after fi erce, crushing battles.” 97 Indeed, the Jihadi Sala fi st literature critical of democracy would continue to multiply and grow, particularly after the spread of this system(democracy) in many countries of the Islamic world in the 1990s, and the trend that ensued where many Islamist parties began to take part in the‘democratic game’. This literature judges legislative assemblies as blasphemous due to the fact that they are one of the requirements of a democracy. On this point, Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi says,“What we believe and condemn, in the name of God, is participation in these ungodly, blasphemous, idolatrous assemblies – whether they exist in the apostate states that claim they are Islamic, or whether they exist in the purely blasphemous states(non-Muslim to begin with; i.e. Western nations). For these assemblies turn the sole right to legislate over to the people and not to God.” 98 He continues, “With all honesty and sincerity, I called upon the people to disavow 107 Therefore, when a law is enacted by a parliament, or representative or popular assembly, it gains its strength and authority by virtue of the fact that it was enacted by a sovereign(human) governor or ruler(who was granted authority by the people); thereby making it a popular, parliamentary democratic and secular system of governance; or, in other words, it is, in the eyes of God Almighty’s religion, a system of idolatrous rule and“ Hukm al-Taghout”(Rule of the Impure, and of False Deities).” 93 Democracy, according to Abu Qatada, is a blasphemous religion that must not be confused with Islam; he says,“Know that the standard of democracy is a blasphemous, idolatrous banner. And, one and all know that Islam and democracy are two distinct religions: Islam is the rule of God over His servants and democracy is the rule of people over each other. And know that the attempt by some to equate Islam with democracy is an attempt by the foul who want to replace the religion of God Almighty with the vagaries and whims of human beings.” 94 Abu Qatada also attacks Islamist movements that have accepted and adopted the democratic paradigm as a creed or as one of the instruments used in Islamist advocacy. He views these paradigms as a deviation from the Islamic approach and says,“To begin with, they separated between the faith and its ways and democracy in order to‘Islamicize’ democracy or to distort Islam. They claim that they just took the instruments and movements and systems and ways of democracy, while at the same time, refusing it is a faith or an ideology – and, this‘separation’ has become a reference for some. But, in reality, many became democratic in faith... and Islam became human in form, lowly in condition, with no relation whatsoever with the eternal and with the afterlife; there is no value placed on the need for religion nor for the sanction and blessings of the Divine.” 95 Abu Qatada criticizes all the Islamist movements that joined in the democratic game, and considers them misguided, contrived movements. For the rule of Islam will never come to be by way of democracy; he says,“Let us say, for the sake of argument, that one of these movements actually comes into power by democratic 106 it is legislation by the masses or the‘rule of the masses, i.e. the rule of tyranny, i.e., tyranny of the masses or“ Hukm al-Taghout” (Rule of the Impure, and of False Deities), and not the rule of God. Second, because it is“ Hukm al-Taghout” according to a (man-made) constitution and not the laws of God Almighty. Third, because democracy is the fruit and illegitimate daughter of veiled secularism; and secularism is a blasphemous faith that isolates religion from life, or separates religion from the state and the system of governance.” 90 Therefore, in his view, democracy and its legislative assemblies are,“Rule by the people or tyrannical rule (tyranny of the masses) or“ Hukm al-Taghout”(Rule of the Impure, and of False Deities), and in all cases, it is not the rule of God, the Great, the Almighty.” 91 Al-Maqdisi calls for the disavowal of and war against democracy in a letter to the‘followers of democracy’ that states,“Oh ye slaves of statutory laws and earthly constitutions – Oh ye who legislate, we disavow you and your creed before God; we disavow you and your idolatrous constitutions and pagan assemblies as blasphemous. The enmity and hatred between us will continue forever and until you believe in the One God.” 92 Agreeing with al-Maqdisi on the blasphemy of democracy and its contradiction to Islamic law( Sharia), and considering it as a model that is based on secularism as well, Abu Qatada says,“The system of democracy, in all its forms, is based on the sovereign and autonomous right to govern for all but God. And this system is a derivative of the secular creed, which views people as free in their right to legislate that which they fi nd suits their mentality, their way of life and their life needs. In the apostate states in our countries, secularism has given birth to a legal system that in its requirements necessitates and perpetuates this path: The political fl ank of this secular creed is obliged by the‘Approach of the democratic model that is founded in the view that the right to govern, to rule and sovereignty is the right of the people’... The cornerstone of this system of democratic governance is the same as that of its legislative authority – Or, in other words, the governor and the governed, the ruler and the ruled; this system of governance entails that the governor or ruler is granted authority by the people to legislate. 105 entails acknowledging the Unitarian nature of knowledge and of what is known –, and since God“does”, i.e. God is the Governor and the Legislator of all rites and laws... then, what is known as ‘Governance’ and‘Law’ is only for God Almighty, and the sole right of God Almighty”. 87 Third: The Blasphemy of Democracy and its Representative Assemblies Jihadi Sala fi sm views democracy as a blasphemous system of governance that is in direct contradiction to Islam precisely because it is based on the right of people to legislate, and not of God. In their view, it is forbidden for any Muslim to be governed by any legal system other than that of Islam, for Islam provides a comprehensive and complete system, and does not require any supplement whatsoever, in any subject, matter or level. Democracy violates the very principle of“ al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism), which restricts the right to govern and to rule to God alone. AlMaqdisi actually considers democracy a“religion” and wrote about this subject in a publication entitled,“Democracy is a Religion.” In it he states,“The root of this foul word(democracy) is Greek and not Arabic; and it is a combination of two words:‘demos’, which means people, and‘cratos’, which means rule or authority or legislation. This means that the literal translation of the word‘democracy’ is ‘rule by the people’ or‘authority by the people’ or‘legislation by the people’... And this is the fundamental characteristic of democracy. At the same time, the opposite of“ al-Tawhid” is also the fundamental characteristic of apostasy, idolatry and polytheism, and all that is wrong and contrary to Islam and the Unitarian creed.” 88 Al-Maqdisi emphasizes that democracy and other statutory forms and systems of governance are outside of Islam and contrary to it; he says,“For every creed of the blasphemous creeds are joined together in this regime and model, which violates and contravenes the religion of Islam; and, it is a religion that they have chosen; and, democracy is a religion not that of the One God Almighty.” 89 He attributes the blasphemy of democracy and its violation of the doctrine of“ al-Tawhid” to several conditions,“First, because 104 According to this understanding, therefore, the term“ al-Jahiliyia” (the Age of Ignorance) applies to all societies and communities that exist on earth today, due to the absence of God’s sole governance; and, thus, the Umma(The world community of Muslims) no longer exists. For the Umma, according to Sayyid Qutb, is“A group of beings whose way of life, outlook, conditions, systems, values and systems of checks and balances are all derived from the Islamic model and way of life; and this Umma, with these speci fi c characteristics, became extinct the moment they violated the principle of governance through the laws set forth by God( Sharia) and the rule of God over every creature on earth.” 85 Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi reaf fi rms that the“Unitarian form of Divine Governance and Sovereignty”( Tawhid al-Hakimiya) is indeed a synonym for proper and pure monotheism, or believing in the one God or Divinity( Tawhid al-Oulouhiya) – which entails surrendering to the one God, in obedience and in the rule of law. Al-Maqdisi quotes the Islamic scholar, al-Shanqiti from his text,“Adwa’a alBayan”(“Illuminations of the Declaration”) that“sharing in the task of governance with God is equal to“ Ishraq”(idolatry or polytheism: Ishraq means believing that God has‘partners’ or can be‘partnered’ in His work and in His creation). And he concludes,“In summary and at the core of this tenet is God’s words,“ His is the creation and the command”(al-Araf 007:054) – and this includes Divine Unitarianism( Tawhid al-Oulouhiya); and Divine Unitarianism includes the“Unitarian nature of Divine Governance and Sovereignty” ( Tawhid al-Hakimiya) and God’s Law( Sharia); and, in the words of God,“ The command is for none but God: He hath commanded that ye worship none but Him: that is the right religion, but most men know not...”(Yusef: 012:040). Therefore, the Unitarian nature of God’s Governance is inherent in Unitarianism(‘ al-Tawhid’).” 86 Abu Qatada continues in the same vein as follows:“The Unitarian nature of Divine Governance and Sovereignty”(‘ Tawhid al-Hakimiya’) is an integral part of the Unitarian(‘ Tawhid’) nature of the Divinity (‘ al-Oulouhiya’), which is equal to the Unitarian requirement of intent and of demand; and on the one hand, since the slave(servant of God) is obliged to and is committed to it(‘ Tawhid’) – and this is the obligation and commitment to Godly Unitarianism(‘ Tawhid’), which 103 Sayyid Qutb employed both principles of“ al-Hakimiya” and“ alJahiliya” in an extensive and concerted way in his discourse and literature. He pushed both to the point of disavowal and blasphemy (“kufr”). In his opinion,“ al-Hakimiya” is the fi rst tenet of the belief in the oneness of the divine, to which he says,“The Oath( Shehadah) that there is‘No God but God’ means explicitly that God Almighty is alone in his divinity; and that no one or being shares in His creation or in any one of His characteristics and attributes. The fi rst of these divine characteristics or attributes is the sole right to govern, from which the sole right to legislate is determined(no other being has the right to govern or legislate for His servants); the sole right to put forth the model for the way to conduct one’s life; and the sole right to put forth the values upon which this life is based.” 82 And,“ Al-Jahiliya”, according to Sayyid Qutb, is not encapsulated by a certain historical period, but rather is a state or a condition in which a set of circumstances exist in a certain situation or system thereof. Therefore, an“ignorant” society is“every society or community which is not Muslim”; it is“actually all the societies and communities that prevail today on this earth” including“those societies and communities that claim they are Muslim... even if they pray, fast and make the pilgrimage; even if they state that God Almighty exists; even if people carry out the rite of pledging allegiance to Him. Today, people are not Muslims. It is thus the task of the“calling”( da’wa) to lead them away from their‘state of ignorance’ back to Islam, and to make of them Muslims again.” 83 He adds that‘ al-Jahiliya’“exists when there is an assault on God’s sovereignty on earth and particularly against the nature of the ultimate feature of the Divine, that is of‘ al-Hakimya’(Divine Governance and Sovereignty); and instead, grants the right to govern to human beings by appropriating the right to set the outlook, values, legislation, laws and systems of governance separate from and in isolation of the comprehensive model for living life set forth by God.” 84 102 Second:“ Al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty) versus the Contemporary State of Ignorance,“ al-Jahiliya” The Jihadist Sala fi st theoretical structure ties the concept of“ alHakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty) with“ al-Tawhid” (Unitarianism) and the Islamic faith. Anyone who does not believe in the sole right of God to legislate is considered guilty of blasphemy; anyone who does not commit to governance through the application of Islamic law is guilty of blasphemy; and, any society or community where‘divine governance’ by Islamic law does not prevail, and is not governed by Islam through its laws, traditions and provisions is guilty of blasphemy. Indeed, the fundamental aim of focusing on the principle of“ alHakimiya” by Jihadi Sala fi st scholars and theorists is to prove the illegitimacy of the contemporary(Arab and Islamic) regimes. The principle is used to justify the disavowal of these regimes to the point of blasphemy, as“ al-Hakimiya” is one of the most important characteristics of“ al-Tawhid”, or the‘oneness’ of the divinity (the belief in the one God). According to this interpretation of this principle, contemporary regimes have taken away the right to govern and legislate from the only being who has that right, God Almighty; and in the same vein, any society that accepts to be governed by statutory laws and legislation also commits blasphemy, which is a sin that justi fi es the killing of anyone who places himself in the status of the divine. Sayyid Qutb is considered the most important scholar in developing the principles of“ al-Hakimiya” and“ al-Jahiliya”(Age of Ignorance) in contemporary Islamist discourse. 81 His writings are considered to be among the most important resources and fundamental scholarly references for the followers of Jihadi Sala fi sm. Subsequently, AlMaqdisi and Abu Qatada both worked on reinforcing these concepts in the structure of the movement’s discourse until they became key governing principles in both the movement’s discourse and in its form. 101 them, but others… They are Ahmad bin Hanbal, al-Bukhari… and every Muslim who is innocent of these pretenders. By God, it is unjust to present these criminals as belonging to‘Ahl al-Hadith’.” 80 Jihadi Sala fi sm worked to construct a vision based on their own, unique reading of the heritage and tradition of“Ahl al-Sunna” (People of the Sunna) and especially“Ahl al-Hadith”(the People of the Hadith), and on their particular reading of the contemporary Islamic and global reality. These readings and this vision were summarized within a set of key concepts for all those who wanted to enlist in the sphere of Jihadi Sala fi sm. Understanding and studying these concepts are indeed essential in order to better know and understand the movement. These concepts are all derived from three basic underlying principles, which are an integral part of certain deliberations in Islamic theology; they are: The principles of“ al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism/the belief in the oneness of God), the Caliphate and the Jihad.“ AlTawhid” de fi nes the relationship between human beings and the Creator. This principle is used by the Jihadi Sala fi sts to justify their stance against the current Arab leaders, who do not rule or govern by the word of God or the laws sent forth by God(the Sharia). The latter is used to justify their ultimate goal of reviving the principle of the Caliphate, as the system of governance that is representative of the proper and genuine Islamic state and not the modern nationstate/regime. This system of governance is seen as de fi ning the relationship between the worldly and the afterlife, and justi fi es the principle of Jihad, which ties the use of force to bringing about this ultimate change. Accordingly and based on this vision, the Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi st discourse disavows the contemporary Arab and Islamic regimes as blasphemous. It also claims that the majority of Islamist groups today violate the creed of the People of the Sunna by accepting to work in programs or activities that are not essential to changing these regimes, governments and their constitutions, which violate Islamic law( Sharia). In light of this reading of reality, the movement believes that it is the only true religiously and historically legitimate movement, and that this identity is what sets them apart from all other Islamist movements active in the fi eld. 100 and collapse of Baghdad[ Ahl al Bida’a or the Islamic“Innovators” included philosophers, rhetoricians, Su fi sts, and at the fore of these‘Muslim innovators’ were the Mu’tazilah, the Asha’ira, the Jahmiyya, the Shiites, in addition to scholars of fanatical sects that followed the Hana fi theological school of thought, the Malikiyya, the Sha fi’iyya, and the Hanbaliyya]. Ibn Taymiyyah called for a revival of the creed and model of the“ Salaf” the(“Righteous Predecessors” or“Righteous Ancestors”); however, the‘Sala fi st’ model he advocated did not last long and was lost to the annals of history with the passage of time. In the last century of the Ottoman Empire, Sheikh Mohammad Bin Abdel Wahhab emerged from the Hijaz(Arabian Peninsula) and worked to revive‘Sala fi sm’ based on Ibn Taymiyyah’s model and the heritage and traditions of the“Ahl al-Hadith”. Abdel Wahhab revived Sala fi sm with the objective of confronting the Su fi sts and the Shiites and with the goal of reinforcing the axioms of the“Ahl alHadith” at the level of their creed, religious opinions and knowledge of Islam. However,“Ahl al-Hadith”, to whom the advocates of Jihadi Sala fi sm claim they belong, were not of one colour. Nevertheless, contemporary Sala fi st groups and movements all compete in trying to prove their membership to this Islamic reference in order to establish and secure their religious and historical position of authority and legitimacy. To deal with the issue of the great diversity represented by“Ahl al-Hadith”, Abu Qatada presents a methodology for distinguishing what is the right model or representation of“Ahl al-Hadith” that they follow, within a political framework and context, “The men or groups who belong to‘Ahl al-Hadith’, or the‘Victorious Sect’, are not those who work as servants for the Oppressors; they are not those who exert their utmost energy to defend the Oppressors; they are not those bearing a false taint of legitimacy upon them; they are not the merchants who trade in paper the Hadith of the God’s Messenger and Prophet[May God’s Blessings Be Upon Him]; they are not the of fi ce boys who spy on those who call out to others to return to God Almighty; they are not the men who unveil Muslims and leave them exposed to the enemies of Islam and of God. No. Those who belong to‘Ahl al-Hadith’ are not 99 impurity; anything worshipped other than God, i.e. all false deities). According to this creed it was a duty to rise against those who did not abide by it(“ al-Hakimiya”), through a movement based on Jihad, which mobilizes(Muslims to join) this path, which is marked by and distinguished in its ideological identity and its activism on the ground – an activism and identity also de fi ned by the creed of“al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal) –, and whose strategy stems from the belief that armed struggle(the obligation and duty of Jihad) is the only way to confront these(blasphemous and impure) regimes. First: Legitimizing and Setting the Movement’s Religious and Historical Authority and Foundations: A Return to the Companions of the Prophet and the Way of the Prophet (Hadith) Abu Qatada al-Falastini and Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi sought to establish Jihadi Sala fi sm as an extension of the Islamic historical experience and era of what is called“ Ahl al Sunna wal Jama’ah” (The People and Followers of the Sunna), and particularly“ Ahl alHadith”(the People of the Hadith). Indeed, all Sala fi st movements and groups, of every form and size, seek the status of being seen as the‘real’ extension of, or at the very least monopolize the position of the‘only true representatives’ of this group from“Islam’s Golden Era” in today’s contemporary Islamic reality. It should be noted here that the historical era of“ Ahl al-Hadith” and much of its model is credited to, shaped by and particularly identi fi ed with the renowned Islamic scholar, Ahmad Bin Hanbal – who lived during a period where it is claimed(albeit controversially) that the Quran was actually put into writing[in the year 218 in the Hijri calendar, during the reign of the Abbasid Caliph Ma’moun, who adopted the opinions of the Mu’tazilah(a theological school of thought in Sunni Islam) and the“ Ahl al-Kallam”(The People of the Word)]. The Sala fi st tendency emerged again at the end of the Abbasid Caliphate, following the fall of Baghdad to the Tartars in the year 656(Hijri calendar). At that time, the Islamic Hanbali scholar, Ibn Taymiyyah, initiated a massive calling( da’wa) to Muslims to come forth to the defence of Islam. He blamed“ Ahl al-Bida’a” for the fall 98 -2The Governing Principles of Jihadi Sala fi sm Certain governing principles represent the core structure of the Jihadi Sala fi st discourse. Al-Maqdisi and Abu Qatada al-Falastini both played a central role in establishing the legitimacy of the movement and creating a theoretical base for it that distinguished it from other Islamist groups. However, prior to al-Maqdisi and Abu Qatada, Abdullah Azzam put the fi rst bricks in this structure by deliberating and writing about the importance of“Jihad”, why it had become an obligation and why he agreed with and adopted Sayyid Qutb’s ideas on“ al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty), the“ al-Jahiliya”(Age of Ignorance) and other key concepts that pertained to the Jordanian context. These concepts were adopted by Jihadi Sala fi sm and combined to form a pattern and matrix of complementary ideas that were interwoven to produce a universal political and social outlook for the Jihadi Sala fi st movement and its political discourse. As a fi rst step, the movement established for itself a historical reference, based on the Sunna of the Prophet(His Way of Life), during the time in which the Prophet and His Companions( alSahaba) lived, as well as the era of the People of the Hadith( Ahl alHadith) that followed the time of the Prophet and His Companions. The movement actually considers itself the representative of this time in Islamic history(the‘Golden Era’) today. At the core of the movement’s religious and political creed is the principle of“ alHakimiya”. Indeed, Jihadi Sala fi sts consider all those who do not abide by this fundamental principle – such as the Arab and Islamic regimes today – as blasphemous(“ kufr”) and impure(“ al-Taghout”: 97 purity and of chastity, wronged by polygamy, her inheritance half that of a man... not‘free’ to marry outside her religion; and thus, they demand to‘free’ her. Her rejection of what they call archaic customs and traditions are all big, arrogant words spewing from their mouths. They establish women’s organizations with all these different titles and scatter them across the Muslim world... And they supported these organizations, morally and fi nancially. They publicly incite women to declare their heresy, encouraging corruption, prostitution, adultery and fornication under the pretext of freedom, under the auspices of democracy... They forget their Western culture so dark in its history with regard to their women. They close their eyes to her humiliation, oppression and disgrace in so many of their countries that export this ‘call to liberate the woman and to make her equal to the man’ to our lands.” . 