The role of the IMF from the Mexican perspective / Luis Miguel Galindo. - [Electronic ed.]. - Bonn, 2000. - 6 S. =3D 27 Kb,= Text . - (Studies on international financial architecture ; 2000,7 : IMF special= ) <br>Electronic ed.: Bonn : FES Library, 2000.

From: Snapshot-Content-Location: https://library.fes.de/fulltext/iez/00794.htm Subject: The role of the IMF from the Mexican perspective / Luis Miguel Galindo. - [Electronic ed.]. - Bonn, 2000. - 6 S. = 27 Kb, Text . - (Studies on international financial architecture ; 2000,7 : IMF special)
Electronic ed.: Bonn : FES Library, 2000. Date: Wed, 7 May 2025 14:27:17 +0200 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; type="text/html"; boundary="----MultipartBoundary--r49pZgUgO0hfTBrgDZKbjpHq5LhvqUPnuHwFaZ7hb6----" ------MultipartBoundary--r49pZgUgO0hfTBrgDZKbjpHq5LhvqUPnuHwFaZ7hb6---- Content-Type: text/html Content-ID: Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: https://library.fes.de/fulltext/iez/00794.htm The role of the IMF from the Mexican perspective / Luis Miguel Galindo. - [Electronic ed.]. - Bonn, 2000. - 6 S. =3D 27 Kb,= Text . - (Studies on international financial architecture ; 2000,7 : IMF special= ) <br>Electronic ed.: Bonn : FES Library, 2000.

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3D"[DIGI= =3D"TITLE

The role of the IMF from the Mexican perspective / Luis Miguel Galindo. - [Electronic ed.]. - Bonn, 2000. - 6 S. =3D 27 Kb,= Text . - (Studies on international financial architecture ; 2000,7 : IMF special= )
Electronic ed.: Bonn : FES Library, 2000.

=A9 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

=3D"CONTENTS"

Historical Overview
The Actual Perspective
Proposals For The Reform of IMF and World Bank
Conclusions

Summary

The reform of the IMF is not central to the Mexican debate on financial = and economic reform. However, from the Mexican perspective, the functioning= of international financial institutions is considered to be of outstandin= g importance in an global economy. Critics of the IMF concentrate on the r= igidness of its approach and its excessive concentration on macroeconomic b= alances.
Reform of the IMF should aim at broadening the approach, integrating so= cial aspects. IMF and World Bank should co-operate more closely, eliminatin= g the overlapping of functions between the two institutions. IMF should str= engthen its precautionary role, paying close attention to institutional fin= ancial vulnerability, exchange rate regimes and the long term possibilities= for growth.=20

