From: Snapshot-Content-Location: https://library.fes.de/fulltext/iez/01708.htm Subject: =?utf-8?Q?Bush=20administration=20policy=20on=20Africa=20/=20John=20Prend?= =?utf-8?Q?ergast=20-=20[Electronic=20ed.]=20-=20Bonn,=202003=20-=20[5]=20?= =?utf-8?Q?Bl.=20=3D=2018=20KB,=20Text=20.=20-=20(Kurzberichte=20aus=20der?= =?utf-8?Q?=20internationalen=20Entwicklungszusammenarbeit=20:=20Afrika)?= =?utf-8?Q?=20
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=C2=A9=20Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung?= Date: Wed, 7 May 2025 17:16:18 +0200 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; type="text/html"; boundary="----MultipartBoundary--VMhrFAshD4wJSI9b7CKyr4S9E5GGkw75651i7mlQtc----" ------MultipartBoundary--VMhrFAshD4wJSI9b7CKyr4S9E5GGkw75651i7mlQtc---- Content-Type: text/html Content-ID: Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: https://library.fes.de/fulltext/iez/01708.htm Bush administration policy on Africa / John Prendergast - [Electronic ed.] - Bonn, 2003 - [5] Bl. =3D 18 KB, Te= xt . - (Kurzberichte aus der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit : Afri= ka) <br>Electronic ed.: Bonn : FES Library, 2003 <br><br><font size=3D-1><i>=A9 Friedrich-Ebert-Stif= tung</i></font>
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Bush administration policy on Africa / John Prendergast - [Electronic ed.] - Bonn, 2003 - [5] Bl. =3D 18 KB, Te= xt . - (Kurzberichte aus der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit : Afri= ka)
Electronic ed.: Bonn : FES Library, 2003

=A9 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

=3D"INHALT"




U.S. policy towards Africa remains at the bottom= of the list in terms of strategic priorities of the U.S. government. Desp= ite the rhetoric of President Bush on his recent trip to Africa, and that o= f President Clinton on his visits, the continent does not figure into U.S. = geo-strategic calculations.

Humanitarian considerations continue to be the l= argest factor driving U.S. interest in Africa. The prevention and resoluti= on of war, the amelioration of famine or food crises, and the countering of= serious atrocities are the most important U.S. considerations, in general = terms and with specific exceptions when the costs are perceived to be too h= igh to respond.

I. COUNTER-TERRORIS= M POLICY

However, the September 11 terrorist attacks have pr= omoted counter-terrorism as the strategic priority for the U.S. government = globally, and therefore Africa falls under that framework. In fact, much li= ke the Cold War defined U.S. foreign policy from the 1950s until 1990, the = global war on terrorism has become the dominant paradigm for Bush administr= ation foreign policy, and Africa is no exception.

This is slowly changing the nature of Bush administ= ration policy towards Africa. In general terms, overt democratization and h= uman rights objectives appear to have been downgraded, in favor of support = to regimes that line up favorable on counter-terrorism objectives and Iraq = policy. The similarities between this overarching approach and that which d= efined policies from Eisenhower to Reagan are striking.

Just as during the Cold War, the Horn of Africa has= become the main locus for U.S. strategic policy. In the immediate aftermat= h of 9/11, U.S. Central Command was combing the region for possibilities fo= r increased counter-terrorism cooperation opportunities. Somalia was of the= most immediate concern, and an intelligence net was created (with the supp= ort of the governments of Germany and others) to ensure against penetration= or infiltration by al-Qaeda elements.

Ethiopia is the strategic center of the U.S. Horn C= ounter-terrorism policy, and Djibouti is the logistical nerve center. Ethio= pia provides intelligence and other cooperation regarding al-Itihad and oth= er groups within the region, while Djibouti plays host to an increasing num= ber of U.S. military and intelligence personnel.

With the Sudan peace process making rapid progress,= plans are in the works for an expansion of counter-terrorism cooperation w= ith Khartoum. Kenya and Uganda are also closely wrapped into the overall st= rategy, as Kenya remains the principal target of al-Qaeda operations in the= region.

As a result of this emphasis on counter-terrorism, = other objectives in the region have been downgraded. Democracy promotion h= as not been emphasized strongly, as evidenced by the reduction in aid to Ke= nya after the victory by President Kibaki, the continuing support for gover= nments in Kampala, Kigali, and Addis Ababa, and the diminution of pressure = for presidential elections as part of the Sudan peace deal.