97 95 Jihadi Sala fi sm deliberately includes the woman in“Jihadi activism” and, as a result, the phenomenon of the“female martyr” as the role model for the woman in Islam emerged. Sheikh Abdullah Azzam emphasizes this‘exemplary role’ in a religious scholarly opinion ( fatwa) in which he states that the woman can actually enter into Jihad without the permission of her husband or guardian in the case of an enemy assault on the Umma(The world community of Muslims) or in the case of the occupation of Muslim land; he says,“We spoke at length about the rules of conduct for the Jihad in Afghanistan, Palestine and other raped Muslim lands. And, we have af fi rmed the ruling by the“ Salaf”[the“(Righteous) Predecessors” or“(Righteous) Ancestors” – In Islamic terminology, it is generally used to refer to the fi rst three generations of Muslims and those who succeeded them in religious scholarship, debate, interpretation and opinions on the Hadith, as well as other puritan scholars, that in the case that one inch of Muslim land suffers an assault, then Jihad becomes an irrevocable obligation and duty of all Muslims, including the Muslim woman, who may enter into the Jihad without the permission of her husband(or guardian).” 77 It appears that Abdullah Azzam’s religious, scholarly opinion( fatwa) was further amended after his death; and the woman entered the battle fi eld in many places after the developments that took place following the events of September 11, 2001. Indeed, the model of the“Jihadi woman” has dominated the literature of Jihadi Sala fi sm that deals with the issue of women, such as the essay written by Yousef al-A’ayiri, entitled“The Role of Women in the Jihad against the Enemy: Models of Jihadi Women from the Era of the Salaf(the “Righteous Predecessors” or“Righteous Ancestors”)”. 78 Al-Maqdisi has also written a chapter speci fi cally dealing with women’s rights in Islam relative to her“inferior status in Western civilization” in his book“The Greater Middle East Project”. He opens the chapter with“Women’s rights are yet another string being strummed by the enemies of Islam. And, their tails(followers) in Muslim lands dance to the enemy’s treacherous tunes. They claim that the woman is oppressed... oppressed not in the land of Muslims, who have renounced God’s Law( Sharia), but rather by Islam itself... defeated, subjugated by the veil( hijab), besieged by restrictions of 94 political, intellectual and religious plurality and sectarianism(although the followers of Jihadi Sala fi sm take a militant stand against the Shiites), as well as such notions as citizenship, human, civil and political rights, and individual and civic freedoms. As for their standpoint concerning women, the opinion of extremist Jihadi Sala fi st literature is that Islam gave the(Muslim) woman her rights and put her in a position of high standing, which no woman of any previous or current civilization has ever enjoyed. They also believe that the woman is equal to the man in creation and in composition; and see that the woman’s place is in her home where she can assume the role of rearing an exceptional generation raised on the Quran and grounded in exemplary Islamic values; for, the family according to Jihadi Sala fi sm is the spring of society’s moral values. The difference between an advanced and a backward society, according to the opinion of Jihadi Sala fi st literature, is the level of a society’s commitment to ethics and not its level of technology and production – and(in achieving this mission), the woman is addressed the same as the man in the Holy Quran and in the Prophet’s Sunna. As the Jihadi Sala fi sts consider the community of Islam as having entered into a state of“ignorance”( jahil) when it abandoned Islamic law( Sharia), and since contemporary political regimes have committed blasphemy(“ kufr”) by adopting and importing Western models, such as democracy, it is the duty of the woman to work alongside the man to change society and the state by means of a revolutionary ideology of upheaval, based on the concept of“Jihad” in the name of Islam – and this is, according to the Jihadi Sala fi sts, the only means available for overthrowing these regimes and reinstating the Caliphate. The model of the“Jihadi woman” has come to dominate Jihadi Sala fi st literature, which worked to integrate the woman into its project as one of the cornerstones of its revolutionary ideology of upheaval. They also consider the veil( hijab) as one of the symbols of the resistance and of rejecting Western hegemony. The Jihadi woman has indeed become an integral part of the“martyr brigades” and supports the work of Jihadi men, especially in the fi eld of communications and the media, in particular those which are connected to the World Wide Web. 93 Therefore, the Jihadi Sala fi st movement sees no strategy other than that of fi ghting and of Jihad – with the recognition that the right conditions and reasons must exist – for changing the prevailing political reality, and for achieving the ultimate goal of establishing the Islamic state. Abdel Salam Faraj con fi rms the supposition that Jihad is a right in rem for every Muslim against the leaders of the contemporary regimes; he says,“With regard to these‘ghosts’ of Islam... the enemy has come to live in their homes and has come to possess and control the reigns over everything; and, it is these (ghosts) leaders who have brought the command of Muslims to ruin… It is this reality that makes jihad against them an obligation, a right in rem.” 74 Within the same vein, Abu Qatada presents a legal and religious opinion about the obligation of Jihad in his article,“Why Jihad?” After he presents evidence proving the blasphemy(“ kufr”) of the(Arab/ Muslim) leaders and de fi nes the consequences of that blasphemy, he says,“These corrupt leaders who walk the earth, and due to their hatred for the Umma(The world community of Muslims) and because they govern using the laws of the devil, God demands that the faithful wage Jihad against the corrupt that walk this earth. All that these leaders have is to fi ght God and His Prophet, by turning away from the laws( Sharia) of Islam, leaving behind governance by the Book (Quran) and the Sunna(Way of the Prophet) and corrupting this earth. It is therefore the duty and obligation of all Muslims to rise up against them with all that they have until this earth is purged of them.” 75 The Jihadi Sala fi st perspective on systems of governance is based on a total rejection of modern political institutions on the grounds that it is a Western by-product; the same stance is used against democracy, pluralism, public freedoms and human rights. Indeed, their vision is closer to a“historical cloning” of the original Caliphate, but according to a religious view that is militantly austere and similar to“the Taliban model of governance.” 76 As a consequence of this religious and political conception, the movement takes a militant stand against Islamist parties as well as secular political parties that accept and participate politically in the ‘system’. They hold the same militant stance against the idea of 92 Al-Maqdisi describes his vision for how the movement should strive to effect change, and how that strategy changes from one environment or context to the next in the following way,“As for the issue of changing the reality prevailing today... even if it is one of our major concerns and our hope, we cannot rush this(change) before its time; because comprehensive and complete change requires planning and capacities as well as the concerted energies of this movement in every place, and focus in the right place at the right time... What many of the individuals and groups in the Jihadi Sala fi st movement do in the form of Jihad here and there – even if it appears that these are just‘spiteful’ acts against the enemies of God and do not translate into a rapid change of our current reality – they are, in the long run, a way to prepare the men who will eventually carry through with the process of change and pave the way for the true and complete change... Because we believe the men quali fi ed to lead the Umma(The world community of Muslims) to this fi nal destination will not come from behind a desk or through elections and ballot boxes. No. They will rise from the trenches of the battle fi elds and the Jihad will set them apart(from other men).” He adds,“Until we possess all that is necessary to bring about this comprehensive change, we will work to spread“ al-Tawhid”(the belief in the oneness of God) in all its parts, and fi ght against blasphemy in all its forms, and work to change empty beliefs, deviated thoughts and ideas, and con fl icting loyalties of Muslims in our countries. And, we will call upon them to realize“ al-Tawhid” and to reject and disavow all forms of polytheism, idolatry and blasphemy. Indeed, this change is the most important kind of change; without it, there will never be true change... Furthermore, we do not insist on being in control of the reigns of this process of change; and we do not insist that it begins here, from our countries. We are just soldiers in this movement. Whenever we have seen our brethren – in any spot in any place on this earth – on the brink of change, we have stood by them and have taken their side. For, there is no doubt that a house for all Muslims will be founded; but fi rst, we are required to travel there and strengthen this house... Perhaps, thereafter God will open the way for all Muslims to achieve that which they have found so dif fi cult to change. For God is the All Powerful and All Mighty in His Command, although most people are still ignorant of this truth.” 73 91 When it comes to civil society and public affairs, al-Maqdisi distinguishes between the types of institutions the movement deems acceptable; he says,“We do not oppose our members being active or working in institutions such as charitable organizations and the like, which do not contradict the tenets of Islamic law. We do not reject those who are righteous and work in such institutions, as long as they fear God and remain steadfast... However, there are institutions that contravene the very spirit of Islamic law, for example, municipal councils that, within the very nature of their work, issue licenses for the sale of alcohol and for night clubs, oversee the collection of excise and other taxes as well as commit other unjust violations. We avoid these kinds of institutions; and, we do not cooperate with them in any way, a fortiori all other forms of activities that explicitly contravene the religion such as political parties that do not receive licenses until they pledge allegiance to the blasphemous regime, its constitution and its statutory laws, take an oath to uphold this regime and its institutions and swear to conduct party activities only within its framework.” 72 On the other hand, the instruments and approaches advocated for bringing about change vary between the different Jihadi Sala fi st movements in different countries. The movement may be satis fi ed with non-violent action such as the“calling”( da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm in a certain country,“if the conditions for armed struggle do not exist.” In such a case, the movement is expected to focus on spreading Jihadi Sala fi st ideas, religious scholarship and political opinions; and, the principle instrument for recruiting new members and supporters is in the form of advocacy on an individual or group basis(individual or group da’wa). Meanwhile, in other countries the movement may take up a form of armed struggle against governments they call“ Shawkat al-Nikaya”(the“Spiteful Thorn”), which is a militant framework that consists of persistent psychological and military warfare until the regime is overturned. An example of the“Spiteful Thorn” method is the gang-style warfare that al-Qaeda has been using in Algeria lately, and to a lesser degree the kind of militant operations that were carried out in Saudi Arabia and some other Arab and Islamic countries. 90 -1The Movement’s Ideological and Theoretical Foundations and Attributes: Governance and the Sword Jihadi Sala fi st thinking is founded on the principle of“ al-Hakimiya” (Divine Governance and Sovereignty), the core political essence of which is based on rejecting and disavowing as blasphemous the constitutions, regimes, governments and modern political institutions (parliaments, political parties, judiciaries, etc.) and the modern military institutions(armies, state security apparatuses, etc.) in the Arab and Islamic worlds. All of these are disavowed and declared blasphemous due to the fact that they do not practice and commit to the principal of“ Tawhid”, which means that God alone has the right to legislate and govern. Based on this de fi nition of contemporary regimes as the“ alTaghout”(the Rule of the Impure, and of False Deities) and as blasphemous and“ignorant”( jahil), any form of participation in these regimes’ political or military institutions – whether it be in the form of participating in legislative or municipal elections or accepting a post in the government or in its security services or military – is considered as aiding and abetting the legitimization of this“corrupt reality” and those who“oppress” Muslims. It is viewed as a form of kneeling before these regimes and assisting them in sustaining their existence. Therefore, participating in the nomination process, in elections and even employment in many government institutions are completely prohibited by the movement. 89 Before al-Maqdisi and Abu Qatada, Abdullah Azzam(another Jordanian and a prominent member of the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood) paved the way for much of the material used in the movement’s fi rst construction of their discourse. Azzam played a critical role in bringing the issue of Jihad to the public fore and in instigating the phenomenon of the“Afghani Jordanians” – although, it should be noted that Azzam was never really considered one of the icons of the new Jihadi Sala fi sm. The general concepts and principles that governed the Jihadi Sala fi st discourse in Jordan were indeed very similar to those in other countries in the Arab and Islamic worlds. The“globalization” of their ideology began to emerge and to totally envelope groups, individuals and supporters of the movement from all corners of the world. The advent of the global internet and the emergence and proliferation of Jihadi sites and forums on it played a major role in increasing awareness about the movement and its“culture” and ideology. And fi nally, different political events simultaneously drew the positions of the movement’s followers together, despite borders and distances. This part of the study will focus on a more in-depth analysis of the general features characterizing the Jihadi Sala fi st ideology and the political stand of the movement with regard to contemporary politics, governments, regimes and democracy. Subsequently, the study will analyze the activities and interventions of the movement’s most prominent intellectual leaders – speci fi cally, the leaders who played a dynamic role in the formation and consolidation of the ideology and the general principles and concepts that govern the movement’s discourse, such as“ al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty),“ al-Taghout”(Rule of the Impure, and of False Deities),“al-Jahiliya”(the Age of Ignorance), and the“House of War” and the“House of Blasphemy(‘ kufr’)”. 87 Mohammad Abdel Salam Faraj’s book“The Missing Pillar”(“ AlFarida al-Gha’iba”) was particularly important in paving the way for this‘new’ or additional orientation. In 1981, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad Movement assassinated Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. During that same decade, thousands of Arab volunteers migrated en masse to join the war or ‘Jihad’ in Afghanistan(against the Soviet Union and communism). Simultaneously, the core nucleus of al-Qaeda began to take form; however, its political ideas did not fully develop(in the fi nal form in which it exists today) until the mid-1990s. Indeed, the coming of age of al-Qaeda’s ideas was marked by the publication of the book “Knights under the Standard of Islam”, written by the second man in the al-Qaeda mother organization, Ayman al-Zawahiri. During this new stage, Jihadi Sala fi sm and its evolving ideology would go beyond its basic references. Numerous new books, scholars and theorists began to emerge, and with them a new orientation where the focus turned to the domain of politics and a military, or militant strategy. This phase was saturated with many publications and religious opinions( fatwas) that were particularly focused on the strategy of military confrontation and on the staunch opposition to the international balance of power and Arab and Islamic worlds’ realities – which they proposed to confront using armed struggle and militant operations(a subject that has always been problematic in traditional Islamic scholarship[ fi kh]). What is interesting to note, at this point, is that from the 1990s onwards Jordanian personalities would play a pivotal and central role in developing and establishing the intellectual and political discourse of the new Jihadi Sala fi sm – not only on a local but also global scale. If Zarqawi found his fame as one of the“stars of al-Qaeda” in relation to the“armed struggle”, both al-Maqdisi and Abu Qatada al-Falastini became renowned for their fundamental roles in building certain aspects of the thinking and ideology of the movement that led to signi fi cant transformations in the discourse of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement globally. 86 The previous era witnessed a development and an evolution in the ideas and perceptions of the sons of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement worldwide. The movement went through a series of sequential stages in which the movement’s authority, identity, political vision and basic governing principles became rooted and de fi ned; all of which has made this movement unique from others in the arena of“Islamist activism.” The writings of Sayyid Qutb, particularly the volume series entitled “In the Shadow of the Quran” and the booklet“Milestones”(written during the Nasserite era), are considered principle building blocks in the primary infrastructure and framework of the movement’s ideas. Indeed,“Milestones” is considered by many as a kind of“manifesto” for Jihadi Sala fi sm. Qutb’s ideas center around the principle concepts of“ al-Hakimiya” (Divine Governance and Sovereignty),“ al-Jahiliya”(the Age of Ignorance), and on the rejection and excommunication of the modern political nation-state and the system of democracy( al-Mufasala). His ideas are founded in‘disavowing as blasphemous’(“ tak fi r”) the prevailing Arab regimes, and on advocating and“calling”( da’wa) upon the sons of Muslim communities and countries to be governed by and obey nothing other than Islamic law( Sharia). During the 1960s, Islamist groups that adopted Sayyid Qutb’s vision at their ideological base began to emerge from the womb of various prisons throughout the region. These groups adapted Qutb’s vision with a fundamental addition: That changing the prevailing reality could only be achieved through“armed struggle and action”. 85 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement’s Political Discourse and its Governing Principles and emotional and never really re fl ected itself in depth on the general membership of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan. In practical terms, the movement has always remained under tight reigns by the Jordanian state and its security apparatus, was never socially accepted, and has always been marginalized in political life. Indeed they never made any advances socially or politically that are worth mentioning. Furthermore, it has never been able to adopt or carry out any form of their“armed struggle” in Jordan nor any real‘subversive’ activities in terms of national security, that is, without risking a severe and immediate response from the state, which they have never really had the ability to resist or confront. Indeed, the Jordanian reality and context has forced members of the movement to accept the“Jordanian limitations” that al-Maqdisi understands and is able to deal with. Al-Maqdisi realized, early on, that they would be better off focusing on the“calling”(“ da’wa”), on advocacy and education; and, he understood they could not afford and thus needed to avoid, as much as possible, a confrontation with the state and its security apparatus. Therefore, in the Jordanian case at least, the agenda that al-Maqdisi has put forth for the movement is more realistic and more pragmatic than the demands made by the other group(al-Maqdisi’s rivals), which insists on continuing on the path and legacy set by Zarqawi. 