Historical Overview

The Mexican experience with IMF policies began in 1976 with the sign= ing of an agreement after the collapse of the Mexican peso. The collapse wa= s the result of a very active public policy which lacked any regard for mac= roeconomic balances. Public expenditure in real terms had increased on aver= age 15.9% per year from 1972 to 1982 while the external debt increased on a= verage 30% between 1973 and 1981.=20
The 1976 agreement with the IMF was partly secret - especially where= fiscal and current account targets were concerned. This proceeding was not= taken well by the public opinion which considered the situation as a threa= t to national independence and as a kind of plot against national interests= . Public opinion was divided into two groups: The first one in favour of th= e international organisations supported the ideas of policy adjustment, a s= trong privatisation process and the importance of opening the economy, incl= uding the financial sector. The second group favoured of the ideas of publi= c expenditure as an economic engine, the promotion of an active participat= ion of the public sector in the productive sector, the protection of the na= tional industry by using import taxes and the slowing down of the financial= liberalisation process. Since then the visions have converged and now both= sides accept the ideas of macroeconomic balances and solid foundations of = the economy. Yet, differences still exist concerning the intensity of these= measures and their secondary effects.
Since 1976 the Mexican economy has gone through different phases of = growth and recovery. The economic performance has, in general, been very po= or without attaining an improvement in the per capita income for almost thr= ee decades. Simultaneously, the economic policies were directed at the cre= ation of solid economic foundations, such as a balanced budget, small exter= nal deficit, a more realistic exchange rate and a more open economy in orde= r to allow free international trade and a financial liberalisation process.= The coincidence of these polices with a very poor economic performance has= lead to a general rejection of the IMF recommendations that are consequent= ly characterised as being neo-liberal. In the political arena the adjective= of neo-liberal is in general being used without any specific connotation. = The term implies a set of policies that are related to privatisation, free = markets without any control, a strict wage policy and a fast process of ope= ning the economy, which has caused a reduction in the population=92s living= standard.=20
The actual government praises the advantages of its macroeconomic po= licies and structural adjustment under two main lines of reasoning: However= difficult the process may have been, without it the situation would be muc= h worse. Thanks to these adjustment policies the Mexican economy is now on = a road to economic recovery and has some sort of shield against internation= al financial crises. In this context, the Mexican government is always keen= to praise its achievements in international forums and it has earned the s= upport of the IMF and the World Bank. Horst Koehler, for example, declared = during his recent visit to Mexico, that the Mexican economic policies are c= orrect and that he does not expect a financial crisis in the near future.= =20 [ Newspaper Reforma , 20 May 2000, Business Section= . ] On the other hand, the Mexican government, does not accept that its econo= mic policy should be stereotyped as neo-liberal. =20

The Actual Perspective=

The economic crisis of 1995 with a fall of the GDP of nearly 7% and = the recovery and persistent economic growth after that year are the main fe= atures of the recent Mexican economy. From the government=92s point of view= , the adjustment policy, supported by the IMF and the United States (specif= ied by a loan of 50,000 million dollars), paid off by generating the condit= ions for the recovery of the economy. The structural and institutional chan= ges, the process of privatisation, the free market operation, the reduction= of the public deficit and the financial liberalisation process as well as = the government=92s strong support of the private banks are considered to be= key factors for the economic success. And, in addition, the private sector= supports this line of reasoning, some small and medium enterprises excepte= d.
