and Vietnam—stand out, having reached or surpassed 30 per cent representation in parliament. However, across most of the region, men continue to dominate political decision-making. Beyond the political and economic spheres, gender inequality manifests in everyday violence and exclusion. One in four women in the region is estimated to experience domestic violence in her lifetime(Cai& Aissi, 2024). Online spaces have become new frontiers of insecurity, where women and minority communities face heightened exposure to online hate speech, disinformation, and image-based abuse. Studies indicate that they experience significantly higher rates of psychological violence(+18 per cent) and sexual violence(+6 per cent) compared to other groups(IPU, 2025b). Moreover, a 6 per cent gender gap in internet usage (ADB, 2023b) limits women’s access to digital technologies, digital skills, and online economic opportunities, further reinforcing cycles of exclusion. Structural and cultural barriers continue to entrench inequality across the region. Patriarchy, sexism, toxic masculinity, and rising misogyny persist in both public and private spheres, reinforcing discriminatory norms and restricting women’s agency. Vulnerable populations—such as informal workers, rural women, indigenous peoples, sexual and gender minorities, and migrant workers—face multiple, intersecting forms of exclusion, often operating at the margins of legal protection and social policy. Women are disproportionately represented in precarious and unregulated forms of work, including domestic labour, caregiving, and sex work, where exploitation and abuse are common and access to justice remains limited. Gender mainstreaming efforts remain slow, not only because of policy gaps but also due to entrenched political and ideological resistance. The rise of conservative and populist movements across several countries has reframed feminist agendas as elitist or Western impositions, thereby delegitimising equality discourse and constraining institutional reform. These dynamics erode public and political commitment to gender-responsive policymaking, leading to fragmented, underfunded, and poorly implemented gender frameworks. Indeed, only nine countries in the region have established systems to monitor and allocate resources for gender equality(UNESCAP, 2024a), reflecting the chronic disconnect between policy rhetoric and institutional practice. Despite these challenges, feminist civil society organisations (CSOs) remain vibrant across the region, continuing to push boundaries, mobilise communities, and influence policy discourses in several ways. They play a critical role in advancing gender justice, from advocating legal reforms on gender-based violence and labour rights to strengthening women’s leadership in peacebuilding, climate action, and local governance. Through their grassroots networks, these organisations mobilise communities to demand equitable access to resources and representation, effectively translating global commitments into locally relevant action. ​T​ aken together, these dynamics reveal a region at a crossroads: widespread normative commitments to gender equality exist, but progress towards gender equality is uneven and multidimensional, often hindered by politically contested and inconsistent implementation. Mainstreaming efforts frequently remain procedural rather than transformative, resulting in gender plans and strategies that do little to redistribute power or resources. 2.3 Mapping feminist principle adoption in various international policy domains across the Asia-Pacific Globally, the space for advancing feminist policymaking is under increasing strain. The rise of populist leaders and authoritarian governments has fuelled anti-gender movements and backlash against women’s rights. Furthermore, ongoing conflicts—such as the Russia­Ukraine war, genocide in Gaza, and the 2025 military conflict between the nuclear-armed states of Pakistan and India—have further entrenched militarism, crowding out feminist calls for demilitarisation, inclusion, and justice. Feminist principles in international policy encompass a range of perspectives that seek to transform unequal power relations and ensure that both women and men can meaningfully contribute to development, security, peace, and sustainability in addressing global challenges. As UNESCAP(2020) notes, “Policies and programmes with a gender-responsive, inclusive, and intersectional approach consider gender alongside other identity categories(e.g., age, geography, socioeconomic status, racial or ethnic group, ability, gender identity, etc.) in their design and implementation.” In the past decade or so, several European Union(EU) member states—including Sweden, 2 France, Spain, and Germany—as well as non-EU countries like Canada, Chile, and Mexico, have formally adopted FFPs, signalling their strong commitment to gender equality and women’s rights as central to their external engagement. Other nations support feminist perspectives through commitments of official development assistance (ODA) and active leadership at international forums. While FFPs represent an important institutional innovation, they are not the only—nor necessarily the most comprehensive— pathway to integrating feminist principles into governance. Yet, contradictions remain: although explicitly feminist in their framing, these policies do not fully embrace pacifist ideals (Rosamond, 2024), and their credibility is challenged by rising militarism, arms exports, and increased defence spending during conflicts and crises. ​T​ his reflects a broader tension between rhetorical commitments to feminist principles and the ²  Revoked in 2022 . CH 2: Current State Analysis 21