82 These testimonies, declarations and other information clearly indicate that al-Maqdisi has won the fi rst round of this battle in his ‘new project’. He has proven that he was able to regain a base inside the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan, and indeed did manage to regain a large part of his respectability and credence amongst supporters of the movement outside Jordan. All of these are points scoring in favour of al-Maqdisi- for the present time, in any case. However, the greater challenge is in how capable and for how long his group can continue the course set by him. Perhaps the more important question to ask at this time revolves around what were the underlying reasons which persisted and allowed al-Maqdisi to achieve this temporary success. For, in addition to the weakening of al-Qaeda in Iraq, and the growing concessions in the way of thinking of Jihadi Sala fi sts worldwide, there are three additional and major reasons behind this success: First , al-Maqdisi did not fully back down from his ideas and his opinions, as was the case with Dr. Fadel and others like him. Indeed, he remained in touch with and preserved many of his original intellectual and political opinions, which are still, in part, within the fundamental principles and framework of Jihadi Sala fi sm. Furthermore, he never received any breaks or any support from the Jordanian government; in fact, his relationship with the state is still very precarious and tense; and he is susceptible of being thrown back in prison at any moment. Second , Al-Maqdisi possesses personal charisma and has a well-known history in prison and in custody, despite the con fl ict between Zarqawi and him. On the other hand, outside Jordan, his rivals are still unknown and remain‘anonymous’ through their aliases on Jihadi forums. Inside Jordan, they do not enjoy the same reputation that al-Maqdisi does – a fact that weakens them and limits their in fl uence in the Jihadi Sala fi st environs. Third , and perhaps the most important point, is that the Jordanian context is very different from the Iraqi one, even during the period where there was a sort of euphoria hovering around the movement. Indeed, this euphoria was rather symbolic 81 was the call for completely isolating and cutting off this group(their rivals). This call went to the point of insinuating, without saying it in so many words... that anyone who stood with and agreed with this group will“get what they deserve” – a message that was closer to a ciphered code to call others to“action”. What is more important was that this declaration was signed by 26 individuals, most of whom were well-known and key fi gures in areas where the Jihadi Sala fi sts have a strong presence(such as Zarqa, Irbid, al-Salt, Ma’an, Amman and Kerak). The most prominent of the signatories were: Jarrah al-Rahahleh, Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi, Abu Mohammad al-Tahawi, Abu Abdullah Rayallat, Abu Quteiba alMajali, Sakhir al-Ma’ani, Nour Beyrum, Abu Mohammad al-A’abid, Omar Mehdi Zeidan and Jawad al-Fakih. This declaration spread quickly on Jihadi sites and forums, and gained credibility relative to the stream of declarations and letters published by the other party, all of which, in turn, reinforced alMaqdisi’s credibility before the supporters of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement inside and outside Jordan. Things did not stop there. Al-Maqdisi’s supporters sent a letter to Hani al-Siba’ai, the well-known Egyptian Sala fi st living in London, who owns the al-Makrizi Institute for Studies, which is a resource center with close ties to al-Qaeda. The letter spoke of al-Maqdisi’s place within Jihadi Sala fi sm and refutes the allegations of those who doubt and suspect him. Al-Siba’ai, in turn, gave al-Maqdisi his total support and made it known that he considered al-Maqdisi an authority and major icon of the movement; in his words,“Sheikh Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi has not only proven his trustworthiness, he is a steady and secure fi gure of sound faith, and a thorn in the throats of the oppressors and their cronies. He is learned in the way of the Sunna(the Way of the Prophet and His Companions); his books and opinions testify to the depth and extent of his knowledge. He is still being subjected to the ordeal of prison because of those who have conceded to evil! But God has kept him strong and he remains unyieldingly committed to God.” 71 80 What is interesting to note is that individuals from the‘anti-Maqdisi’ side have held suspicions about al-Maqdisi and his entourage that have carried over from Zarqawi’s past position towards the latter after the con fl ict between them ignited. Indeed, they use Zarqawi’s own words against al-Maqdisi to try to strip al-Maqdisi of his authority and legitimacy, for example,(in the words of Zarqawi, after the publication of the essay“Advocacy and Advice”),“I know, dear Sheikh, that this matter(he means here al-Maqdisi’s criticisms of Zarqawi’s group’s activities in Iraq) does not harm me as much as it does this Jihad. For I am a man of the“Men of Islam,” whose heart has called out to him (here he means to fi ght or kill). But sadness, all sadness, has come upon the Jihad – its blessings are visible to all those with two eyes who want to undermine it... And, if they get what they want – may God forbid – you will get your lion’s share.” It is obvious that the aim of recalling these particular“words” of Zarqawi is to create suspicions about what lies behind the“change” in al-Maqdisi’s stands(and his calls for restraint). Many of the members of the movement refer back to earlier years, back to the time when they were all in prison – when al-Maqdisi was“exiled” from the “emirate” – in order to raise suspicions about his“credibility” or his “religious devotion and behaviour”(relative to their strict and severe standards). On the other hand, those who have taken al-Maqdisi’s side published a very harsh statement against their rivals on numerous Jihadi sites and forums on the internet. In this statement, they describe their rivals as“Khawarij”(an Islamist group that was extremist in its religious beliefs, and went beyond the path of orthodox Sunna(the Way of the Prophet and His Companions) to which the Global Jihadi Sala fi st movement belongs). 70 The declaration(entitled“In Defence of al-Maqdisi”) claimed that their rivals were small in number, and limited speci fi cally to the city of Zarqa; that they were‘disavowing as blasphemous’(“ tak fi r”) large segments of society and indeed, were doubting the Islam of society in its entirety – an indication that this group was more similar to the“Tak fi r wal Hijra” group, renowned in Egypt and other Arab and Muslim countries. What is also interesting in the defence declaration 79 Quickly, the con fl ict has come out into the open, and has been rapidly transported onto“Jihadi forums”. An“electronic war” has begun between both parties, with the goal of further polarizing members to their side, and to shore up support for their arguments in the eyes of supporters of the movement outside. The side rejecting al-Maqdisi is led by a group unknown to the public; they use aliases to camou fl age themselves. One can fi nd several papers written by their aliases to this effect – the most prominent of which was written by an individual under the alias“Abu al-Yaman Abdel Karim bin Issi al-Madani” under the title“Al-Ijtihad fi Hukum al-Farar min Sahat al-Jihad”(“A Religious Ruling against Those Who Fled the Battle fi elds of the Jihad”). Other articles written against al-Maqdisi were posted by individuals who wrote under the aliases of“Abu al-Kassem al-Muhajir”,“Abu al-Qa’qa’a al-Shami, “Asad bin al-Furat” and Kahir al-Tawagheet amongst others(many of these names are a‘nom de guerre’ that allude to Iraq, Jihad, the fi ght against the blasphemers and apostates, etc.). 68 The arguments and ideas posted by the anti-Maqdisi side question what is behind the changes in al-Maqdisi’s attitude; they ask what the dimensions of the circumstances are that led to these‘concessions’; and fi nally, there are suspicious questions posed about those in alMaqdisi close circle, such as an individual known as“Nuriddin Beyram” from the city of Zarqa, whom al-Maqdisi wrote the introduction to his new book that criticized“immoderation”(overstated militancy and extremism). 69 Some of the battles have raged around issues such as“the Imams of the Mosques”. This issue revolves around the imams af fi liated with the Ministry of Religious Affairs, who the anti-Maqdisi party fi nd blasphemous and refused to pray with – a stand that al-Maqdisi utterly disagrees with and refuses outright. Another of the provocative battles has centered on the Hamas movement, which members of the anti-al-Maqdisi party are not only satis fi ed to disagree with(such as al-Maqdisi), but have gone to the extent of labelling and disavowing Hamas members as blasphemous, as well. 78 in the Global Jihadi Sala fi st movement that al-Qaeda also belongs to. Indeed, it is precisely these ideological postures that the Jordanian government rejects outright and expects al-Maqdisi to abandon. 67 On the other hand, al-Maqdisi has tried to put a limit to and constrain the overblown tendency of“ tak fi r” or the“disavowal of others as blasphemous” and the blatant militancy and extremism that members of the movement have developed as a result of the Zarqawi paradigm – a paradigm that is considered the most extreme right wing of the Global Jihadi Sala fi st movement. To be more precise, what al-Maqdisi desires is to take a few steps back... back to the project he originally launched in the early 1990s – which was committing to a novel vision in the frontier of“Islamist activism”; to establish a movement, different from all the others out there, which carries the banner of“al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism, believing in the oneness of God) and which strips the façade of religious legitimacy and authority away from modern Arab regimes. His initial vision was to create a new path for“Islamist activism” in the Jordanian arena(at least in the short term) that focused on changing concepts and ideas; and to initiate a comprehensive point of reference that would address the public with this discourse. His aim was that this experience and model would then be duplicated and transferred to the Palestinian arena – but, this time within a framework of armed resistance and struggle against the Israeli occupation. One should view al-Maqdisi’s recent comeback to the“arena of activism” in Jordan from all the angles of these various perspectives – it is a‘return’ that will be fraught with the danger of a confrontation with all those who still believe in Zarqawi’s vision and in Zarqawi’s legacy. Early 2009, only a few months have passed since al-Maqdisi’s release, and the internal con fl ict has indeed erupted with two sides clearly emerging: The fi rst led by al-Maqdisi and the other led by a group of individuals who hold a harsh and suspicious position towards the man and his new ideas – individuals who are insisting that there be“safe hands” present within the“new reform movement”. 77 It appears that, today, we stand witness before a comprehensive reform project for the movement, so to speak – wished for by alMaqdisi, who carries under his wing the readiness to pull in the reigns of the intellectual leadership of the movement and possibly even its activities, and to re-orient Jihadi Sala fi sm back to the vision originally put forth by him- a vision that al-Maqdisi felt Zarqawi hijacked and redirected into other different avenues. In any case, the task before al-Maqdisi will not be easy, bearing in mind the con fl ict that continued to escalate and intensify between Zarqawi and him in the last period – and especially considering Zarqawi’s success in inspiring awe in his supporters and in drawing members of the movement to his side. However, several variables may serve to lessen the size of the challenges and obstacles before al-Maqdisi; the most important of these variables indeed appears to be the signi fi cant weakening of al-Qaeda in Iraq in the recent past, which in turn, has weakened the incentive to follow Zarqawi’s path. In addition to the latter con fl ict, larger cracks and fi ssures had begun to surface between members and supporters of Jihadi Sala fi sm worldwide with the declaration by the veneered sayyid and imam, Dr. Fadel(the previous emir of the Egyptian Jihadi Sala fi st movement). Dr. Fadel announced that, after a thorough review, he was renouncing one of his major books on Jihadi Sala fi sm and many of the ideas of the movement – many of which were considered references to the movement and ideas that many of the members were raised upon. 65 However, al-Maqdisi today suffers from serious security restrictions. The conditions for his release include avoiding the media and the press, and a ban on him taking part in any of the movement’s activities. 66 Furthermore, unlike his Egyptian counterpart(Dr. Fadel), al-Maqdisi has found dif fi culty in precisely de fi ning his own personal retreat from some of the premises that Jihadi Sala fi st thinking is built upon. For, al-Maqdisi remains adamant in preserving the original view that they must disassociate themselves and remain completely “innocent” of any aspect of the prevailing political regimes and systems, which he still considers blasphemous. He still believes they must be shunned and disavowed(excommunicated religiously); he remains committed as well to certain lines of thinking and activities 76 - 3 Taking Stock: An Internal Re-assessment and the Struggle over the“Zarqawi Legacy” After spending many years in different prisons(and following Zarqawi’s departure from Jordan), al-Maqdisi’s recent return to the Jordanian scene was preceded by an obvious crisis with a large segment of the movement’s membership – the majority of which had aligned themselves with Zarqawi. In addition, al-Maqdisi’s numerous and intermittent written reviews and critiques were telltale of the depth of his con fl ict with Zarqawi. 62 Even if the essay“Advocacy and Advice” received the most attention politically and in the media, there were many other scholarly essays and papers by al-Maqdisi that were of no less importance. Perhaps the most important of these was the essay entitled“Taking Pause at the Fruits of Jihad”, which presented a detailed, extensive and layered critique of Zarqawi’s vision for action in Iraq and the overall orientation to which Zarqawi had led the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan. 63 Much earlier and immediately after the fi rst time he was released from prison(after 1999) al-Maqdisi wrote a book entitled“The 30 th Letter of Caution on Exaggerated Disavowal as Blasphemous(‘ Tak fi r’)” 64 , which reveals that al-Maqdisi had seen the“sign” many years ago. In this book, he enumerates the error of his followers when they became too radical or extreme in a way that was neither required nor acceptable in the paradigm that al-Maqdisi had developed for change. 75 being weak, to being incapable altogether of keeping up with the momentum and dynamism of Jihad, or of being incapable of working or producing anything tangible – that al-Maqdisi was satis fi ed in talk (speeches), ideas and opinions that had no weight and would not feed the hungry. On the other hand, the proponents of al-Maqdisi saw him as representing the main line and proper course for the Jihadi Sala fi st movement, that his opinions and his criticisms of Zarqawi were objective and correct; and they called for al-Maqdisi to be reinstated as the leader of the movement. 73 Finally, the greatest of the criticisms, by any standard, was encapsulated in al-Maqdisi’s rejection of Zarqawi taking on the command of the Jihad in Iraq; and al-Maqdisi’s insistence that it was essential that this task should be left to an Iraqi national. Al-Maqdisi’s justi fi cation for this strong opinion was that the Iraqis had priority and precedence in the Jihad against the enemy in their country – an opinion also shared by the majority of the Iraqi people, in speci fi c, and by everyone, in general. This was in line with the nature of the Iraqi people, and would remove the grounds for all the pretexts used to distort the image of the resistance and of the Jihad in Iraq... and thus, in al-Maqdisi’s opinion, could only be undertaken by a mature, Iraqi leadership. What is central and essential to recognize here is that al-Maqdisi’s critical view actually represented an objective and rational reading of many of the errors that Zarqawi’s group committed in Iraq. What is so latently important about this“Maqdisian testimony” is that it was made by the movement’s most prominent intellect, scholar and theorist. Therefore, it is a clear letter, or message, that con fi rms that one of the founders of the“intellectual and ideological discourse” of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement would not and did not lend any “legitimacy” to much of the activities and operations carried out by Zarqawi’s group. This state of affairs actually represents a microcosm of the breadth and characteristics of the greater con fl ict that is now playing out on the scene within the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan – a con fl ict represented symbolically on the one side by Zarqawi(the leader of the“al-Tawhid wal Jihad” group) and on the other by al-Maqdisi,“the spiritual father” of the movement. This letter of“Advocacy and Advice” fuelled the con fl ict between individuals in the movement in Jordan, and was re fl ected in the sharp debate between its members outside – members in fl uenced by either al-Maqdisi or Zarqawi. This widening schism was particularly evident in Saudi Arabia, where the dialogue and debate split the group into two, clear sides. The fi rst represented those that advocated and considered Zarqawi as the leader, and attacked“al-Maqdisi’s opinion” with charges that spanned from accusing al-Maqdisi of 72 Of the other subjects that al-Maqdisi addressed was“widening the circle of the struggle” more than necessary, and getting involved in struggles and wars with other groups and communities“including non-believers(kaf fi rin) – not involved in the fi ghting – and targeting houses of worship and churches.” In al-Maqdisi’s view, another mistake, at some level, was dealing with the Shiites as if they were“one block” under the shadow of the foreign occupation – which, in itself, did not distinguish between Sunni or Shiite and indeed, targeted all Muslims. It is also clear that this view contradicted, at the core, that of Zarqawi’s. Zarqawi dealt with the Shiite as“one block” and in a way closer in description to a systematic“disavowal as blasphemous”(“ tak fi r”) than anything else. Indeed, this form of“disavowal” was not outwardly declared or blatant, but rather its stench could be distinctly felt in the discourse of Zarqawi’s followers with regard to the Shiites. This issue, in all its angles, clearly represented another fundamental controversy between Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi. In addition to the latter issue, al-Maqdisi was critical of Zarqawi and his group’s model of political campaigning and their discourse in the media and in public communications. He warned against casting empty threats at the countries of the world, and of declaring open wars that they were neither capable of, ready for or had any real cause for. He advocated the necessity of a communications strategy and discourse that was balanced and able to strongly communicate the message of Jihad and its ethics, and which could refute the accusations, allegations and the distorted image that the Western press and media, and those af fi liated with them, were trying to present about the“Mujahiddin”. What is not said by al-Maqdisi is that Zarqawi’s letters, speeches and communications, especially those published on or broadcast over the internet, did actually help convey this distorted image about Jihad and the message of Jihad; and perhaps presented the best evidence for Western governments to use to distort and damage the image of the Iraqi resistance. 71 Al-Maqdisi’s pointed to kidnapping for ransom and to killing, and then fi lming or photographing these operations as being the cause for what made the“Mujahiddin” appear like butchers – butchers, who enjoy killing human beings, without sanction and without any of the justi fi cations required(by Islam) to shed another person’s blood. He also criticized the extensive use of“martyring operations”. He warned of distorting the conditions required and de fi ned by Muslim scholars that allow the“legal” use of such operations, and of the danger of depending on them as a principal approach in the Jihad. He made the point that, in the fi rst place, an operation such as a “martyring operation” should be the exception, not the rule, and can be carried out only in cases where it is deemed absolutely necessary. In saying so, al-Maqdisi was sending an indirect message of criticism directed at the obvious choice made by Zarqawi’s group to use “martyring operations” as a principal fi ghting instrument, or as“the rule” and not the exception. Al-Maqdisi discussed another major point in this paper, which is tied to the Jihadi Sala fi st upbringing,‘culture’ and education. The manners, behaviour and attitude that the movement should instil in others, when mobilizing and recruiting individuals towards the critical path of resistance against the prevailing realities, was to ensure members of this movement were prepared and ready from a psychological perspective, and by ensuring they were knowledgeable in the profound revolutionary ideology. That is why al-Maqdisi felt that they did not display the required ethical restraints. Indeed, if members were not raised on the ideal of glorifying and aggrandizing the sanctity of Muslim blood, then,“the virtue of fi ghting for the sake of God will be transformed from its purpose and lose all its restraints; and the Mujahid will be transformed into a criminal, who no longer distinguishes between good and evil – all of which runs counter to the principles of the Followers of the Sunna and the Companions of the Sunna and will make this movement no different from any other extremist movements”. 