The groups with an opposite view on the role of the IMF and World Ba= nk in Mexico are essentially the left parties (PRD, PT, the Zapatista group= s in Chiapas, popular movements such as those of students or land seekers, = small peasants, trade unions that are not associated to the traditional wor= kers=92 organisations or even important intellectuals such a Jorge Casta=F1= eda and Carlos Fuentes). These organisations argue, with different vigour, = against an economic policy which generates slow rates of growth without dis= tributing the benefits. They point out that the number of poor people in Me= xico has increased and that there are indications that the financial rescue= as operated by the government was, to say the least, not free of some indi= cations of large frauds. Following this line of reasoning, the adjustment p= olicies are essentially methods that suit the objectives of international f= inancial capital and governments of developed countries, but not its popula= tion.=20
It is worth mentioning that the agreements with the IMF in 1994-1995= did not cause the same response as in 1976. Whereas the response in 1976 w= as one of surprise and nationalistic reaction, in 1994/95 the IMF-agreement= met with open rejection. However, the rejection aimed not so much at the a= greement in itself but the kind of agreement and its social conseque= nces. Part of this change of behaviour is due to a greater acceptance of th= e existence of a global economy for which there is an obvious need for inte= rnational agreements and for organisations to face global challenges. Also = it could be argued that it is the poor economic performance of the Mexican = economy since 1976 with its negative economic consequences that gave the po= pulation a very pragmatic view of things which can be summarised by the sen= tence =84as long as it works it is fine". =20
In second place, the Mexican economy has not suffered from a major f= inancial crisis these past five years. The Asian and recent Latin American = crises had a minor effect on Mexico apart from some instability on the stoc= k market and small movements in the exchange and interest rates in order to= prevent capital flight. Consequently, the Mexican authorities argue that t= he economy is shielded against massive capital flights and the contagious e= ffect of international financial crises because they followed the prescript= ions of the IMF policies. =20
In the third place, there is a general agreement amongst actors from= different political backgrounds that in a global economy with free capital= markets it is indispensable to have a consistent macroeconomic policy. Thi= s calls for a small fiscal and current account deficit, a reduced inflatio= n rate and the operation of markets. For example, in the recent election ca= mpaign all presidential candidates agreed on these points despite interesti= ng differences as to the intensity and the implementation of the measures. = For example, all parties accept the relevance of a healthy fiscal balance w= ith the PRD (left party) still promoting some Keynesian polices based on a = larger public expenditure. In this sense, PRI and PAN (the ruling and the r= ight party) both accept the actual status of the NAFTA meanwhile the PRD do= es not reject it but does want to make some adjustments; however those are,= far from clear. Similarly, all parties accept the independence of the Cent= ral Bank in order to fight inflation but again the PRD would prefer more so= cial accountability. It is worth mentioning that the two largest parties (P= RI and PAN) are in general keener to continue with the internal reforms in = order to build a =84competitive and strong financial system".=20 [ See Heath, J., =84Los candidatos y la disciplina f= iscal", 9 and 16 May 2000, Reforma Newspaper. ] The PRD on the other hand, is eager to instrument changes which reduce th= e pace of the financial liberalisation process and to confront the actual I= MF=92s proposals more strongly.=20
In this sense, it should be mentioned that despite the general rejec= tion of the so call neo-liberalism all parties have accepted the main princ= iples of controlled public finances and a minor current account deficit, fr= ee markets, liberalisation of financial markets and free trade agreements. = In this situation two seemingly incompatible discourses coincide: On one le= vel all parties reject the neo-liberalism policies and simultaneously, on t= he other level, all of them accept principles associated with IMF and World= Bank policies.=20

