International Politics and Society 4/1998

From: Snapshot-Content-Location: https://www.fes.de/ipg/ipg4_98/debshort.html Subject: International Politics and Society 4/1998 Date: Tue, 20 Jan 2026 12:28:22 +0100 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; type="text/html"; boundary="----MultipartBoundary--A4jqd7eGK5RLIK8n3PyRQSs2Bf6aX5uj7hXb0mnoLu----" ------MultipartBoundary--A4jqd7eGK5RLIK8n3PyRQSs2Bf6aX5uj7hXb0mnoLu---- Content-Type: text/html Content-ID: Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: https://www.fes.de/ipg/ipg4_98/debshort.html International Politics and Society 4/1998


		Politi= k und Gesellschaft Online International Politics and Socie= ty 4/1998
	CLARE SHORT Without Social Justice No Progress in Human Rights Vorl=E4ufige Fassung / Preliminary version The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, fifty years old this year= , still makes inspiring reading. Drafted as part of the post World War II s= ettlement, the Universal Declaration (UDHR) reflects the world's determinat= ion to say "never again" to the horrors of world war, fascism and genocide.= Its opening preamble proclaims that: "recognition of the inherent dignity = and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family = is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world," and that: "d= isregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts whic= h have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in whi= ch human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from f= ear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common pe= ople." The world's leaders recognised that it was no longer adequate to leave p= rotection of people's rights to their national governments. Rather, where t= hese "equal and inalienable rights" were threatened within a country, the i= nternational community would be justified in seeking to protect them. Witho= ut this provision, it was recognised, "freedom, justice and peace in the wo= rld" would also be under threat. The Universal Declaration also unites traditions of political thought fr= om different eras. The extract quoted above reflects this, referring as it = does both to the political liberties developed in the seventeenth and eight= eenth centuries, of "freedom of speech and belief" and also to the need for= "freedom from fear and want", which were the focus of later political move= ments. Elsewhere the UDHR also reflects the concept of duty: article 29 (1)= points out that "everyone has duties to the community in which alone the f= ree and full development of his personality is possible." It marked a major= step, therefore, in the development of a set of global values to which all= peoples and nations could aspire. It is important for those of us from the social democratic tradition to = recall the origins of universal human rights. Earlier European natural righ= ts and liberties thinking had been seen as inadequate by socialists precise= ly because it did not deal with economic issues of poverty and equality of = access to resources. The Universal Declaration, however, explicitly linked = all rights - civil and political, economic, social and cultural - as indivi= sible and interdependent. As the United Nations would promote political fre= edom and stability, so the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Bank and I= nternational Monetary Fund, would ensure there was no return to the 1930s p= overty and economic depression which had contributed to the rise of fascism= in Europe. Thus would all rights be protected for all people, regardless o= f "race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, natio= nal or social origin, property, birth or other status" (Article 2). However, even before the UDHR had been agreed by the UN General Assembly= , Berlin had been divided and the Iron Curtain drawn across Europe. These i= ndivisible rights were immediately divided into what became known as "red r= ights" and "blue rights," as the Cold War split the world into two competin= g ideologies. Human rights became a political football. The West criticised= the suppression of dissidents and lack of political freedom in Soviet Bloc= countries, while they pointed to the unemployment and inequality in the ca= pitalist world. And both sides turned an equally blind eye to human rights = abuses (of either colour) in their client states. One of the immediate victims of this division was the proposed Internati= onal Covenant of Human Rights which was intended to give legal force to the= Declaration. Originally proposed as one document, it had to be split into = two on the insistence of the United States, who did not want to see the sam= e force given to implementing economic and social rights. Thus in 1966, aft= er nearly two decades of wrangling, two International Covenants were signed= , one on Civil and Political Rights (the ICCPR), the other on Economic, Soc= ial and Cultural rights (the ICESCR). More stringent monitoring and impleme= ntation procedures were agreed for the civil and political covenant, includ= ing an Optional Protocol which provides international machinery for individ= uals to use in making a complaint about the violation of any of the rights = covered in the ICCPR. The long-term effect of this division means that today, many people in t= he industrialised countries understand human rights to mean the civil and p= olitical rights of freedom of conscience, assembly and expression, a fair t= rial and no discrimination under the law. The battles of the Cold War years= have written social and economic rights out of the concept of enforceable = human rights current in most West European countries. We now live