70 - 2 Al-Maqdisi’s Criticism of the“Zarqawi Experience” in Iraq The movement’s experience in Iraq is one of the most important cases to study in order to get a clearer understanding of the extent and degree of the con fl ict and differences between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi. Although al-Maqdisi formulated his“critique” or criticism of Zarqawi by using the language of“advising”, it is somehow obvious that the underlying goal of this“advice” was to present a comprehensive list of all the errors committed by Zarqawi in Iraq, despite the praise bestowed by al-Maqdisi on Zarqawi’s role in resisting the occupation, for naming his group“al-Tawhid wal-Jihad” (which is the same name al-Maqdisi used for his own website on the internet), and likening him to Abu Anas prior to the latter’s death. 61 The fi rst and major issue that al-Maqdisi discussed in his paper were tied to“the Jihadi choices of Zarqawi”. What al-Maqdisi meant by that was the military and Jihadi operations that Zarqawi’s group chose to undertake. The central issues that al-Maqdisi kept harping on was the need to“safeguard against the shedding of Muslim blood,” and not to take lightly the killing of unarmed and innocent civilians under the pressure and stress of the(armed) struggle against the American enemy. He considered placing explosives and carrying out militant operations in public places like markets and cities, which sacri fi ced the souls of civilians, helped distort the“illuminating image” of Islam, and sullied the hands of mujahiddin –“an ablution with the blood of the infallible.” Al-Maqdisi also warned of using tactics that are prohibited(in Islam) such as being involved in methods and means that are“illegal” (by Islamic standards), such as kidnapping or killing of Muslims under the pretext that they“work with the non-believers( kaf fi rin)”. 69 In any case, what is clear is that al-Maqdisi aimed to send out a basic, fundamental message by recounting these major, historical milestones in the path Zarqawi had chosen; and that was: The choices and decisions Zarqawi had made did not meet with success most of the time. Al-Maqdisi emphasizes and articulates this criticism when he says,“I was receiving information about our brothers, one piece of news after the other, in constant succession... I received news of arrests, brothers switching sides or going to other organizations, or of returning to Jordan, and so on. And every time I heard something new, I would bemoan and lament the squandering of our brothers’ efforts, their dispersal and the way their energies were expended across the radius of Afghanistan and Kurdistan, then Pakistan, Iran and Iraq... A part of them were arrested in Pakistan, another part in Iran, a third in Kurdistan and Iraq. I would pain over what they had become and where they ended up due to the lack of a clear plan or program for their work, and due to jumping around from side to side and from place to place, according to changing circumstances and conditions and any other situation thereof, instead of moving with a clear strategy and predetermined plan...”. 60 Indeed, the conclusion al-Maqdisi seemed to want to convey was that it was he who possessed a program and vision that would allow the movement to avoid many of the pitfalls and outcomes the movement faced under Zarqawi’s command – this message, or this suggestion, will be discussed and analyzed further in the conclusion of this analysis and study 68 in Jordan. Indeed, the majority of the members of the movement were young men, not educated well, not scholarly at all, and from the poorest, most marginalized classes in society. Al-Maqdisi himself recognized this truth in another essay entitled“What is New in the Era of Islam”; and has admitted this reality in private conversations where he complains about the behaviour and attitude of members of the movement towards him and their“exaggerated” extremism... Indeed, al-Maqdisi was actually one of the fi rst‘sacri fi cial lambs’ of a school of thought that he advocated and established! What is more, the situation worsened in light of the angry reaction of many young members to al-Maqdisi’s essays – an anger that went to the point that some of them sent him threatening letters while in prison! But al-Maqdisi did not hesitate to make the comparison between his experience, wisdom and insight and Zarqawi’s shallow experience and weak insight. Al-Maqdisi – as he himself says – was quite aware of the impact and consequences of the Zarqawi“experience” or “legacy”; and, he claims that he tried hard to convince Zarqawi to accept his advice. However, Zarqawi insisted on going against this advice and instead took some of the most talented members of the movement with him to Afghanistan. 59 According to al-Maqdisi, the result was what he had anticipated: that Zarqawi would eventually clash with the Taliban and with Osama Bin Laden himself; that many of those who followed Zarqawi’s lead would end up scattered, displaced and arrested in Iran, Pakistan and Iraq; and many would end up killed. In the end, Zarqawi was forced to fl ee to Kurdistan, where Raed Khreisat had already set things up (Khreisat was a Jordanian who went to Afghanistan fi rst, then moved to Kurdistan where he set up Jordanian military training camps. He fought with the“Ansar al-Sunna” group against the Kurdish factions and was eventually killed with a group of his friends there). What is more, initially, is that Zarqawi had not even agreed with Khreisat’s decision to go to Kurdistan. He had actually refused it; but, in the end, when his options began to cave in on him, he ended up going there anyway. 67 Originally, al-Maqdisi is a Palestinian(holding a Jordanian passport) and his concerns extended to west of the Jordan River, to Palestine. He viewed Jordan as representing an axis, or point of departure for the “calling”( da’wa) to extend to Palestine, wherein al-Maqdisi’s hopes and ambitions lay. On the other hand, when al-Jayyousi suggested to Zarqawi(a Jordanian) that they should try to strike Eilat from Aqaba – an operation that had real potential for success – Zarqawi refused and insisted on aiming for targets“east of the River” – with one of these targets being an intelligence of fi cer(a target that later evolved into targeting the national security and intelligence headquarters in its entirety). What appears clear is that this point of contention and central con fl ict(in priorities) is not just due to the different political thinking of both individuals, but also to the differences in their very natures in terms of their upbringing, loyalties, psychological make-up and social backgrounds. They were the kind of differences that could easily exist between one man, born in Palestine, then moved to the Gulf, suffered a sense of alienation, was an avid scholar and reader on the experiences of Islamist movements and the other, a young man, who grew up without any kind of religious upbringing, in a marginalized, poor community that suffers from many dif fi cult social ills(in the city of Zarqa in Jordan). Another message implied indirectly in al-Maqdisi’s essay was that Zarqawi’s experience was limited and that his scholarship and education in the experience of Islamist groups and in Islamist advocacy and on the transformations in Jordan’s political life and other countries was almost non-existent. Indeed, according to alMaqdisi, the only experience Zarqawi really had was from the short period he spent with al-Maqdisi in Afghanistan in the early 1990s, then with the“ Bay’at al-Imam” group, which was a limited group in itself and existed only at the margins of society. Yet, despite all of the above, this young man was able to snatch the command and leadership of the movement away from al-Maqdisi; and, he was able to do this precisely because of his psychological make-up, his thinking, his social background and his upbringing – which was much closer to that of the members of the movement 66 From this point forth, al-Maqdisi enters into a harsh critique of the kind of armed and militant operations that Zarqawi used to coordinate and supervise from the outside(from Afghanistan or Kurdistan). AlMaqdisi emphasizes the failure of the majority of these operations, which resulted in the arrest of the individuals attempting to carry them out; and attributes these failures to one major cause: The“structural faults” in“the movement’s security structure” – alluding to the fact that the movement was being in fi ltrated with great ease by Jordanian intelligence. It appears that what al-Maqdisi aimed to achieve by focusing on this particular issue, in this particular way, was to make the following three major points: 58 First: By referring to these operations, al-Maqdisi acknowledges and con fi rms – albeit implicitly – a series of attempted operations attributed to Zarqawi during that period. Second: That al-Maqdisi lays the blame for the failure of these operations on Zarqawi – operations that he believes failed due to security breaches in the organization, the squandering of funds and the undue sacri fi ce of those who were supposed to carry out the(failed) operations. Third: Through the above, al-Maqdisi was placing a question mark on the competence of Zarqawi’s leadership, perhaps in an attempt to‘reinstate’ himself after being‘demoted’ from the emirate in prison and being cut-off by a wide segment of the membership in the movement who saw Zarqawi as their inspiration and leader. Another remarkable statement in this essay helps one understand the other dimension of the con fl ict between the two men. In the part of the essay where al-Maqdisi is explaining the reasons for not leaving with Zarqawi to Afghanistan, he says,“I opted for remaining in the country in order to follow up and take care of the“calling”( da’wa) that we started with the hope of transferring it west of the(Jordan) River... for, that is where many of my hopes and ambitions lay”. 65 had begun to spread through the narrow channels and inner circles of the movement, which was embodied by serious reservations about the extent and depth of“al-Maqdisi’s religious integrity!” 55 Al-Maqdisi makes reference to the change in leadership and to the differences he had with Zarqawi in his famous essay and letter entitled,“Zarqawi: Advocacy and Advise”(which al-Maqdisi wrote in prison during the period when Zarqawi was setting up the“Jama’at al-Tawhid wal Jihad” in Iraq and prior to the conversion of this group to al-Qaeda). In this essay-letter, al-Maqdisi denies the accusations laid forth against him by Zarqawi’s supporters and attributes the change in command to his“own personal decision” to step down as leader of the movement in order to devote more attention to his religious scholarship, his writings and theories on advocacy(for Jihadi Sala fi sm). 56 The importance of this particular essay-letter was that it meticulously revealed many of the details about the differences between Zarqawi and him, as well as it presented a historical summary of the experiences that had brought the two men together in the fi rst place. It was replete with scathing criticisms by al-Maqdisi, from the vantage point of al-Maqdisi being“the sheikh, mentor and scholar”, and of the new leader Zarqawi as being the dissident, rebel pupil(of al-Maqdisi), gone astray. One of the major points of contention discussed in the paper is Zarqawi’s decision to leave Jordan for Afghanistan, taking along with him several key members of the movement. Al-Maqdisi is openly critical of this decision as he considers it as“deserting the local front, or vacating the local arena” of its“Mujahiddin”. Furthermore, in a clever, indirect and subtle way, al-Maqdisi makes it very clear that Zarqawi committed some major errors due to his lack of maturity in scholarly and practical matters. Through the use of the phrase that Zarqawi was a“dissident, rebel pupil,” al-Maqdisi insinuates a very severe message, which he underlines in the following statement:“The leadership of certain members inside prison must not be transferred in all its shallowness and naivety to the organization of the armed struggle(outside the prison walls)”. 57 64 - 1 The Roots of the Con fl ict between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi The importance of investigating and clarifying the nature of the con fl ict between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi, and the impact this con fl ict had on the course of the movement stems from the importance of these two individuals: They both played a central and fundamental role in the direction that the Jihadi Sala fi st movement would take in Jordan. Indeed, both men’s in fl uence created an extensive ripple effect that continued well beyond Jordan’s borders. Today, we are witnessing two paradigms for the movement(very much moulded by these two men) fi ghting over the identity and future direction of Jihadi Sala fi sm. The seeds of the con fl ict between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi go back to their fi rst days in prison(after being convicted in the case of the “ Bay’at al-Imam”). The fi rst signs of the con fl ict were marked by the ‘transfer’ of the position of emir from al-Maqdisi to Zarqawi. This change in command took place over a short period of time; and the majority of the members of the movement began to fl ock towards Zarqawi and away from al-Maqdisi. To make matters worse for him, Al-Maqdisi was often plagued by problems between him and others in the movement. The reasoning used to justify this change was the way members of the movement perceived each man when it came to dealing with the state police and the national security apparatus. Al-Maqdisi was accused of being too complacent and accommodating, while Zarqawi was seen as being strong, severe and fi erce. However, underlining this‘declared’ reason was another major misgiving that 63 This current accuses al-Maqdisi and his followers of compromising and backing down from the fundamental and original principles, thinking and model of“Jihadi Sala fi sm”, and that they failed Zarqawi in Iraq; and indeed, warn of any new concessions. To be able to understand the nature of these two currents and of the con fl ict between them on the intellectual level and in their activity platforms, one must return to the nature of the con fl ict that emerged and grew between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi; and what the repercussions of this con fl ict were on the course, identity and future developments of the movement. 61 But after Zarqawi’s death, the situation became confused, the orientation and the priorities fragmented and the“big picture” for the next stage of the movement’s activities was unclear. Indeed, initial indicators point to the fi rst signs that new phase is on the horizon where two currents in the movement are forming: One current will be led by al-Maqdisi, recently released from prison, and will seek to restore the movement’s mobility and intellectual leadership, based on: 1. A return to a peaceful form of advocacy and“calling”( da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordan, but with the radicalism that is so paradoxical in terms of the general context of prevailing political, cultural and social realities. 2.“Cleaning house” or taking stock of matters and restructuring the movement internally, reducing the level of extremist thinking and exaggerated cruelty in dealing with others, and uniting the ideological and theoretical references, religious scholarship and interpretations. 3. Working to transport the“calling”( da’wa) west of the Jordan River(i.e. to Palestine) and forming a wing of the movement there, which openly adopts the Jihad, based on the Jihadi Sala fi st model. The second current will be led by a group from within the movement that supports and believes in the importance of continuing the “Zarqawi legacy” and the path that Zarqawi set. This current will not want to lose contact with the al-Qaeda mother organization, at least in the sense of“interfacing” with the intellectual and political agenda of al-Qaeda’s central command – even if this current knows that this means it will remain under tight reigns by Jordanian intelligence and security services, and that it does not have the ability and cannot afford any direct confrontation with the state’s security apparatus. 60 The assassination of Zarqawi and al-Qaeda’s decline in Iraq represented a strong blow to the movement’s members and its followers in Jordan. It was particularly strong because, within the overall picture, there were no tell-tale signs of a charismatic leadership with nearly the same kind of presence and in fl uence that Zarqawi had possessed. This is not to say there were no leaders, but those who existed had medium or little in fl uence and were based in certain neighbourhoods or cities. None of these individuals had the emblematic command required for leading the entire movement across the country. Another important observation that should be made at this point is that, despite the crackdowns and setbacks that the movement faced at the hands of Jordanian security and intelligence services, the movement and its ideology is still noticeably proliferating throughout the country. This spread may be marginal, but the numbers in the movement have not subsided; and the movement itself has not diminished in size since Zarqawi’s death and since the Iraqi al-Qaeda lost much of its standing. Perhaps the main cause for this is the prevailing political and socio-economic conditions, which are major factors at play in creating the fertile grounds that this discourse and political vision derives itself from. On the other hand, the organization has signi fi cantly lost sight of its priorities and its orientation. The striking irony in the previous period was that while Zarqawi had his eye on Jordan, and was keen on delivering his threats and menacing messages to the Jordanian authorities, members and supporters of the movement in Jordan had their eye on Iraq, and wanted to join Zarqawi and his group there because, in their opinion,“that was the open, real and direct front for Jihad against the enemy with clear battle standards”. 59 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement Today: The Struggle over the Movement’s Identity and Priorities or other countries altogether, particularly Afghanistan and Pakistan. Simultaneously, countries neighbouring Iraq, and particularly Syria, began to seriously tighten the reigns on groups or organizations with alleged links to al-Qaeda. Borders were now closed to them and the confrontation was reduced to a few remaining“pockets” left hanging in Syria and Lebanon. Less than two years after Zarqawi was killed, his sheikh, al-Maqdisi, was released from the Jordanian National Security Prison(in March of 2008). However, he would abstain from the movement’s activities and avoided the media to avoid undue embarrassment to the government(unlike what he did when he was released in July 2005 when he publicly attacked Saudi Arabia on the al-Jazeera satellite news channel – although, in the same televised interview, he also openly criticized major components of the Iraqi al-Qaeda’s discourse and practices). 56 - 5 The Jordanian Jihadis... After Zarqawi The crisis between Zarqawi and other Sunni forces became much more pronounced after the Amman Hotel Bombings in 2005. A short time after the release of the video tape that authenticated Zarqawi’s assassination by way of an American missile strike in June of 2006, alQaeda quickly tried to fi ll the leadership vacuum by appointing“Abu Hamza al-Muhajir”(an Egyptian national) as emir of the organization. The organization subsequently declared the“Islamic State of Iraq” under the command of the Iraqi national, Abu Omar al-Baghdadi. However, the severity of the differences between al-Qaeda and the Sunni community fi nally culminated into armed con fl ict between the organization and the“Islamic Army” and“Kataib Thawrat Tishreen” (The October Revolution Brigade). These clashes fi nally led to the formation of the Sunni“Tribal Sahwa”, a tribal alliance that played a very large and effective role in weakening al-Qaeda, put a stop to the organization’s expansion to a great degree and forced them out of a large part of Sunni territory in Iraq. Indeed, al-Qaeda has retreated in a clear and evident way in this past period. Most of its activities have taken on a more securityoriented or defensive nature, such as the group it established, called the group of“Abu Bakr al-Siddiq,” to hunt down the leaders of the “Tribal Sahwa”. Declarations and announcements by al-Qaeda’s command made it clear that it considered the“Tribal Sahwa” a “poisoned knife” that stabbed the organization in the back and led to “breaking” it today. The transformations in the Iraqi condition led to a reverse migration on the part of many Arab volunteer fi ghters to other regions of Iraq 55 the period prior to the invasion of Iraq(in particular, for the‘sons of al-Salt’ killed in Kurdistan), and the period immediately after the invasion. However, the government began to crackdown on this type of activity because of the political problems that arose due to some of these“celebrations”. 