Proposals For The Reform of I= MF and World Bank

The Mexican proposals to reform the international financial system a= re not fully elaborated due to the particular economic and political situat= ion. In effect, the Mexican economy has been growing since 1996 and has not= met with the full force of the negative effects of the most recent financi= al crises. Moreover, the presidential elections led to a concentration of t= he main debates on internal affairs; the international financial reform is = only a secondary topic.=20
The main proposals concerning an international financial reform, con= sidering the recent experiences in Mexico, are the following:=20
1. It can be said that in general Mexico has a rather negative perce= ption of the programmes of the IMF and this is due to two main factors. In = the first place, since 1976 the government preached to follow the IMF progr= ammes. Nonetheless the Mexican economy has only had an average rate of grow= th of two per cent during this period. The social consequences of this situ= ation are enormous. In the second place, the IMF is considered to be primar= ily concerned with the stability of the financial system. This basically im= plies the implementation of policies to maintain international capital flow= s and in the extreme to preserve the profitability of the financial sector.= In Mexico the situation of the whole national financial system was precari= ous in 1994, but the IMF was essentially concerned by the macroeconomic bal= ances after the crisis. This view can be considered to be rather narrow and= it did not solve the problem of the weakness of the financial system; this= is still a problem in Mexico. =20
2. In this sense the IMF should have a more integral approach. This = implies a close collaboration with the World Bank. In particular the overla= pping of functions of the two institutions must be eliminated. A long term = approach, with the central purpose of development and fulfilling the functi= ons that markets cannot fullfil, seems suitable. That is to say that it is = plausible, as the Meltzer Commission points out, to stop IMF loans for deve= lopment and poverty alleviation.=20
It could be debated whether the IMF should concentrate on short term= liquidity problems while the Word Bank would give loans to countries with = no access to private credit markets (and abandons areas that seem profitabl= e for private banking). Yet, these proposals might contribute to accentuate= the narrow vision of the IMF by showing that it is solely concerned with t= he short term stability of the flow of funds. Moreover, it is questionable = if the profitability of the investment should be the only condition to gran= t a credit to a developing country. There are good reasons to consider in a= ddition the existence of the credit ratio problems, the institutional probl= ems of the guarantees, the high probability of credit default and the prese= nce of price distortions that reduce the efficiency of the national private= credit markets. In this scenario the World Bank funds can be particularly = useful.=20
A close collaboration between the IMF and the World Bank should conc= entrate on forecasting, avoiding and managing financial crises - with a IMF= taking on a long term view while World Bank focusing on credit functions. = These might include countries and areas where private resources are not ava= ilable or those cases which might be profitable for the private sector and = still generate important social effects. The World Bank credits in Mexico h= ave played an important role in certain areas despite some inefficiencies t= hat still need to be eliminated. By explicitly including the social dimensi= on in its objectives the IMF must avoid a situation where its main role is = to achieve macroeconomic balances in order to solve cash flow problems. It = must also address the institutional dimension, the possible presence of mar= ket failures that would reduce the efficiency of its adjustment policies an= d the implications of its policies to achieve economic growth.
3. In the Mexican perspective, the functioning of international fina= ncial institutions in a global economy is considered to be of outstanding i= mportance. However, in order to face national social demands, the IMF shoul= d strengthen its precautionary role, paying close attention to institutiona= l financial vulnerability, exchange rate regimes and the long term possibil= ity for growth. The adjustment policies are ineffective if they do not gene= rate the conditions for a sustainable economic development. This, of course= , does not mean that the IMF should no longer look for adequate macroeconom= ic balances. The present IMF structure seems insufficient when facing major= financial crises due to a simultaneous collapse in several countries or a = massive outflow of capital. It is, therefore, a matter of urgent necessity = to create an institution which can cope with the new challenges of the glob= al economy. The magnitude of the flow of funds suggests that the only possi= ble option is to co-ordinate all international agencies with the private se= ctor. However, the private sector normally does not want to support financi= al rescue packages directly, as they have high risks and no profits. It is,= therefore, not enough to modify the international institutions if the priv= ate sector does not contribute in some ways to the stability of the system.= Hence it is necessary to organise the international financial sector by us= ing private incentives. International institutions should encourage the app= lication of international standards of management and control on the nation= al level and support better national financial practices as well as the dis= closure of the relevant information. The faculties of the IMF and its resou= rces should also be increased in order to equip it to cope with major finan= cial crises. A close co-ordination with national institutions, such as the = United States, the European Union or the Japanese government, is recommenda= ble.
The operations of all international institutions should show more re= spect for social accountability and the position of developing countries sh= ould be considered with more detail, even though their monetary contributio= n is not that significant. The operations of the IMF should have a more eth= ical approach towards, for example, debt relieve and show more concern for = global environmental problems.

Conclusions

The existence of a global economy with highly volatile capital movem= ents and the instability of major financial variables makes international i= nstitutions, engaged to prevent and control financial crisis, indispensable= . The recent financial crises and their contagion effects must be controlle= d and reduced, not only by considering modification of international instit= utions, but also through the strength of the national financial systems. Th= is includes the identification of normal and systemic risks and the vulnera= bility of the national financial systems. The macroeconomic adjustment proc= ess must be consistent with the institutional requirements and the manageme= nt of potential risks. These requirements must be addressed by the IMF. The= solution to financial crises does not only include the cash flow problem. = A long term strategy is indispensable in order to incorporate structural an= d institutional changes and the social dimension. In the Mexican case, the = adjustment policies were instrumented for too long without achieving a sust= ainable economic growth. A consequence of this is, in addition to the high = social costs, the IMF=92s lack of credibility in the public opinion. Furthe= rmore, there is still scepticism concerning the actual economic recovery.
A general strategy to face international financial instability must = include modifications to the IMF and World Bank institutions avoiding a dup= lication of duties. It must also include the development of policies which = guarantee a sustainable economic growth with social dimensions. This implie= s a strategy which consolidates the national financial systems and also fin= ances economic development. It is, therefore, necessary that the World Bank= , responsible for the credits for development, is also involved in the desi= gn of the adjustment process policies.
The international financial organisations=92 operations should be mo= re open to the public in order to avoid the criticism of secrecy. This shou= ld be complemented by more disclosure of information from the side of the n= ational governments. The decision process within international organisation= s should regard more strongly the concerns of all countries. This will help= the private sector to improve its decision process.
The modifications of the IMF and the World Bank should allow for a m= ore efficient contribution to the stability of the international financial = system as well as support long term economic growth and better social condi= tions. This is only possible by improving the co-ordination between these i= nstitutions, the national governments and the private sector. The new alloc= ation of roles does not imply a reduction of the IMF=92s tasks on the manag= ement of cash flow problems. On the contrary it should also address problem= s such as the social dimension of the adjustment policies, the conditions o= f a sustainable economic growth and the institutional aspects.