Conflict resolution priorities have also taken a ba= ck seat to counter-terrorism objectives. Secretary of State Powell recentl= y told Ethiopia's Foreign Minister that the U.S. would not allow the border= issue with Eritrea to overshadow U.S. interests, particularly counter-terr= orism. The U.S. has done little to counter the increasing possibility of re= newed conflict between those two countries. Similarly, in the aftermath of = Rwandan and Ugandan support for the Bush administration's invasion of Iraq,= the U.S. invited both governments to the White House, despite their contin= uing involvement in the Congo. Only in Sudan did conflict resolution priori= ties remain high, driven by domestic policy considerations.

The Horn is not the only area in which counter-terr= orism objectives are making themselves felt. The U.S. European Command, th= e Pentagon's arm responsible for the rest of sub-Saharan Africa outside of = the Horn, is examining ways in which to ramp up cooperation with friendly g= overnments. Of particular concern are the suspected terrorist cells in Sout= h Africa, the potential for money laundering and mineral investments in Wes= t and Central Africa, and Islamic extremism in northern Nigeria.

II= . BEYOND COUNTER-TERRORISM

For the Bush administration, the promotion of free = trade and expansion of markets is the next priority in Africa. Assistant Se= cretary Walter Kansteiner made this his personal crusade during his tenure,= pushing through the bureaucracy a series of creative measures to expand tr= ade and investment opportunities running in both directions.

The administration has put a great deal of energy i= nto promoting an agenda that builds on AGOA and seeks ways to extend the be= nefits of AGOA as well as looks for new kinds of incentives that go beyond = the current framework, such as tax breaks for investing in Africa and other= such initiatives. This is a bipartisan agenda that continues from the Clin= ton administration and is strongly supported in Congress.  The Corpora= te Council on Africa is very influential in dictating the economic agenda o= f the Bush administration with regards to Africa. It seeks expanded efforts= in promoting economic reform and open markets, as well as incentives to tr= ade and invest more with Africa.  We will see more activity in this re= gard before the end of next year.

However, despite the consensus forged to promote th= ese measures, the Bush administration continues to maintain economic polici= es that have a severely negative effect on Africa's growth prospects. By de= manding - through the IMF - that African governments remove all trade barri= ers, while at the same time maintaining huge production subsidies, the term= s of trade for Africa continue to deteriorate in dramatic fashion. As long = as this disconnect continues, it will prevent African growth prospects from= improving and ensure that no progress is made in World Trade Organization = negotiations.

Bush himself has made the fight against HIV/AIDS a = personal priority. In his most recent State of the Union address, he presen= ted a bold plan to increase spending for prevention and treatment to $15 bi= llion over five years, far exceeding expectations. However, his initial req= uest to Congress was only $2 billion for the first year, creating concern t= hat the promises will not be kept. Furthermore, controversy still continues= over what percentage of the funds will go to the promotion of abstinence. = Currently one-third of U.S. aid is earmarked for abstinence education, rais= ing the ire of activists who believe that the promotion of effective preven= tion methods such as the use of condoms will be undermined by this strong e= mphasis on abstinence.

It has also been hypothesized that this strong emph= asis on abstinence also serves Bush's interests by shifting the disbursemen= t of aid money from the HIV/AIDS programs administered by organizations suc= h as Planned Parenthood and Population Services International to faith-base= d organizations. Finally, Bush's choice of a retired executive from Eli Lil= ly to serve as the "AIDS Czar" signals that Bush's AIDS program will emphas= ize the distribution of drugs over prevention education. If the program doe= s end up funding primarily the distribution of HIV/AIDS drugs, the program = will be primarily pumping money into the U.S. pharmaceutical sector.=

An issue very much linked to HIV/AIDS is reproducti= ve health. Under the Bush administration's anti-abortion policy, known as t= he Mexico City rule, groups that have been effective in curbing the spread = of HIV/AIDS are now forced to close because they are involved in abortions,= referral advice, counseling, or contraceptive distribution. As a result, m= any communities who depended on these clinics for health care must now go w= ithout these services.