3. The differences between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi also began to emerge and eventually came to the fore during this period. These differences came out into the open through a letter written by al-Maqdisi that was leaked to the public, entitled“Abu Musab Zarqawi: Advocacy and Advise”. In this letter, al-Maqdisi is critical of many of Zarqawi’s tactics and activities in Iraq. He also suggests that their personality differences went beyond general intellectual differences; and this does become quite evident later. However, by the time these differences emerged, the majority of the members of the movement had already come to favour Zarqawi and his more radical discourse. 4. It was also during this period that the“electronic activity” of the members of the movement began to increase in light of the ef fi cacy of the“Iraqi al-Qaeda” online and the fl ourishing market of internet communications and interaction via forums and sites connected to al-Qaeda. In Jordan, the fi rst case of“Electronic Jihad” was recorded in which a few individuals were arrested on charges of participating in electronic forums that belonged to the Iraqi al-Qaeda 52 . 5. The most notable observation in this period is, by far, the signi fi cant rate in which al-Qaeda operations decreased after the Amman Hotel Bombings. Actually, no operation of any consequence has taken place since. The Jordanian authorities were able to prevent an operation(in early 2006) in which a suicide bomber attempted to force the release of a number of al-Qaeda members from prison(Azmi al-Jayyousi being one of the prisoners 53 ). Another operation that was still in its planning stage when it was foiled by the authorities was to blow up Queen Alia International Airport and a number of Jordanian hotels frequented by tourists. 54 53 organization inside Jordan. Drawing on its experience in Iraq, the network’s capacities evolved signi fi cantly in terms of their adeptness and complexity, which is clearly evident in the nature of the Amman Hotel Bombings, which in themselves represented an immense, unprecedented“security breach” for the country. It is important to note that this breach did not occur due to a weakness in the abilities or negligence on the part of the Jordanian security and intelligence apparatus, but rather to the immense changes in the regional security environment, which required a different methodology for dealing with the challenge and threat posed by al-Qaeda. In the past, Jordanian intelligence and security had to contend with local groups that had fi ghting experience from Afghanistan or other fronts. However, in the majority of these cases, the resources, records and of fi cial database(that the state had at hand) were suf fi cient and effective enough to allow Jordanian intelligence and security to stop operations before they could be implemented. The situation would change, though, after the occupation of Iraq, when the majority of the individuals that Zarqawi would use and rely on were Iraqi or other Arab nationals, for whom Jordanian intelligence lacked an effective and precise database of information. In addition, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis were residing in Jordan at that time and there were never enough resources to run political, social or religious background checks on all of them. All these factors led to a great change in the nature of the Jordanian national security strategy. 2. During this period, members of the Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi st movement continued in their attempts to sneak into Iraq, most of the time via the Syrian border. Several cases emerged related to organizations that were specialized in recruiting individuals and facilitating their travel to Iraq with the objective of joining al-Qaeda there, as well as working on spreading the“calling” ( da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm, both religiously and politically. 51 Perhaps the most remarkable of the Jihadi Sala fi sts activities was the celebration they used to hold to“commemorate” those martyred in Iraq. They named these celebrations“The Martyr’s Wedding,” which goes back to a tradition that was popular in 52 Second: According to opinion polls carried out by the Jordanian Center for Strategic Studies, the level of popular support that al-Qaeda had previously enjoyed in Jordanian public opinion retreated signi fi cantly after this incident. A fundamental and major transformation indeed occurred in Jordanian public opinion towards al-Qaeda, in its global form in connection with Bin Laden, and in its regional form embodied by Abu Musab Zarqawi’s al-Qaeda’s Jihad Committee in Mesopotamia. While half the Jordanians polled described Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda as a terrorist organization, three-quarters described Zarqawi’s alQaeda as a terrorist organization: In 2004 – before the bombings – 67% of Jordanians polled described Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda as an“organization of legitimate resistance”, whereas polls after the bombing showed a reduction of 20% in that number. And, 72.2% described al-Qaeda’s Jihad Committee in Mesopotamia(the organization that claimed responsibility for the Hotel Bombings in Amman) as a terrorist organization against 6.2% who described it as an“organization of legitimate resistance.” 50 Jihadi Sala fi sm: The peak of its power and the start of the reverse countdown The Iraqi al-Qaeda under the command of Zarqawi witnessed a period where its power and in fl uence peaked in the region, and a period of euphoric support locally. However, the countdown in the reversal of its popularity, power and in fl uence began with the Amman Hotel Bombings, which Zarqawi found great dif fi culty trying to justify and ended with the death of Zarqawi himself – which, in itself, had great repercussions on both al-Qaeda in Iraq and on the followers of Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordan. *** Before entering the fourth phase(after the assassination of Zarqawi), a short pause is required to review the general characteristics of the dynamic and important period, embodied in the rise of Zarqawi, in the course of the movement both inside and outside Jordan: 1. The rise of al-Qaeda, its strength and the momentum of its activities in the region were negatively impacted in a substantial and signi fi cant manner by the operations carried out by the 51 The“Amman Hotel Bombings”: A transformation in the state’s security strategy The Amman Hotel Bombings that took place on November 11, 2005 are considered the most serious security incident to have occurred in Jordan as well as in the history of the extremist Islamist movements there. The operation targeted three hotels in Jordan(the Radisson SAS, Hyatt Amman and the Days Inn) and was carried out by a group of suicide bombers and supervised and coordinated by Zarqawi. The bombings led to the death of 60 civilians and wounded over 100 others. Zarqawi’s al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility for this operation and published details about the individuals who carried out the operation, three Iraqi men and one Iraqi woman – the woman, Sajida Atrous al-Rishawi, failed to detonate her explosives belt and was later arrested and sentenced to death. The Amman Hotel Bombings, the advanced techniques, logistics and complexity of the planning for this operation revealed the extent to which(Zarqawi’s) al-Qaeda had progressed in its strategy and in its regional in fl uence and impact. On the other hand, of the most important outcomes of the Amman Hotel Bombings was that it re fl ected negatively on(Zarqawi’s) alQaeda in two major ways: First: The relationship of al-Qaeda with the Sunni community – This operation augmented the schism between it and other Sunni factions, all of whom rejected this operation and felt that it damaged their interests in Jordan as Jordan was considered a strategic thoroughfare for them – a friendly place, per se, that provided them with security and with the ability to communicate and meet. The bombings were seen as an incident that would damage and limit the extent of their“benevolent” relationship with Jordan. 50 Intelligence Headquarters, the United States Embassy in Amman and the Jordanian Prime Ministry. According to Azmi al-Jayyousi, who appeared on Jordanian national television, the death toll of such an attack was estimated at 80,000. For the operation to work at the scale planned, the group had produced 20 tons of chemical explosives to be placed in containers on several trucks. Zarqawi coordinated and supervised this operation himself. On April 20, 2004 and before the operation could be carried out, members of the organization were arrested and Muwafaq Adwan and three others were killed in clashes that ensued with the Jordanian security forces. The man responsible for the operation, Al-Jayyousi, had trained at the Herat Military Training Camp(in Afghanistan) and pledged allegiance to Zarqawi before he snuck back into Jordan with Muwafaq Adwan. He began to purchase the equipment and ingredients required for the operation after Zarqawi wired US$170,000 to him. A group in Syria, under the command of the Syrian national Suleiman Khaled Darwish(Abu al-Ghadia), provided al-Jayyousi with the logistical support he needed. 48 The“Aqaba Bombings”: Relying on non-Jordanians On August 18, 2005, katyusha missiles were launched in the Jordanian Red Sea port of Aqaba in an operation known as the “Aqaba Bombings.” The incident led to the death of one soldier and the wounding of another. The persons arrested for carrying out this operation were Mohammad Hussein al-Sahli, Abdullah Mohammad al-Sahli, Abdel Rahman al-Sahli – all of whom were Syrian nationals –, as well as the group’s emir, Mohammad Hamid, who was an Iraqi national. The National Security Court sentenced the three Syrians and the Iraqi to death. 49 49 Indeed, monitoring the parallel course of Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordan and analyzing its evolution cannot be done or viewed separate from the evolution of Zarqawi’s movement outside – either before the occupation of Iraq or after –, for numerous reasons. One of these reasons was the fact that Zarqawi was perceived as being a very dynamic leader and as a political symbol by the sons of the movement; and thus, individuals – including particularly in fl uential individuals – enlisted with Zarqawi in large numbers. Therefore, in practical terms, we are talking about the fact that the movement had a very active leadership outside(Jordan). Another reason for not being able to exclude the“Zarqawi factor” was that the majority of the largest and most dangerous operations and attempted operations that took place in Jordan were planned for and coordinated outside Jordan, and in most of the cases, by Zarqawi himself or by one of his close associates. Finally, the interaction between the movement inside and outside remained active; the lines of communications between them were never interrupted. Therefore, it is without a doubt that the impact of one movement, its operations and groups on the other was constant, consistent and reciprocal. It can be said that the“Golden Era” of al-Qaeda in Iraq, especially during the period between 2004 and the end of 2005, re fl ected in a massive way on Jordan in particular, and the region in general. Indeed, the rise(of al-Qaeda) led to a complete transformation in the entire region’s security environment. Al-Qaeda became more threatening, more adept, more complex and more able to impact the national security situation in Jordan than in any other prior period. “Kataib al-Tawhid”: A catastrophe that almost happened Without a doubt, the most massive and dangerous operation that Jordan faced during this period was the Amman Hotel Bombings that took place on November 11, 2005. However, prior to these bombings were other attempts that were no less dangerous- but they did not succeed. The most prominent of these operations was a chemical attack that was supposed to be carried out by the group known as“Kataib al-Tawhid Organization,” commanded by Azmi al-Jayyousi. Zarqawi had begun preparations for this large chemical attack to target the Jordanian National Security and 48 losses possible to create an environment of continuous instability, chaos, violence and terror. Suicide operations were considered the cornerstone of this strategy. In Zarqawi’s own words, he said,“We must intensify our martyr operations in these cities in order to disrupt the enemy’s balance; and to force the enemy out of the cities and into locations where they become an easier target. These operations are deadly weapons we have in our possession – weapons with which we can in fl ict the deepest wound upon our enemy, and with which we can snatch out the hearts of our enemy and increase his malevolence. All of this is notwithstanding the fact that these kinds of operations are of little effort for us; they are uncomplicated and are the least costly for us.” 46 These operations were carried out by way of different suicide bombers carrying explosives belt on their persons, or through car or truck bombs. Zarqawi and his followers justi fi ed this kind of operation by using an Islamic ruling that is otherwise known as“ Tataross” (the“barricade/barricading” principle) in certain Islamic religious scholarship. This ruling deals with exonerating the death of civilians if they happen to be present at, or refuse to leave a legitimate target; i.e. it legitimizes certain civilian collateral damages under speci fi c circumstances. However, Zarqawi used and stretched this‘ruling’ and religious interpretation in an unprecedented and unparalleled way. Those targeted(by Zarqawi and his followers) as“legitimate kills” included not only the American armed forces and any other forces allied with them, but all those who cooperate with the United States, such as the Iraqi government, the governing council, the(Iraqi) army and police force, as well as the Shiites – and particularly those Shiites allied to the occupation forces, as well as anyone else who fi tted into their interpretation of being“guilty” under the“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal) principle... For, according to Zarqawi,“There is no difference between an external enemy, as they are by origin“ kaf fi rin”(unbelievers, pagans) or an internal enemy, as they are“ kaf fi rin” by virtue of their blasphemy and apostasy. Indeed, the golden rule of Jihadi Sala fi sm is based on the principle that,“killing is a legitimate branch of the“ tak fi r” policy(the practice of declaring an individual or group previously considered Muslim as kaf fi r or kaf fi rin), and thus, according to Zarqawi, within this context “there is no difference between(one kaf fi r and another) an American or an Iraqi Kurd, or an Arab Sunni or Shiite”. 47 47 As a result, hundreds of volunteers from the Arab and Islamic world fl ooded to enlist with Zarqawi. Investigations with members of the “Tawhid” cell in Germany also revealed the extent of the close-knit relationship between Zarqawi, Abu Qatada and al-Maqdisi, and the high degree of in fl uence that this Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi st network had on a global scale. 44 After months of communications, coordinated by Abu Qatada between“Jama’at al-Tawhid wal Jihad” led by Zarqawi and the alQaeda central command, Zarqawi’s“pledge of allegiance” to Bin Laden was declared on October 17, 2004. At this point, the group’s name was fi nally changed from“al-Tawhid wal Jihad” to“al-Qaeda’s Jihad Committee in Mesopotamia.” 45 Zarqawi continued to expand the scope of his operations and activities. His relationship with the Sunni community began to take root. He imposed his own agenda in Iraq, and then moved on, beyond Iraq’s borders into neighbouring countries, by expanding his organizational ties and by networking with other movements, groups and key actors in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia. However, early in 2006, the line bar of Zarqawi and his al-Qaeda on the political and power line-graph began to slip into decline. An impending crisis between Zarqawi and other Sunni militant groups and tribes began to grow, despite his numerous attempts to legitimize his presence in Iraq by putting Iraqi nationals in positions of leadership at the top of his organization’s hierarchy. At the same time, new organizations and groups were being conceived, such as the“Mujahiddin Shura Council”, and various alliances were emerging between the different Iraqi Sunni tribes. Adding to the crisis, Zarqawi’s actions had fi nally begun to betray his ultimate objective of founding an“Islamic Emirate” in central and western Iraq(which was the ultimate goal of al-Qaeda in the area as well). Also, it should be noted within this context, that the strategy of attrition, the violence and the terror tactics that Zarqawi utilized in Iraq, and which he worked on exporting to Jordan was unrivalled in the history of Jihadi Sala fi sm. He chose his targets according to their sensitivity and liveliness so as to in fl ict the greatest number of human 46 Abu Nasser al-Libyi. The majority of these men were killed in 2003 except for Abu Azzam, who was killed in 2005. Of the Jordanians that Zarqawi’s trusted were: Muwafaq Adwan, Jamal al-Itani, Salahuddin al-Itani, Mohammad al-Safadi, Mi’ath al-Nsour, Shehadeh al-Kilani, Mohammad Kteishat, Munther Shiha, Munther al-Tamouhi and Omar al-Otaibi. Zarqawi and the Tawhid group began to communicate with the alQaeda mother organization or central command led by Osama Bin Laden in order to attract more members and to further their goal and policy of“globalizing” Jihad. Despite the insistence by the United States of tying Zarqawi to the al-Qaeda network from a very early stage, this inference, in fact, was not accurate, because the two parties had disagreements on several ideological, theoretical, strategic and military levels. But despite these differences, both were in de fi nite agreement on the level of their Jihadi Sala fi st thinking regarding the overall strategy of fi ghting the enemy“within” and“abroad”, and in their disavowal of the Shiites(as blasphemous) and of deliberately targeting them. The major point of contention between Zarqawi and the al-Qaeda central command appeared to be their con fl icting priorities. After the downfall of the Taliban regime and the loss of their safe haven, Bin Laden and Zawahiri had their attention turned to conducting militant and subversive activities in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. 42 However, Zarqawi forced al-Qaeda’s central command not only to recognize him, but also to submit to his strategy(and focus on Iraq). Zarqawi had indeed emerged as an exceptional commander in the fi eld. He was able to steal the limelight with his strict ideology and terrifying tactics, as well as through his extensive network of relations with other Jihadists from all over the world, which he interwove with meticulousness and with the help of key mentors of the movement such as al-Maqdisi and Abu Qatada. Zarqawi’s status was also further enhanced by the death of many of the leading fi eld commanders of al-Qaeda, the mother organization. 43 45 Abu Anas al-Shami succeeded in convincing Zarqawi to declare the launching of a“new” group, under a clear standard and name, which was“Jama’at al-Tawhid wal Jihad”(The Unitarian and Jihadi Group) (It should be noted that this happens to be the same name used by al-Maqdisi, Zarqawi’s previous mentor, and the name of al-Maqdisi’s website). This group was of fi cially established and announced at the end of September, 2003; a strict hierarchical structure was constituted under the command of Zarqawi and a Shura Council, along with several other organizational committees to deal with the media, security, fi nances and legislation. Indeed, American authorities later disclosed a letter that they claim Zarqawi sent to the command center of al-Qaeda, which included a request for assistance in launching“a sectarian war in Iraq.” On February 2, 2004, American authorities in Iraq declared they were doubling the reward(to 10 million dollars) for anyone with information that would lead to Zarqawi’s capture. The new group was actually able to reinforce and expand its ranks, strength and capacities following the Battle of Fallujah 41 as a result of the gaping political and military failure of the American strategy in this town. Indeed, the huge tactical error of the Americans in using massive and indiscriminate shelling in Fallujah back fi red and helped increase the number of(Zarqawi) followers and supporters inside and outside Iraq. This failure was coupled with certain practices used by some Shiite groups and by death squads. All of these factors worked together to swell the ranks and strengthen support for the“Jama’at al-Tawhid”, which used to coordinate with the“Ansar al-Sunna”(A Sunni group that carries a similar Sala fi st ideology). In terms of the group itself, Zarqawi surrounded himself with a small circle of men who harboured extreme loyalty to him; Zarqawi was never one to easily trust people. The most important men in Zarqawi’s “inner circle” were: Abu Anas al-Shami; Nidal Mohammad Arabiyat(a Jordanian national from the city of al-Salt and an explosives expert – Arabiyat was responsible for assembling most of the car bombs that the group used in carrying out their deadly operations; he was killed in 2003); Mustafa Ramadan Darwish(alias Abu Mohammad al-Lubnani, a Lebanese national); Abdullah al-Jabouri(alias Abu Azzam, Iraqi national); Omar Hadid(alias Abu Khattab, Iraqi national); Mohammad Jassem al-Issawi(alias Abu al-Hareth, Iraqi national); and 44 major force with which to be reckoned. Of these operations, the most infamous was the one that took place on August 19, 2003 in which his group successfully targeted the United Nations Headquarters in Baghdad, killing 22 persons, among them the top UN envoy to Iraq, Sergio Vieira de Mello, and wounding almost one hundred others. The Jordanian embassy in Baghdad was also targeted, although Zarqawi did not claim responsibility for this particular operation. One month after the bombing of the UN Headquarters in Baghdad, the United States declared it was freezing all of Zarqawi’s assets and fi nances, and offered a fi ve million dollar reward to anyone who could provide information that would lead to his capture. Zarqawi was then accused of the Istanbul bombings that took place on November 20, 2003, and of the massive operation that assassinated the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Council in Iraq, Mohammad Baker al-Hakim, and killed 83 others and wounded 125. The assassination of al-Hakim was carried out by means of a suicide car bombing that was actually implemented by Zarqawi’s father-in-law(of Zarqawi’s second wife), Yassine Jarrad. Other operations included the November 12 attack on the Italian army base in Nassiriya in which 19 Italians were killed, and on December 27, a suicide attack in the historic city of Karbala killed 19, including seven coalition soldiers, and wounded over 200 others. Karbala was targeted again on March 2, 2004 by massive, parallel and timed attacks against the city’s predominantly Shiite population that led to the death of 170 and wounded 550 persons. To say the least, Zarqawi made his presence on Iraqi soils felt with great strength. He began to enjoy huge popularity and gained further support from the Jihadi Sala fi st movement inside and outside Iraq due to his espousal of a very strict Jihadi Sala fi st ideology and his military strategy, which depended on widening the scope of“suicide operations”. During that time, Zarqawi would not accept fi ghting under any other name other than the“Zarqawi Group”; and thus, from that point forth his group was known as such. That is, until one of the key fi gures of al-Qaeda was delegated with the task of developing opportunities for the network in Iraq. Omar Yousef Juma’a(Abu Anas al-Shami) 40 met with Zarqawi in the middle of 2003. 