Luis Miguel Galindo, Professor at the faculty of Economics at the= University UNAM, numerous publications on questions of the financial secto= r and the economic development of Mexico.

The Studies on International Financial Architecture published by the Fri= edrich-Ebert-Stiftung are a contribution to the national and international = discussion on the building up of a sustainable international financial orde= r. They represent the debate in selected threshold and developing countries= .
N=B0 1/1999:
Proposals for the Reform of the International Financial Architecture= : Korea=92s Perspectives
Hyoungsoo Zang, Korea Institute for International Economic Policy= (KIEP),
Seoul, Korea
N=B0 2/1999:
The Reorganisation of the International Financial System: The Mexica= n Perspective
Luis Miguel Galindo, Faculty of Economics at the University UNAM,= Mexico
N=B0 3/1999:
South African Debates on a New Global Financial Architecture
Hein Marais, journalist and researcher, Johannesburg, South Afric= a
N=B0 4/1999:
Brazil's Participation in the Reorganization of International Financ= es
Jose Carlos de Souza, Institute of Economics at the University of= Campinas, Brazil; Marcos Antonio Macedo Cintra, Ibirapuera U= niversity, Brazil
N=B0 5/1999:
India and Global Financial Markets: Emerging Issues, Lessons and Res= ponses
Kavaljit Singh, Author and Coordinator of the Public Interest Res= earch Group, Delhi, India
N=B0 6/1999:
The International Financial Architecture issues in Argentina
Roberto Frenkel, Professor at the Buenos Aires and Palermo univer= sities
N=B0 1/2000:
Reforming the global financial architecture: Singapore's perspective= s
Linda Low, National University of Singapore
N=B0 2/2000:
Chile's economic liberalization and control of foreign capital inflo= w
Rafael Urriola, advisor of the Minister for Public Works in Santi= ago/Chile
N=B0 3/2000:
Credit Ratings and Emerging Economies (Conference Report)
Brendan Murphy, freelance journalist specialised on financial and= economic questions, New York, USA=20
N=B0 4/2000:
A New Global Financial Architecture: A Thai Perspective
Thanong Khanthong, Business Editor of The Nation, Bangkok, Thaila= nd
N=B0 5/2000:
International Monetary System under Changing Conditions and China's = Policy Options
Wei Jianing / Wang Tong, Department of Macro Economic Studies, De= velopment Research Center, State Council, China=20
N=B0 6/2000:
Credit Ratings and Emerging Economies (IMF-Special)
Brian Kahn, South African Reserve Bank
N=B0 7/2000:
The Role of the IMF from the Mexican Perspective (IMF-Special)
Luis Miguel Galindo, Faculty of Economics at the University UNAM,= Mexico
The Studies are also available on the FES-Homepage.

Impressum

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=A9 2000 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

=A9 Friedrich Ebert Stiftung | technical su= pport | net edition=20 fes-library | August 2000

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