Another bold but flawed Bush initiative is the Mill= ennium Challenge Account (MCA). It aims to focus development resources on a= few good performing countries. In the process the U.S. Agency for Internat= ional Development is slowly and almost imperceptibly being dismantled, part= icularly in terms of its diminishing role in providing traditional developm= ental assistance. Although it is important to try to shake up the aid indus= try, there will be a number of negative repercussions from the MCA approach= .

  • - All of the resources will go to few countr= ies, creating islands of stability in highly unstable seas;
  • - Countries that are trying to enact reforms but= run up against significant obstacles will not receive help under the MCA; = and
  • - Excluded countries - which arguably need the m= ost help - will simply fall further and further behind and become a larger = threat to stability than they already are.

Oil and mineral interests have had a much less sign= ificant impact on U.S. policy than is commonly believed. In Nigeria, the St= ate Department has maintained cool relations with Obasanjo's government, an= d provided very little aid. In Angola, a similar lack of engagement marks t= he relationship. Although there is a great deal of rhetoric about the impor= tance of the oil wealth of the Gulf of Guinea and the mineral wealth of the= Congo, there has been little corresponding political and economic engageme= nt in support of those interests.

The Bush administration has failed to live up to it= s stated commitment to the Refugee Resettlement Program. In the past two ye= ars, the Bush administration has significantly reduced the refugee admissio= ns ceiling to 70,000, the lowest point in two decades. In 2003, only a quar= ter of the authorized refugees have arrived in the United States. Since 9/= 11, the administration has cited security concerns as the reason for decrea= sed U.S. refugee resettlement admissions. However, there remains a delay in= processing security clearances for these eligible refugees who languish in= refugee camps. The implications of this policy extend beyond refugee camp = borders. Refugee resettlement assists some of the world's 13 million refug= ee's, reduces regional instabilities caused by alleviating some pressures t= o host countries, and it demonstrates U.S. commitment to burden-sharing Afr= ica's immense humanitarian challenges.

The administration is very unenthusiastic about NEP= AD. This is primarily a reflection of its Zimbabwe policy. It sees NEPAD as= toothless in the face of Mugabe's depredations, after very strong rhetoric= from Obasanjo/Mbeki/ Bouteflika two years ago about peer pressure. Now it = is a weak form of peer review, and voluntary at that! The administration is= moving ahead with its Millennium Challenge Account, which it says basicall= y is in harmony with the NEPAD objectives. Its position on the African Unio= n is more supportive, principally for self-interested reasons. There is a k= een desire to build African capacity to intervene in conflict or genocidal = situations, and there is a recognition that the AU and the smaller regional= organizations are the locus upon which to build capacity.

III. CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the Bush administration policy is no= t altogether dissimilar to that of its predecessor. However, the terrorist = attacks of 9/11 have altered the strategic calculations of the U.S. in peri= pheral zones throughout the world, in ways very similar to the Cold War. A= s yet, this has only had a significant impact on U.S. policy toward the Hor= n of Africa. It remains to be seen whether U.S. policy to the rest of the = continent follows suit. If that is the case, it is quite possible that huma= n rights and democracy promotion will again be pushed to the back seat of U= .S. policy priorities, just as it was during the era of Soviet containment.=


About t= he Author:

John Prendergast is the Africa Program = Manager, International Crisis Group. The ICG is one of the most well known = NGOs working on conflict resolution. He was Special Adviser to the U.S. Sta= te Department where he specialized in conflict resolution initiatives in Af= rica. In addition Mr. Prendergast was involved in overall policy developmen= t and implementation for Africa. Prior to joining the State Department, he = was an Executive Fellow of the United States Institute of Peace, and before= that, Director for African Affairs at the National Security Council, where= he provided support to the President, the National Security Adviser and su= ccessive Senior Directors on overall Africa policy.

Ansprechpartner:<= /font>

  

Dr. Werner Puschra, =

Tel.: 0228-883 576 Werner.Puschra@fes.de

Sabine Matambalya, <= /font>

Tel: 0228-883 577Sabine.Matambalya@fes.de

Friedrich-Ebert-Stif= tung
Referat Afrika
Godesberger Allee 149
53170 Bonn
Fax: 0228-= 883 623

  


=A9 Friedrich Ebert Stiftung | technical su= pport | net edition=20 fes-library | Dezember 2003
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