43 and military experience, towards the resistance. Zarqawi’s group was successful in attracting and mobilizing a good portion of this vital segment into its ranks. Third: The overall disposition of Iraq’s Sunni population was poised against the new political process and the new era that Iraq was entering into, for many reasons – the fi rst was the feeling amongst the Sunnis that they were going to lose their historical role of authority in the country, and the second were the con fl icting signals they were getting from the Americans and the Iraqi Shiites, which were perceived as hostile by the Sunni population. These conditions further bolstered the general shift of this community towards the option of armed resistance to the new status quo. Fourth: In the beginning, the identity of the“Iraqi Resistance” was not clear. On the other hand, Zarqawi’s group proposed and possessed a distinctly strict and unwavering theoretical and political discourse that gave it the impetus to become a major player in the power map of the Sunni armed resistance to the American occupation. In summary, Zarqawi and his group found themselves accepted by and within a very fertile social setting inside Iraq’s Sunni community, which gave them further strength and momentum. The latter was notwithstanding the fact that their military capacities were suddenly expanded and reinforced by the numerous ex-of fi cers from the Iraqi army and volunteer Arab fi ghters, who had previous fi ghting experience in the battle fi eld. Indeed, a synergy developed and evolved between these accumulated experiences within the framework of“the armed struggle.” Zarqawi immediately went to work, restructuring and rebuilding his network in Iraq. His fi rst efforts began with developing extensive contacts and networking with others. He quickly succeeded in establishing a group that depended, at least in the beginning, on Arab volunteer fi ghters whom he added to his original nucleus of Jordanian followers. Then, through a series of massive and terrifying suicide operations, he was able to impose himself on the Iraqi scene as a 42 - 4 Zarqawi’s Rise to“Stardom”... and the“Jordanian Rami fi cations” on al-Qaeda in Iraq On the 9 th of April, 2003, the American Armed Forces occupied Baghdad and toppled Saddam Hussein’s regime. A new page in Iraq’s modern history and in the history of the region was turned. Another era had begun, with a new ruling political elite of a completely different kind drastically altering the balance of political and military power in Iraq. Subsequent to this transformation, Zarqawi made his way from northern Iraq to Baghdad to take advantage of this new“golden” opportunity. The nucleus that had formed his small group of followers began to expand and to swell quickly due to four major factors: First: There was already a large presence of Arab volunteer fi ghters in Iraq who had been allowed into the country and was armed by the previous regime in an attempt to confront the impending invasion. Many of these volunteer fi ghters decided to stay after the occupation and join the resistance to it. At the same time, there was not one group on the scene that was able to recruit or mobilize such a large number of fi ghters for the new fi ght other than Zarqawi’s group; and, the Sunni Iraqi resistance had not yet come together in any signi fi cant form. Second: The dismissal of thousands of soldiers from the previous regime’s army and the dismantling of all its security apparatus pushed many individuals, armed with their weapons 41 al-Shami) to the Kurdistan region in northern Iraq. The majority of this migration took place across Syria to Turkey, then to Iran, Iraq or Afghanistan. 39 - The preparation, planning and coordination of operations was becoming more and more sophisticated and professional relative to previous periods(or prior to Zarqawi leaving Jordan); however, they remained less complex and less potent than the operations that were carried out after the occupation of Iraq. 39 the anti-terrorist unit in the national security and intelligence services (February 2002). In this case, seven individuals were charged and two persons killed, one from Iraq and the other from Egypt. 36 Other operations of a more local taint were attempted by groups such as the“Khalaya”(Cells) organization(in 2002), whose members came mostly from East Amman 37 , and attempts to in fi ltrate the West Bank in order to carry out military operations against Israel also continued throughout this period. 38 *** This period(from when Zarqawi left Jordan at the end of 1999 until the occupation of Iraq in 2003) was characterized by the following major features: - Parallel duality of work and activities: While Zarqawi was busy organizing groups of local and foreign individuals to carry out militant operations that he and his group coordinated and planned, the movement in Jordan was characterized by a foggy, gelatinous nature – some of its members were organized, others were tied to and loyal to Zarqawi, while still others were satis fi ed to work in the“calling”( da’wa), advocating the Jihadi Sala fi st discourse and mobilizing society towards this ideology. Some incidents took on a local nature, or depended on personal initiatives with limited organization, and most depended only“intellectually” on alQaeda. - Zarqawi emerged as a unique, and even sole leader of the movement, enjoying its followers’ support, loyalty and awe whereas al-Maqdisi’s presence abated, as did his role, which regressed to the level of theory and religious and intellectual scholarship – this is notwithstanding the fact that he faced many different charges and was in custody or in prison during most of this period(despite the fact that he was exonerated of all charges laid against him in every case). - This period witnessed a great migration from Jordan abroad; some members followed Zarqawi to Afghanistan while others, particularly the‘brothers’ from Salt, followed Raed Khreisat(Abu Abdel Rahman 38 What came to be known as“Al-Qaeda 2000” or the“Millennium Conspiracy” represented one of the most prominent of these larger groups or organizations. The objective of this organization, according to accusations and charges laid against them, was to carry out militant operations against popular tourist sites. The members of this organization charged in court numbered close to 28, of which only 16 were tried in person(with Khodor Abu Hauwshar at the fore). Meanwhile, the most prominent members escaped justice: Abu Zubaidah, Abu Qatada al-Falastini and Zarqawi. Al-Maqdisi was also arrested on charges related to this organization; however, the courts exonerated him of these charges. A man named Khalil al-Deek was also extradited to Jordan from Pakistan for conspiring with Abu Zubaida in the same case, but was later released due to insuf fi cient evidence. Public opinion all over the world watched this case with avid interest because of the nature of the group’s targets – which were all major sites in Jordan, such as the Radisson SAS Hotel in Amman, the Baptism Site on the Jordan River and the King Hussein Crossing (which bridges northern Jordan to Israel). The case was also quite massive in terms of the numbers accused and the diversity of their nationalities. And, it was a prime example of the coordinated efforts of Abu Zubaidah al-Falastini, Zarqawi and Khaled al-Arouri. Furthermore, one of the accused was the infamous Kurdish leader of the“Ansar al-Islam” organization, Najmuddin Faraj Ahmad, otherwise known as “Mullah Krekar.” As a note, Zarqawi was sentenced in absentia to 15 years in prison. 32 A series of other cases followed the latter, including: The case of “Ansar al-Islam”(2003) in which several Jordanians, Kurdish Iraqis and other nationals faced a number of charges 33 , one of which was the assassination of the American Diplomat Lawrence Foley(in 2002) 34 ; the case of the Mafraq Jihadi Sala fi sts, in which al-Maqdisi was charged(and exonerated of these charges by the courts while he remained in custody); and the case concerning Mohammad al-Shalabi (Abu Sayyaf), who was the key to the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in the city of Ma’an 35 - whose members were dispersed between the cities of Mafraq, Ma’an, Zarqa and abroad. One of the most notorious of these cases dealt with the attempted assassination of the director of 37 organization, Saif al-‘Adl(who supposedly lives in Iran today). 27 The camp attracted approximately 40 individuals at the beginning; and many of these persons would play an active role in assisting Zarqawi later. 28 The attacks of September 11, 2001 unfolded and the subsequent upheaval in the international equation took place. A global war was declared between al-Qaeda and the satellite groups orbiting it ideologically and institutionally, on the one hand, and the United States of America, its superpower allies and numerous Arab states, on the other. The bloody con fl ict was initiated through the War on Afghanistan, which eventually led to the collapse of the Taliban regime and with al-Qaeda going underground, and with them, Zarqawi. 29 Subsequent to the War on Afghanistan, Zarqawi and a number of his followers fl ed the Herat Military Training Camp for Iran 30 , then continued to the Kurdish region of northern Iraq after several of Zarqawi’s followers(at the fore, Raed Khreisat, alias Abu Abdel Rahman al-Shami) established the“Jund al-Sham”(The Soldiers of Damascus) organization. Subsequently, they made an alliance with an extremist Kurdish faction(a group which split from the“al-Jamaat al-Islamiyah” commanded by Raya Saleh(Abu Abdullah al-Shami) and Mullah Krekar); and eventually, this alliance developed into the organization known as“Ansar al-Islam.” Zarqawi remained in Kurdistan; and from there, used to sneak back and forth across the border to Syria where individuals close to Zarqawi claim he established another cell. Others con fi rm that Zarqawi actually made his way secretly into Jordan, and during this“visit”, supervised the assassination of the American diplomat Lawrence Foley(October 28, 2002). 31 This period was also marked by attempts of Zarqawi to initiate cells and network Jordanians and Arabs in organizations, such as“Jund al-Sham”, which were supposed to focus on carrying out activities in other countries in the region. During his stay in Kurdistan, it was clear that Zarqawi was successful in recruiting numerous Iraqi followers and other Arabs fl eeing from the war in Afghanistan, and that he made use of those who were with him in the Herat Training Camp, in addition to other Jordanians and Palestinians residing in Syria and Lebanon, for that purpose. 36 - 3 The“External” Command and“Internal” Subversive Activities The movement found itself before a dual reality the moment Zarqawi and his group left the country: An“external” division under the command of Zarqawi, which relentlessly continued to recruit followers and carry out operations inside Jordan; and an“internal” division that found itself split between those who supported Zarqawi and those who supported al-Maqdisi. The signs of con fl ict began to materialize between the two men; and al-Maqdisi directed his attention to writing a book in which he criticized the extremist aspects of“certain” members of the movement and the red lines crossed unjusti fi ably in the name of the Jihadi Sala fi st discourse. In the meantime, the Jihadi Sala fi st compass began to increasingly point from the“inside” to the“outside”, with numerous members of the movement leaving Jordan for other“fronts”. At the same time, the internal arena became a breeding ground for subversive and not “guidance or advocacy” activities. Indeed, the planning, organization, coordination and fi nancing of militant or armed operations began – most of the time under the supervision of Zarqawi and his followers and carried out by members of the movement in Jordan or from other Arab countries. Zarqawi’s fi rst stop after leaving Jordan was Pakistan, where he remained for a limited period of time. Several testimonies suggest that he was actually arrested in Pakistan and upon his release continued to Afghanistan. In any case, once in Afghanistan, Zarqawi established the“Herat Military Training Camp” under the supervision and direction of the“Director of Security” of the al-Qaeda mother 35 On the other hand, al-Maqdisi opted to remain in Jordan to continue his“calling”(da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm, which signalled that al-Maqdisi’s real hopes and ambitions were in transporting the“call to Jihadi Sala fi sm” west of the River Jordan, i.e. Palestine – a point of contention that lay at the core of the fundamental con fl ict in vision that would emerge later between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi. 34 And, although the Jihadi Sala fi st movement made great strides during the“prison period” – where they made use of this time both on an ideological as well as pragmatic, organizational level –, it also produced the fi rst seeds of con fl ict between Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi. The options chosen and the choices made by both men developed and evolved into very differing forms. Al-Maqdisi preferred a more long-term strategy based on fi rst spreading the Jihadi Sala fi st ideology, ensuring that the movement remained in Jordan, working on spreading the“calling”(da’wa) without getting caught up in armed confrontations with the regime, and not abandoning the country for other Jihadist fronts. Meanwhile, on the other hand, Zarqawi, who emerged as a solid fi eld commander, was successful in recruiting a large number of Jihadi Sala fi sts based on his view that placed increasing emphasis and importance on armed operations in the fi eld, inside and outside the country – a choice that would become clearly manifest after all the Jihadi Sala fi sts and other Islamists were released from prison by a royal pardon covering all Jordanian prisoners(In one of his fi rst initiatives as the new king, King Abdullah II declared a general amnesty(royal pardon) of all prisoners in a televised news broadcast on March 23, 1999). The release of the movement’s members from prison under the command of Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi was perceived as a great “symbolic victory” by the movement’s followers, who greeted and celebrated them as crowned heroes. The paradox was that the moment of their release was also the moment that the movement would fi nd itself divided in its future course. Zarqawi began to turn his attention towards Afghanistan, where the alliance between al-Qaeda and the Taliban had crystallized in a most concrete way. At the same time, the Afghanis pledged their allegiance to Mullah Mohammad Omar, as Emir of the Faithful(Muslims), and the Global(Jihadi) Front declared war against the Crusaders and the Jews – all of which enticed Zarqawi and a group from the movement, who called themselves the“Implementers of the Task”, to take leave and pursue other global Jihadist fronts. 33 No one else was allowed to come in; then, they started to move us to different prisons also set aside just for us; the last one was the alJaffar Prison, in the desert near the border, where they tried to isolate us from the whole world. But they did not succeed. Because every thing they did brought us closer together. And, they made it easier for us to contact a wider range of our brothers, which is what happened when they transferred us to the prison in Salt – they made it easier for our brothers from Salt to visit us after suffering the distances to the prison in Suwaqa; so that transfer made it easier for us to remain in contact with them. When they transferred us to the prison in al-Jaffar, we became close to the city of Ma’an and that made it easier for us to communicate with our brothers there, as well as provided us with another opportunity to get to know new people from there.” 25 During that period, other groups of Jihadi Sala fi sts began to emerge, the most prominent of which was called the“Reform and Challenge”( al-Tahadi wal Islah) movement, which appeared on the scene in 1997. Abu Qatada al-Falastini was accused of commanding this group from his headquarters in London although the Court of Cassation exonerated all those charged in a case related to them. Meanwhile, another group of Jihadi Sala fi sts based in the Baqa’a were dismantled by the security services in September 1998. At the same time, numerous cases connected to the Jihadi Sala fi st movement were also tried before the National Security Court. Most of these cases were defamation and libel cases(proclaiming the Jordanian state and regime as blasphemous and slandering the head of state). Another phenomenon that surfaced at this time were cases of insubordination in which members of the armed forces, in fl uenced by Jihadi Sala fi st thought, refused their orders or duties(Jihadi Sala fi sm prohibits working in or cooperating with the state’s security apparatus or armed forces). Furthermore, and during this period, communication channels and contact between the Global Jihadi Sala fi st and the Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi st movements were actually quite easy and effortless. For example, without much dif fi culty, al-Maqdisi was able to visit Abdel Aziz al-Mu’athem in prison to seek his counsel on several issues(alMu’athem was convicted for the Riyadh Bombings of 1996). Funds also easily made their way from“Jihadi Europe” by way of Abu Qatada in London, another Islamist based in Denmark, as well as Abu al-Dahdah, the leader of the al-Qaeda cell in Spain. 26 32 These defence pleas were published outside the courts and prisons and circulated with great speed. Abu Qatada al-Falastini published them in his magazine“al-Manhaj” in London. Al-Maqdisi describes this particular period with the following statement,“The period of the trials went well, thanks be to God... With the grace of God, we were successful in using this period to reveal our“calling”( da’wa) and to publicly proclaim that we accuse the state-regime of blasphemy and that we utterly reject its laws(and that we are innocent of its laws). We made these declarations openly and loud and clear from the court’s cage before the journalists and all those present.” 24 The period spent in prison provided al-Maqdisi with ample time and space to devote himself to theorizing, writing and recruiting. He would write tens of essays and indeed, wrote most of his books during this period. And, despite the prison administration’s awareness of the speed with which Jihadi Sala fi sm was spreading amongst the inmates, and of the Jihadi Sala fi sts’ success in recruiting new members, isolating them did nothing more than increase their strength, perseverance and determination. When the prison administration decided in 1997 to transfer and disperse the Jihadi Sala fi sts to various prisons across the kingdom – in the towns of Salt, al-Jaffar and Kafkafa – it actually provided them with new terrain in which to recruit and make contact with supporters. For example, in Salt, Jihadi Sala fi sts were able to enjoy periodic visits by Raed Khreisat(Abu Abdel Rahman al-Shami) and other members of his group; in Ma’an, Mohammad al-Shalabi (Abu Yousef) made the same effort; and the same took place in other cities in the kingdom, helping the Jihadi Sala fi sts to solidify and deepen old relationships and develop new ones – all of which enabled them to further recruit new members. Al-Maqdisi describes this phase and the nature of its activities and work with the following,“The regime was feeling the threat of the proliferation of the“calling”( da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm amongst the general prison population, and feeling the risk of it spreading beyond the prison bars to the outside; and the dissemination of my books and publications while I was still bound by my shackles. They tried to isolate us fi rst from the rest of the prisoners; they kept a tight reign on them and banned them from praying with us. They punished anyone who tried to make contact with us, even greet us. Then, they completely isolated us from them in dorms set aside solely for us – 31 “saw that wisdom was the best means to managing the prison and its inmates; whereas Zarqawi imbued strength; he was fi rm and protective over his brothers, checking up on them every night and disbursing money amongst them that came from the outside.” 