Chapter 7 Conclusion and Recommendations From the preceding discussion and illustrations, we can distil the following traits of potential threat to the social cohesion and democratic progress of the Ghanaian nation-state: ? A deficit of professional and ethical capacity; ? A blatant bi-partisan polarisation of media and practitioners; ? A propensity to sensationalise and exaggerate stories; ? A tendency towards the flagrant(politically motivated) misrepresentation of issues; ? A lack of cultural sensitivity in the treatment of sectarian (ethnic and religious) issues; ? A propensity towards personal attacks in the name of free expression. These are the combustible ingredients with which the flames of conflict can be ignited. And given the increasingly competitive and combative nature of elections since 1992 – and the underlying winner-takes-all nature of political power in Ghana – the likelihood of political strife in Ghana is putatively strong. What must the relevant stakeholders(media institutions, practitioners, educators, regulators, professional associations) do to inoculate the media against their potential to infect Ghana's democratic health? Two inclusive interventions are in my view, required, namely, training and regulation. First, it would appear that the exponential growth in media outlets since the coming into force of the 1992 Constitution has not been matched by a qualitative(and quantitative) growth in the professional training of practitioners. There is a need for 232