in a greatly changing world and there are both new opportuni= ties and new imperatives for a return to the original conception of univers= al and indivisible human rights, including social and economic as well as c= ivil and political rights. This new world faces both old and new challenges= . Genocide reappeared on the continent of Europe during the Bosnian war, an= d also in Rwanda in 1994, where nearly a million people were murdered. In b= oth these horrific conflicts, the systematic rape of women was used as a we= apon of war. Since the end of the Cold War, most wars take place in the poo= rest countries and eighty per cent of casualties are now civilians. Conflic= ts are increasingly within, not between, states, and the major causes of co= nflict - poverty and inequality - continue to damage the stability of many = regions of the world. The experience of Africa teaches us that the old socialist solutions do = not succeed in bringing a rising standard of living for all. Bloated and co= rrupt governments hid their economies behind high protective barriers and i= mposed punitive levels of taxation on business. This, combined with their c= ontinuing dependence on primary commodities and the immense burden placed o= n many African nations by high levels of external debt, means that in sub-S= aharan Africa, three out of every four households are living below the Worl= d Bank's measure of absolute poverty. By contrast, the experience of East Asia up until last year shows that p= rogress in radically reducing poverty is possible. In the 1960s six out of = every ten East Asians lived in absolute poverty. Now poverty affects just t= wo in every ten. The numbers of people living in poverty are still large bu= t major progress has been made. Investment in human development was the key= to the East Asian countries' success. South Korea, for example, before the= recent financial crisis, spent around $400 per head on health care, compar= ed with just $3 in Uganda. Governments committed to universal primary educa= tion and investment in technical skills training pulled their economies up = at astonishing rates of growth, from starting points comparable with the po= orest in Africa. (Economic Growth with Equity: Lessons from East Asia, Oxfa= m 1998) However, the "Asian miracle" is under threat and in its old form not sus= tainable. The recent financial crises have exposed the weaknesses of regula= tory systems and of democratic structures which might have reined in the un= accountable corporations and halted the extent of patronage, cronyism and c= orruption. Some countries had earlier shown signs of falling back from the = commitment to human development and growth with equity on which much of the= ir success was based. Indonesia and Thailand, for example, have not made th= e progression from near universal primary education to secondary provision,= leading to skills shortages and weakening their ability to attract high qu= ality investment. Many countries have increasingly engaged in rising curren= cy speculation and unsustainable lending, resulting in bankruptcies and ris= ing unemployment, making necessary the major IMF and World Bank rescue pack= ages in place today. In many ways, the crisis in the Far East raises similar questions to tho= se which led the world's powers in 1945 to draw up the post-war settlement = of the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions and the Universal Dec= laration of Human Rights. How are the newly-industrialised countries of Eas= t Asia to ensure that the proceeds of economic growth are fairly distribute= d and thus secure political and social stability? Equally, how are they to = avoid seeing capital move from their economies to those of Vietnam or China= , where labour costs are lower? The question of how to uphold global standa= rds - whether in the political, economic or social spheres - is becoming mo= re pressing as the world's economy becomes more integrated and capital move= s more rapidly around the world. The attitude of many East Asian governments towards human rights has pro= ved to be at the root of the current crisis. Lack of respect for human righ= ts led to authoritarian and patriarchal societies, in which vested interest= s have colluded with government and failed to secure the national interest.= As one observer has noted, "the root cause of South Korea's economic pligh= t was the business-government alliance. Major investment decisions were mad= e not necessarily on economic principles but on which sector and conglomera= tes the government favored (sic)." (Tong Whan Park, South Korea in 1997, in= Asian Survey 38, Jan 1998) Before the crisis, some governments in the region argued that the phenom= enal economic success of their approach showed that it was the one most app= ropriate to the region's culture and traditions. The Malaysian Prime Minist= er Mahathir Mohammad has long claimed that human rights were a Western impo= rt, inconsistent with Asian values and giving too much emphasis to the righ= ts of the individual. Last year he called for a review of the UDHR to refle= ct the needs of developing countries, saying of human rights advocates that= , "these people would rather see people starve than allow for a stable gove= rnment," and adding, "in a country like ours where stability is important t= o provide a good life to our people, we consider the good life of people as= the right of the people." (quoted in the Star daily paper, 31 August 1997)= However, this as much as Western countries' unwillingness to recognise a= nd give proper weight to economic and social rights is a distortion of univ= ersal human rights. What is needed is a renewed and wider