20 Abu Qutaiba al-Majali con fi rmed this by saying,“they used to accuse me of fl attery; and Abu Musab and his boys beat up one of the of fi cers, and beat Abu Mujahid(Nabil Harithiya)… Their fortitude was not without its negative side.” 21 The“prison phase” was an important stage in the evolution of Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordan. It was marked by the movement’s fi rst open and blatant proclamation of its strict ideology without fear and without reckoning. The notions of the“blasphemy of the state”, the“blasphemy of representative assemblies”, the evil of the Arab regimes(their lack of religious authority and legitimacy), and the Jihadi Sala fi st principles of“ al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty), idolatry or“ alTaghout”(Rule of the Impure and of False Deities) and“ al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal) began to spread quickly and became commonplace. The state’s courts became an opportunity to openly express these concepts and ideas, a precedent set by AlMaqdisi, who presented a historical defence(after he and those with him refused to appoint a lawyer to present their defence, a precedent that would be followed by other Jihadi Sala fi sts during their trials) in which he openly condemned the constitution and the justice system, and fi rmly and blatantly declared his position on the blasphemy and illegitimacy of Arab governments. 22 Following suit, Zarqawi would also present his own defence that he called“The Af fi davit of a Prisoner” in which he declared,“O my people! What of me?... I call you to salvation and you call me to hell’s fi re”; he continued,“Oh Judge, who makes judgment with that which God has not sent forth. And, if you know this... And blatant blasphemy, clear polytheism and idolatry appear before you, judge not by any law that has not been legislated by God himself... Any law not of the Divine is not law or legal or legitimate – even if it has been ‘legislated’ by a scholar, a ruler, a parliamentarian or tribal chief.” 23 30 - 2 The Organizational Structure in Prison and the Expansion Beyond For Jihadi Sala fi sts, prison came to be seen as a“school” in which an individual’s patience and endurance is tested; they even called it “the Youse fi an School” after the Prophet Yousef, who spent part of his life in prison. Prison was considered a“station of trial and tribulation, for testing the fortitude of a believer, his faith and his religion,” and a place for breeding support and followers for the movement. The prison culture and community also helped deepen the ideological convictions(of Jihadi Sala fi sm) in members already in the movement, and strengthened their organizational and personal bonds. What became more important was that prison became a place for recruiting new supporters and followers amongst convicts convicted of crimes unrelated to Islamist activities. In any prison community, in fl uence lies in the hands of the strongest inmates; and, Zarqawi and his supporters enjoyed an aura of endurance, perseverance and strength inside the prison that drove other inmates to seek their protection. Convicted felons and repeat offenders were indeed duly impressed by the Jihadi Sala fi sts’ abilities in confronting the state’s security apparatus, according to the testimony of Dr. Yousef Rababa’ah, who was in prison at that time on political charges. 19 The matter of the“Islamic Emirate” in prison revealed the breadth of the organization and the exactitude its Jihadi Sala fi st members enjoyed. From the moment they arrived in Suwaqa Prison, they appointed al-Maqdisi as emir. However, after several months, Zarqawi “deposed” al-Maqdisi and became emir by virtue of his strength and magnitude. According to Sharif Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf), al-Maqdisi 29 After Jordanian intelligence and security services were successful in dismantling the“ Bay’at al-Imam” group and taking its members into custody, 13 of them were tried by the National Security Court in November of 1996. Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi were sentenced to 15 years each. After investigations with the defendants were fi nished inside the intelligence services detention center, they were transferred to different prisons scattered across the kingdom. Later, the two were held together for a period in the Suwaqa Prison. Al-Maqdisi says,“We were transferred from solitary con fi nement to regular cells when the time came for our trials. They isolated me in a prison in the north of the country as I was classi fi ed as the primary defendant. Abu Musab was the secondary defendant and was kept in a prison in the central part of the country… The rest of our brothers were kept in a prison in the south... Then, after several months, they transferred us all together to the Suwaqa Prison in the south.” 18 28 Al-Maqdisi’s advocacy work and“calling”( da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm did not meet with any dif fi culty in attracting followers and new sympathizers. Indeed, there were already numerous small groups of individuals, dispersed amongst several Jordanian cities and districts, a majority of which were already followers of Sayyid Qutb and his stance on“ al-Hakimiya”, on disavowing as blasphemous contemporary governments and constitutions, and on rejecting and shunning any notion of political life. However, up until the arrival of alMaqdisi and Zarqawi on the scene, these groups and individuals did not possess any intellectual or organizational structure or leadership as such. In the city of Salt, for example, a follower of“extremist sheikhs” fell into the grasp of al-Maqdisi; this“sheikh” had suddenly transformed from a non-religious person to a radical Islamist missionary who adopted Sayyid Qutb’s ideas, disavowing contemporary regimes and labelling them as blasphemous. The paradox was that he became a major in fl uence and one of the spiritual leaders that in fl uenced members of an organization that later became known as the“Jama’at Mu’tah al-‘Askariya”(The Military Mu’tah Group) – a group accused of attempting to assassinate the Jordanian king in 1992. The members of this“Salt Group” were quickly drawn to al-Maqdisi and several of them emerged as avid supporters of Jihadi Sala fi sm, with Raed Khreisat(Abu Abdel Rahman al-Shami) at the fore. Soon Khreisat would become one of the members of Zarqawi’s(Iraqi) network and would establish the“Jund al-Sham”(Soldiers of Damascus) group in northern Kurdistan prior to Zarqawi’s arrival there. In the city of Ma’an, the Jihadi Sala fi st“calling”( da’wa) also took a very strong hold. Among the most prominent Ma’ani Jihadi Sala fi sts was Mohammad al-Shalabi(Abu Sayyaf), who later became the leader of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in that city. The National Security Court tried him in what was known as the“Mafraq Case”(Mafraq being another city in Jordan) in which he was accused of establishing a terrorist organization with Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi. In addition to these cities(Salt, Ma’an and Mafraq) supporters of Jihadi Sala fi sm became active in the cities of Zarqa and Irbid, as well as certain Eastern Amman neighbourhoods and in the Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan. 27 (al-Maqdisi allegedly kept two bombs for himself that he saved for Suleiman Hamza and Abdel Hadi Daghlass to carry out a guerilla operation in the Occupied Territories). These ideas, in their opinion, were part of an immediate‘crisis’ response to the Mosque of Ibrahim incident. 14 In any case, the Jordanian national security services arrested all the members of the organization before they were able to carry out any of their“planned” operations. Those arrested were: Abu Mohammad alMaqdisi, Abu Musab Zarqawi, Mustafa Hassan Musa, Khaled Mustafa al-A’arouri(Abu al-Kassem), Salman Taleb Damra(Abu Mu’tasem), Mohammad Was fi Omar(Abu al-Muntaser), Nasri Izzidin al-Tahaniya (Abu al-Izz), Nabil Yousef Abu Harithiya(Abu Mujahid), Sharif Ibrahim Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf), Ahmad Abdullah Yousef al-Zeitawi, Mohammad Abdel Karim Ahmad al-Rawashdeh, Mohammad Fakhri Musa al-Saleh, Ala’addin Atef, Saadat Abdel Jawad, Talal Kayed alBeddawi and Abdel al-Majid al-Majali(Abu Kuteiba). 15 Af fi davits con fi scated revealed the different opinions on the operational strategies of the organization. For example, Khaled alA’arouri(Abu al-Kassem), who worked in the International Islamic Relief Organization in Pakistan in 1991, objected to the attempted assassinations of a member of the anti-terrorist squad in the national security services and of Yaacoub Zayaddin, the honorary president of the Jordanian communist party. He also objected to the idea of targeting the national security and intelligence headquarters. 16 Another example in which the lack of clarity in the organization’s strategic vision is clear was an incident where al-Maqdisi gave Yanal Jankhout a bomb as a gift; then, shortly afterwards, Mustafa Hassan (al-Maqdisi’s brother-in-law) brought the same man a quantity of acetone-peroxide with directions on how to convert this material into an explosive.(Mustafa Hassan had used this material previously as a member of“The Army of Mohammad” in a case for which he was arrested). Then, in yet another visit, Hassan briefed Jankhout on how to use a greeting card bomb to assassinate Walid Abu Thahir, the editor-in-chief of the Paris-based“al-Watan al-Arabi” magazine. 17 In the end, the assassination attempt failed; and anyway, Walid Abu Thahir died later of natural causes in 2004. 26 an agreement that Issam al-Barqawi(Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi) would be appointed the emir of the advocacy or“calling”( da’wa) wing of the organization and Abu Musab would be the emir of the organization. Abu al-Kassem was appointed to the Shura, Resolutions and Contracts Council.” 12 The group began its work in an environment marked by rapidly changing developments and circumstances – Jordan was on the verge of signing a peace treaty with Israel and it was preparing for parliamentary elections to take place a few months later in 1993. At that time, the nascent movement’s priorities were to organize lessons and lectures and to disseminate essays and books that revealed the blasphemy of the governing regime and of democratic systems. These publications also advocated a religious prohibition on participating in any form of representative assembly elections(according to their interpretation and their disavowal of the concept of democracy). At the fore, they also attacked the Muslim Brotherhood and any other Islamists who believed in the peaceful participation in state electoral processes and in political life. Indeed, according to Sharif Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf),“Al-Maqdisi used to conduct lessons in my house, where more than 30 individuals would gather. We used to distribute fl yers that considered(participating in) electoral processes and democracy as idolatrous and blasphemous acts that were utterly forbidden”. 13 After the Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait in 1991, al-Maqdisi returned to Jordan with a certain quantity of ammunition( fi ve anti-personnel mines, seven hand grenades and several missiles), which he hid inside the furniture in his home. However, under interrogation, he insisted that he was keeping these munitions in order to use them against Israel. It appears that the members of the organization were at odds and confused about de fi ning the way they envisioned their platform of activities in Jordan, despite their agreement on an ideological level. After the events at the Mosque of Ibrahim(Hebron) in 1993, some of the movement’s members decided to carry out suicide(martyring) operations against Israel. According to an af fi davit by Zarqawi, al-Maqdisi gave him bombs and mines, which he later took back 25 this capacity. I arranged lessons to be conducted in all parts of the country. We began to publish and distribute some of my literature amongst the people; young men began to fl ock towards this“calling” ( da’wa), and began to exchange the literature and messages of this “calling”(da’wa).” 10 And thus, the groundwork was laid to establish and launch a Jordanian Jihadi Sala fi st group. This development came to represent a critical juncture in the history of Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordan; the organization that was formed by these two men would later become known to the media and to the Jordanian security apparatus as the “ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam) group. This organization was considered the fruit of the union between Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi’s joint activities in disseminating Jihadi Sala fi sm, and between the complementary expertise of al-Maqdisi’s theories and intellect and Zarqawi’s practical experience. In a brief period of time, indeed, they would prove successful in attracting numerous followers and members. They called themselves“ alMuwahhidin”(the Unitarians) or the“ Members of al-Tawhid” and not “(those who) Pledge Allegiance to the Imam”, to which al-Maqdisi contests:“I refuse that we be named by any name other than that given to us by God.” 11 According to the testimony of one of the members of the“ Bay’at alImam” group, Mohammad Was fi(Abu al-Muntaser), Zarqawi visited him with Suleiman Hamzeh, Sharif Abdel Fattah(Abu Ashraf) and Khaled al-A’arouri(Abu al-Kassem) in August of 1993. The objective of that visit was to invite Abu al-Muntaser to establish an organization founded on the principle of“ al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty), which disavows as blasphemous the contemporary regimes, constitutions and statutory laws and legislation. Events progressed rapidly after that day. Abu al-Muntaser says,“The next morning Abu Musab and Abu al-Kassem showed up and took me with them to Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi’s house, which was in the al-Rashid neighbourhood in the Rusei fi area. Abu Musab explained to al-Maqdisi all that had transpired between us the previous day; and then said,‘Now, we, together, should conclude the issue of the(group’s) emir’. The discussions around the emir ended with 24 Early in 1993, Zarqawi made a decision to return to Jordan. In fact, this was a period of returning home for many Jordanian fi ghters who had engaged in the Afghani Jihad under the wing of numerous organizations and militias such as“The Army of Mohammad” and the “Jordanian Afghans”, amongst others. The 1990s was a decade that witnessed the initiation of several Jihadi fronts in different parts of the Islamic world such as Bosnia and Chechnya, at the same time that other violent confrontations began to materialize in several Arab countries such as Egypt and Algeria. At the center of these con fl icts were the“Arab Afghans” returning from the warfront in Afghanistan. And during this period, Sudan became a safe haven for many of them, particularly Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri(after the coup d’état in Sudan known as the“Revolution for National Salvation” in 1989, led by Omar Hassan al-Bashir and Dr. Hassan al-Turabi). During this time, Jordanian intelligence and national security services were successful in dismantling most of the Jihadi Sala fi st networks that had emerged locally. Meanwhile, the“star” of Abu Qatada al-Falastini was on the rise in London, or what was referred to as“Londonstan”, as London was transformed into a media and logistics center for supporting and reinforcing Jihadi movements throughout the world. Abu Qatada became the number one scholar and spiritual leader for the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Europe and North Africa. He gave his open support to the“Armed Islamic Group” in Algeria and the“Libyan Islamic Fighting Group(LIFG)” through his publications“al-Ansar” and“al-Manhaj”, both of which were also being secretly distributed throughout Jordan. Upon his return to Jordan, Zarqawi re-initiated contact with alMaqdisi with the objective of working together with him to spread the Jihadi Sala fi st“calling”( da’wa). Al-Maqdisi says,“I met with Abu Musab for the fi rst time in Peshawar... Then, when he returned from Afghanistan, he visited me at my home, eager for the triumph of the calling to God and for“ al-Tawhid”(Unitarianism; Belief in the Oneness of God). Abu Walid was the one who gave him my contacts in Jordan, and who advised him to call me if he wanted to work for the sake of God’s religion in Jordan... So, we cooperated together in 23 During this period, Zarqawi met Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi for the fi rst time in Peshawar, by way of Abu Walid al-Ansari al-Falastini (the Palestinian), a close companion of Abu Qatada al-Falastini(the Palestinian) 8 . Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi began to coordinate and work together. Al-Maqdisi had left Kuwait for Peshawar during the Gulf Crisis and was known amongst the Mujahiddin as a theorist and religious scholar by way of his books,“Abraham’s Creed” and“Clear Evidence of the Blasphemy of the Saudi State”, amongst others. In Peshawar, Zarqawi witnessed the assassination of Abdullah Azzam in September of 1989. Shortly afterwards, Abu Qatada al-Falastini would also leave Jordan(after the Second Gulf War in 1991). But before leaving, he worked to establish a group known by the name of“Ahl al-Sunna wal Jama’ah”(The Brotherhood of Muslims and of the Sunna), in which his ideological tendencies began to clearly and strongly lean towards Jihadi Sala fi sm. After fi nishing this task, Abu Qatada left for Malaysia and then continued on to Peshawar. Thus, the synergy began... Circumstances and events began to intertwine until a tight knit relationship evolved between Abu Qatada, al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi. However, rapidly changing developments – the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, the start of the civil war between the Mujahiddin factions(in Afghanistan after the Soviet withdrawal), the end of the Second Gulf War and fi nally the hunt for the “Arab Afghans” in Peshawar – forced certain choices upon the three men: Abu Qatada decided to seek asylum in Great Britain; al-Maqdisi returned to Jordan; and Zarqawi chose to remain in Afghanistan where he joined the military camp of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and took part in the“second wave” of the Afghani civil war battles at the side of Jalalludin Haqqani. Zarqawi trained in several military camps and, in particular, the “Sada” training camp near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. At Sada, he met several Jordanian and Arab fi ghters, including Abdullah alLibyi Salim Bin Zueid, who, several years later, was assigned the task of assassinating the American diplomat Lawrence Foley in Amman in 2002 9 . 22 -1The Story Behind“Bay’at al-Imam” (Pledging Allegiance to the Imam): The Founding and Planning Phase The case that came to be known as the“ Case of‘Bay’at al-Imam’ (the Pledging of Allegiance to the Imam)” in Jordan was a milestone in bringing the“calling( da’wa) to Jihadi Sala fi sm” out into the public fore. The movement had, indeed, transformed from small, disjointed groups scattered throughout the kingdom into a single, uni fi ed ideological movement – even if many times it lacked a common organizational framework, the movement had a uni fi ed intellectual and spiritual leadership – until recently. The fi rst signs of Jihadi Sala fi sm appeared in Jordan in 1989 when Abu Musab al-Zarqawi decided to turn to Islam, adopting an Islamic way of thinking, albeit in its most extreme form. After a brief period in his newfound religious devotion, he decided to travel to Afghanistan with several friends and acquaintances to take part in the Afghani Jihad. But fi rst, he made a stop in Peshawar, Pakistan. Jalalabad is considered a major base for Arab and Afghani Mujahiddin and home to Beit al-Ansar, which belonged to Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda network and the“Services Of fi ce” run by Abdullah Azzam. Both“institutions” were considered way-stations for greeting and orienting incoming volunteer fi ghters. In the spring of 1989, Zarqawi travelled to the area of Khost in eastern Afghanistan with several other new volunteer fi ghters. However, Zarqawi would not take part in any fi ghting because the war against the Soviets was over by the time he arrived. Instead, and until 1993, he took part in some of the fi ghting that took place between Islamic factions and factions loyal to communism. 21 network – a situation that would re fl ect directly on Jordan’s national security in a most obvious and massive manner –, ending in the fi nal countdown with the largest bombing operation targeting Jordan in its modern history(the Amman Hotel Bombings in 2005). These bombings in themselves represented the start of a reverse countdown for al-Qaeda in Iraq, and summoned the beginning of the end of Zarqawi’s stardom, culminating in his assassination by an American missile strike on June 7, 2006. Zarqawi also left behind a mounting crisis between al-Qaeda and the Sunni community that would escalate into outright con fl ict and to a proverbial divorce between the two parties. In the following section of this study, we will examine the course of the evolution of Jihadi Sala fi sm in Jordan – from its founding phase to its current state of affairs by examining the following stages: 1. The Story Behind the“ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging Allegiance to the Imam) Group: The Movement’s Founding and Planning Stage 2. The Organizational Structure in Prison and the Expansion Beyond 3. The“External” Command and“Internal” Subversive Activities 4. Zarqawi’s Rise to Stardom... and the“Jordanian Rami fi cations” on al-Qaeda in Iraq 5. The Jordanian Jihadis... after Zarqawi 19 as those of Sayyid Qutb, Abu al-A’lla al-Mawdoudi, as well as other historical pioneers, theorists and scholars from the Sala fi st school of thought such as Ibn Taymiyya, Mohammad Bin Abdul Wahhab and al-Shawkani, amongst others. But, what all these organizations and movements did have in common was their radical nature – a radicalism founded on the principles of rejecting contemporary political regimes(in the Arab and Islamic worlds) and disassociating themselves from them. They were also united in their opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood that had accepted to co-exist – albeit in opposition – with the state, and whose members mainly came from the middle class and had moderate political and social tendencies. This Islamist school of thought, derived on repudiation and rejection of the prevailing reality, began to grow in the 1990s as did the number of cases before the National Security Court. Indeed, these cluster organizations(at the beginning) tried to convince leading members of the hawks in the Muslim Brotherhood(who were closer to Sayyid Qutb’s school of thought) to join their ranks – both on a theoretical and organizational level. However, the Brotherhood hawks refused despite the similarity in their thinking on certain Sala fi st political principles such as“Divine Governance and Sovereignty” and“Loyalty and Disavowal”. 7 Both al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi were able to establish a movement founded in“Jihadi Sala fi st” principles in the local Jordanian arena during the 1990s; Zarqawi would later export this movement to the regional and international scene at the end of 1999, after leaving Jordan for Afghanistan, Kurdistan and fi nally Iraq. This transformation changed the nature of their threat to national security, and allowed for the methodology of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement and its organizational capacity to develop and mature. It also created a state of dynamic, reciprocal interaction between the members of the movement inside Jordan and the network Zarqawi established outside with his Jordanian, Arab and other Muslim counterparts. Jihadi Sala fi sm fi nally reached its peak with the rise of Zarqawi to “stardom” as the commander of the Iraqi branch of the al-Qaeda 18 After the return to parliamentary life in Jordan, the results of the fi rst elections(1989) revealed how strong and well-organized the Muslim Brotherhood had become and the signi fi cant extent of its in fl uence and presence. At the same time and over the following years, the fi rst signs of the rise of Jihadi Sala fi sm began to emerge in Jordan – particularly after those who had taken part in the Afghani Jihad against the former Soviet Union returned, feeling the pride and strength of victory. Also, amongst the 300,000 Jordanian nationals returning from Kuwait and other Gulf countries, during the Second Gulf Crisis and after the 1991 Second Gulf War, were individuals who were saturated with the ideology of Jihadi Sala fi sm. Indeed, the Second Gulf War proved to be the fi rst historical milestone and a major turning point in the evolution of Jihadi Sala fi sm. During the 1990s, underground and armed Islamist movements and organizations fl ourished in a way never witnessed before. Jordanian courts were fl ooded with tens of cases, and jails were replete with hundreds of detainees and prisoners 5 . What is worth noting and signi fi cant about this wave of violence that took place in Jordan was its concurrence with the emergence of other movements and other waves of violence in several other Arab and Islamic states – a situation that led numerous analysts to describe this“era” as the “Second Wave of Violence”. 6 Prior to al-Maqdisi’s appearance on the Jordanian political scene in the 1990s, there were clusters of independent groups of Sala fi st Islamists. Their theoretical and organizational frameworks were vague and blurry; and they depended on general Sala fi st references and ideas and a broad range of Islamist literature and writings such 17 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement’s Nascent Stages and the Blueprint for Expansion: From“Bay’at al-Imam” (Pledging Allegiance to the Imam) to the“Amman Hotel Bombings” All these factors present compelling cause and provide an important incentive to try to better understand this movement. Equally important is the need to respond to the following pivotal question: To what extent did the killing of Zarqawi impact the Jihadi Sala fi st movement on the level of the movement’s leadership, its vision and its cohesiveness? Without a doubt, the latter question leads to a series of secondary, subsequent questions which need to be answered(in order to determine the entire dimensions of an explanation): What are the causes that led to the rise and growth of the movement in Jordanian society? How far does its in fl uence go? To what extent has the movement spread? Does it exist in a social and political environment that acts as an incubator and fertile ground for the movement? Do the movement and its ideology represent a strategic threat to Jordanian national security? What is the potential breadth of the movement in the next phase and in the future? What are the implications of the con fl ict that took place between Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi and Abu Musab Zarqawi on the vision, priorities and overall future of the movement? In an attempt to fi nd answers to these questions, this study will address the following themes and topics: - The evolution of Jihadi Sala fi sm: The various stages and transformations experienced by the movement in the last several years; - The context in which Jihadi Sala fi sm exists today, particularly after the assassination of Zarqawi and al-Maqdisi’s recent release from prison; - The ideology and principles that govern the movement and its political postures; - Areas where the movement has spread and where it has a presence, the social attributes of its members, and the instruments and methodologies that the movement uses for recruitment and mobilization; - The state strategy in facing this phenomenon and movement - The future of the movement 14 Perhaps the greatest questions, which arise whenever one hears the names of these Jordanian“stars”, who have become symbols of alQaeda and who illuminated its frontiers, are: To what extent do these individuals represent the expansion of the movement in Jordan? What are this movement’s strength, capacity and abilities? Finally, is it the movement that is responsible for producing such personas or are there other factors that should be considered? Answering these fundamental questions requires a thorough examination of the causes and conditions that led to the rise and growth of movements which carry a Jihadi Sala fi st ideology, and an analysis of its manifestation as a movement within the local Jordanian context. Indeed, over the past 15 years, there has been no ebb in the number of of fi cial announcements declaring this armed group or that armed group of Jihadi Sala fi sts has been exposed. These groups had intended or did actually carry out subversive or armed activities inside Jordan, or were involved in banned political activities that are considered a threat to national security. Some of these groups succeeded while others were exposed in time to disrupt their operations. Certainly, the courts in the capital Amman have been inundated with the names of hundreds charged in cases related to the country’s“national security”. It would be safe to claim that the broad circumstances surrounding these cases and the groups tried before the national security courts are mostly related to individuals who are followers of Jihadi Sala fi sm. This“movement” began to take shape and grow in the early 1990s, adopting a discourse founded on the principle of“ tak fi r”(disavowal as blasphemous or excommunication). The movement fi nds all contemporary Arab governments guilty of blasphemy. It claims that they shun the very principle of politics and reject the notion of public political life, as well as democracy, representative assemblies and elections. Their ideological cornerstone is based on the belief that subversive, armed struggle and action are the only means for changing today’s political reality. This“movement” represents only one of the faces of political Islam. Indeed, there are other Islamist movements and groups that have declared and acknowledged their acceptance of the(modern) political formula, and participate in public and civic life, such as the Muslim Brotherhood(which always acts as an opposition party in the Jordanian political arena) and the Muslim Center Party(which is more closely allied to the Jordanian government). 13 of a decision taken by Zarqawi himself, supervised by him personally and implemented by several Iraqi members of Zarqawi’s al-Qaeda. The triple bombings in Amman represented a new quality in the struggle between the Jordanian government and al-Qaeda, and speci fi cally the Iraqi al-Qaeda, and led to a major restructuring of the country’s security strategy. A few months later, the American forces in Iraq ended the “Zarqawi legend”; and his Qaeda(base) began to lose ground – even in Iraq –; its impact on the region withering away, little by little. Snuf fi ng out Zarqawi’s“star”, however, did not put an end to the questions surrounding a“Jordanian Command” tied to al-Qaeda, both in discourse or as a movement. Zarqawi’s sheikh(or mentor), otherwise known as Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi 3 (who recently presented a “negative critique” of Zarqawi) is considered one of the most prominent thinkers and theorists in developing the ideology of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement on a global scale. His ideas and opinions have played a very large role in in fl uencing the views and principles that guide the followers of the movement. Al-Maqdisi’s experience with the Jordanian government is not without incidence; indeed, it is an experience fraught with its own clashes and confrontations. Al-Maqdisi spent most of his adult years – from 1994 until March 2008 – in and out of Jordanian prisons for his association with armed local groups and on charges of in fl uencing speci fi c individuals that carried out armed operations in other Arab countries. In another part of the world, in London, another Jordanian star belonging to the same movement began to“shine”. Until very recently, he was considered the spiritual leader of Jihadi groups in the Arab Maghreb and North Africa, as well as al-Qaeda’s man in Europe. He is Abu Qatada al-Falastini(the Palestinian) 4 . Abu Qatada was later arrested in London, and today, lives under house arrest. Negotiations are currently underway between the British and Jordanian governments regarding his extradition to Jordan; meanwhile, he awaits a verdict from Jordanian courts on a series of charges related to threats to(Jordan’s) national security. Under the wings of these three“commanders”, a large number of Jordanians have taken part in al-Qaeda operations inside and outside Jordan. Many have been killed in Iraq and in other parts of the world, while others sit in American or other Western prisons. Many are in custody or are subjects of continuous security surveillance in Jordan. 12 Introduction After the American“War on Terror” was launched in Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, Western intelligence reports began to make mention of a“mysterious fi gure” leading the fundamentalist cells in Europe who went by the nom de guerre of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi 1 . On February 5, 2003 the Secretary of State of the most powerful nation in the world, Colin Powell, stood before the United Nations Security Council and spoke of Zarqawi. Secretary of State Powell introduced Zarqawi to the world as the man who embodied the extension of the al-Qaeda network in Iraq – the aim being to use this information as one of the major pretexts for justifying the upcoming American invasion of Iraq. The name was not unfamiliar to Jordanian security services; nor, for that matter, was it unfamiliar to members of al-Qaeda, who prefer to refer to themselves as“ al-Muwahhidun” 2 ( the Unitarians). At the same time, the matter was truly a shock for all of them! Zarqawi had only emerged a few years back with a small number of his Muwahhidun friends... And, there he was today, suddenly a major topic of discussion in international and Western forums. Indeed, Zarqawi would not disappoint the intelligence reports. After the occupation of Iraq, he would become the commander of the Iraqi branch of al-Qaeda, which continued to thrive and expand until it turned Iraq into the regional headquarter for its operations and activities. Zarqawi’s Iraqi al-Qaeda would soon become a model prototype for similar groups that came to adopt its discourse and political postures in several other countries. After numerous attempts, on November 9, 2005, Zarqawi succeeded in implementing the largest security breach and terrorist operation Jordan has ever witnessed, the Amman Hotel Bombings, which was the result 11 Far from following the temptations of simple truths, the two experts delve into the depths of the internal structures of the movement, explaining the Jihadi Sala fi sts’ geographical roots, social characteristics and how they were – and to some extent still are – able to mobilize their followers. Finally, the authors offer some interesting thoughts on potential future scenarios and propose approaches for the state on how to deal with the movement. Again, they explain the framework of the state’s responses to the phenomenon so far before presenting their perspectives and proposals. We offer this new volume with the hope that it will not only provide interesting reading, but that it can serve scholars and politicians, media and civil society alike with the much needed academic rather than sensationalist background analysis to better understand the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan and to develop strategies to deal in a mature way with the phenomenon, treating the roots in society as much as the effects in political life in an integrated approach and taking into consideration all of the multi-facetted aspects described in this publication, rather than limiting oneself to the security approach alone. Achim Vogt Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Amman, June 2009 10 Preface When talking about Islamic or Islamist politics in the Arab World, observers are often lacking basic knowledge and facts in order to be able to analyze the plethora of existing groups, with the effect that concepts, perceptions, and the internal structures of those groups are often stereotyped. In the case of the more radical groups, the temptation is even higher to merely concentrate on the actions, rather than trying to understand the underlying root causes. Therefore, the Friedrich-EbertStiftung(FES) tries, with this third volume of the series of publications on Islamic Politics in Jordan, to provide seriously needed background information on the Jihadi Sala fi st Movement in Jordan. While in the fi rst volume, author Mohammed Abu Rumman had analyzed the Muslim Brotherhood in the Jordanian Parliamentary Elections 2007, the second volume – published in December 2008 – covered the whole spectrum of groups and movements based on Islamic policy concepts which are active in Jordan. Author Hassan Abu Hanieh described the very heterogeneous landscape of positions that Islamic movements hold on Women& Politics. In this third volume of the series, Mohammed Abu Rumman and Hassan Abu Hanieh, both highly acclaimed experts on the Islamic movement in Jordan(and beyond), have joined to analyze the concepts and philosophies, growth and crisis, personalities and internal con fl icts of the Jihadi Sala fi st movement in Jordan. The authors explain how the movement started and rose, the ascent to“stardom” of Abu Musab alZarqawi which climaxed in the Amman hotel bombings on 9 November 2005, bringing to Jordan its own 9/11 trauma. Mohammed Abu Rumman and Hassan Abu Hanieh further discuss the aftermath of the death of Zarqawi in 2006 and its consequences for the Jihadi Sala fi st movement; they describe the internal struggles and the differences between its leaders. 9 The State’s Strategy in Confronting Jihadi Sala fi sm: A Critical Outlook ............................151 1. From Security Breach to“Pre-Emptive Strike”..... ...........................................................................155 2. The Absence of the“Political” and a Culture of “Slogans”..........................................................159 Future Horizons: Prevailing Conditions and Potential Scenarios .........................................163 1. The Internal Context of the Movement: Con fl ict and Schism.......................................................167 2. The Local Political and Security Context: A Proposed Solution,“Social Impunity”...........171 3. The Global Context: The Global Security Environment and“Global Jihad”.......................177 Endnotes and References ............................. 179 Fifth: “ Al-Wala’a wal Bara’a”(Loyalty and Disavowal) in the Movement’s Politics and in Reinforcing Loyalty...............................................................113 Sixth: Distinguishing between“ Dar al-Islam”(the House of Islam) and“ Dar al-Kufr”(the House of Blasphemy) to Substantiate Religious Rulings and Legal Opinions................................................. 115 Seventh: The“Victorious Sect”: How the Movement distinguishes itself from other Islamist Movements .......................................................................... 117 Eighth: The Jihad: The Ideological Backbone of the Movement....................................................... 119 The Geography, the Movement, its Social Characteristics and its Methodology for Mobilization .....................................................123 1. The Geography of Expansion and Evolution ...........................................................................127 2. The Movement’s Image and Organizational Linkages............................................................131 3. The“ Community of al-Muwahiddin”( the Unitarians/or Orthodox Sunnis/Believers in the One God): The Community’s Social Structure and General Features...............................................135 4. The Conditions and Causes Leading to the Movement’s Rise, Growth and Proliferation......139 5.The Movement’s Methodology and Instruments for Recruitment and Mobilization...........................145 2. Al-Maqdisi’s Criticism of the“Zarqawi Experience” in Iraq..................................................................69 3. Taking Stock: An Internal Re-Assessment and the Struggle over the“Zarqawi Legacy”...................75 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement’s Political Discourse and its Governing Principles ..........83 1. The Movement’s Ideological and Theoretical Foundations and Attributes: Governance and the Sword..................................................................89 2.The Governing Principles of Jihadi Sala fi sm...97 First: Legitimizing and Setting the Movement’s Religious and Historical Authority and Foundations: A Return to the Sahaba(the Companions of the Prophet) and the Way of the Prophet(Hadith)....98 Second: “ Al-Hakimiya”(Divine Governance and Sovereignty) versus the Contemporary State of Ignorance,“ al-Jahilyia”.................................... 101 Third: The“Blasphemy of Democracy” and its Representative Assemblies.............................. 104 Fourth: “ Kufr al-Taghout”(the blasphemy of the Rule of Impurity, and of False Deities) and Stripping Away the“Religious and Political Façade of Authority and Legitimacy” of Contemporary States and Governments............................................ 109 Contents Preface ................................................................ 9 Introduction ...................................................... 11 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement’s Nascent Stages and the Blueprint for Expansion: From“Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging Allegiance to the Imam) to the“Amman Hotel Bombings” ....................... 15 1. The Story Behind the“ Bay’at al-Imam”(Pledging Allegiance to the Imam) Group: The Movement’s Founding and Planning Stage............................ 21 2. The Organizational Structure in Prison and the Expansion Beyond............................................. 29 3. The“External” Command and“Internal” Subversive Activities.......................................... 35 4. Zarqawi’s Rise to“Stardom”… and the“Jordanian Rami fi cations” on al-Qaeda in Iraq.....................41 5. The Jordanian Jihadis... After Zarqawi............55 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement Today: The Struggle over the Movement’s Identity and Priorities ........................................................... 57 1. The Roots of the Con fl ict between al-Maqdisi and Zarqawi........................................................63 Published in 2009 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Amman Of fi ce P.O. Box 926238, Amman 11110- Jordan www.fes-jordan.org, fes@fes-jordan.org © Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publishers. Printing: Economic Printing Press, Amman, Jordan Translation and Editing: Mona Abu Rayyan, Beirut, Lebanon Design and layout: Maya Chami, Beirut, Lebanon ISBN: 978-9957-484-09-5 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement in Jordan after Zarqawi: Identity, Leadership Crisis and Obscured Vision Mohammad Abu Rumman and Hassan Abu Hanieh June 2009 The Jihadi Sala fi st Movement in Jordan after Zarqawi: Identity, Leadership Crisis and Obscured Vision