recognition of th= e interdependence of all human rights - civil and political as well as soci= al, economic and cultural. There are in fact optimistic signs that the inte= r-relationships between political freedoms and economic and social developm= ent are being increasingly recognised. In South Korea, for example, the set= ting up of a new tripartite commission between government, business and tra= de unions was required by the IMF as a condition of the rescue package. And= in Indonesia, the successor government to Suharto's regime has released po= litical prisoners and has even begun to pull troops out of East Timor. However, if human rights are to be seen truly as a framework of global s= tandards by which all countries' policies and governments are to be judged,= in the industrialised world we need to tackle rights issues too. While wha= t we experience is relative rather than absolute poverty, tackling discrimi= nation and inequality of access to education, work and a high standard of l= iving is a key challenge. Equally, we can also be called to account for def= iciencies in our protection of political and civil rights. One of the most = obvious is the persistence of the death penalty in many countries. In Brita= in, the outlawing of independent trade unions at the security monitoring ce= ntre, GCHQ, was a breach of the right of labour to organise. In Britain, we are now beginning to make progress. Passing through our p= arliament at present is a Bill to incorporate the European Convention on Hu= man Rights into British law. This will require all legislation to include a= human rights assessment, British judges will be able to send a law back to= parliament for a declaration of incompatibility if they feel it infringes = any of the rights in the European Convention, and a new parliamentary commi= ttee will scrutinise Westminster legislation. There will also be an indepen= dent Human Rights Commission for Northern Ireland, as part of the Good Frid= ay Agreement. In the field of international development, my Department, the newly esta= blished Department for International Development, has adopted a human right= s based approach to all our work. A White Paper in November 1997 set out th= e new framework, stating that: "sustainable development, as the 1995 World = Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen agreed, is not possible unless = human rights are protected for all, including the poorest and most disadvan= taged. States have a responsibility to ensure that these rights are respect= ed." (Eliminating World Poverty: a challenge for the 21st century, DFID, 19= 97, para 1.19) Our new development strategy is based around meeting internationally agr= eed targets for halving the proportion of the world's people living in abso= lute poverty (defined as less than a dollar a day) by 2015. The targets in = turn are based on rights affirmed at the great UN Conferences of recent yea= rs - Jom Tien (education), Rio (sustainable development and the environment= ), Vienna (human rights), Cairo (population), Beijing (women), and Copenhag= en (social development). They are ambitious, but achievable. But the intern= ational community as a whole needs to be united in working for the same fra= mework of protecting and promoting "all human rights for all" - the slogan = designated by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to mark the fiftiet= h anniversary of the Universal Declaration. In my capacity as Chair of the Human Rights Committee of the Socialist I= nternational (SI), I am also focusing on economic and social rights as the = forgotten rights of the UDHR. The Committee has agreed that it is appropria= te on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration for= the SI to seek to highlight better ways forward for the next fifty years a= nd beyond. A delegation of the SI made a presentation to the Human Rights C= ommission in Geneva earlier this year, calling for greater consideration to= be given to the interdependence of all human rights. My conclusion is firstly that we have a great opportunity now to make pr= ogress in protecting and fully realising the human rights that the architec= ts of the post war settlement so eloquently laid down. The end of the cold = war has been accompanied by a growing recognition that successful sustainab= le development is impossible where rights are divided and social and econom= ic rights downgraded. We cannot care for our planet and neglect its people.= Sustainable development requires a massive reduction of poverty for the 1.= 3 billion people living in absolute poverty and 2 billion only slightly abo= ve that level. And thus we must mobilise a much higher level of internation= al commitment to meeting the international poverty eradication targets to w= hich we are all in theory committed. The second part of my conclusion is that it is imperative that we do mak= e progress. Poverty and inequality remain the two great barriers to the rea= lisation of all human rights for all. If we do not tackle these challenges,= conflict, violence and environmental degradation threaten the future secur= ity of everyone in the world - rich or poor. Fifty years after the signing = of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is more than ever necessar= y to reaffirm, as the Preamble declares, our "faith in fundamental human ri= ghts, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights = of men and women and [determine] to promote social progress and better stan= dards of life in larger freedom."
		=A9 Friedrich Ebert Stiftung \| technical support \| net e= dition=20 bb&ola \| November 1998

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