that aligns with democratic principles yet remains bounded by religious and cultural sensibilities. In this sense, Indonesia’s feminist-aligned progress is deliberate but cautious, less about adopting labels and more about embedding equality into the everyday practices of governance, diplomacy, and development, on its own culturally resonant terms. However, these gains are increasingly at risk amid shrinking civic space and resurgent conservatism. Civil society actors described funding shortfalls, growing restrictions on media and NGOs, and the rise of conservative groups, which are pushing for a Family Resilience Bill that would reinforce gender segregation and domestic roles for women.“All democratic movements are being impacted—not just women’s, but also journalists’ and queer movements”(KII, October 2025), lamented one respondent, noting that international funding cuts have weakened grassroots advocacy. Despite these constraints, Indonesia’s trajectory illustrates how feminist-aligned principles can be negotiated within complex political, religious, and regional realities. The country has integrated gender equality into governance, diplomacy, and development practices in ways that are both politically viable and culturally grounded. 3.4 Mongolia Mongolia, a small democracy situated strategically between China and Russia, has sought to carve out a distinctive role in international affairs by advancing gender equality and embedding feminist principles within its domestic policies and foreign policy engagements. With an HDI value of 0.741, Mongolia ranks among the countries with“high human development”(UNDP, 2024c). Its pursuit of feminist­informed policy shows both promising initiatives and persistent constraints in institutionalisation and implementation. Between 2024 and 2025, Mongolia’s score on the Global Gender Gap Index improved significantly, rising from 85th to 65th place out of 146 nations(WEF, 2025). This rapid progress reflects not only policy reform but also increasing collaboration between government institutions and feminist civil society. Amendments to the Labour Law and Election Law in 2023 have increased women’s participation in politics and the economy. Most notably, a gender quota was introduced, requiring at least 30 per cent of electoral candidates to be women in the 2024 elections, with a target 40 per cent by 2028. As one expert noted, this achievement “would not have been possible without the active involvement and engagement of civil society organisations such as Women for Change”(KII, October 2025), which successfully lobbied for gender quotas at both the parliamentary and political party levels. The impact was immediate and visible: the number of female politicians increased from 13 to 32 in the 2024 elections, making up nearly a quarter of the total seats, a figure exceeding the regional average of 21 per cent and closely approaching the global average of 27 per cent(UNDP 2024a; Tamang, 2024). Mongolia’s policy frameworks have grown more comprehensive and gender-inclusive in recent years. The country adopted a Cross-Sectoral Strategic Plan for Promoting Gender Equality(2022–2031), setting ambitious goals across multiple sectors, including health, education, economic participation, leadership, decision-making, and tackling gender-based violence(GBV). Complementing this, the Law on Promotion of Gender Equality(2011) integrated gender considerations into the mandates of state institutions such as the National Human Rights Commission and the Civil Service Council. In addition, Mongolia is advancing its commitment to the WPS agenda. The National Action Plan, currently under development, is intended to serve as a strategic framework for operationalising Mongolia’s commitments to UNSCR 1325. One expert explained,“It aims to enhance the meaningful participation of women in domestic political, social, and peace and security processes, establish a clear inter-sectoral framework for preventing and responding to sexual and gender-based violence(SGBV), and ensure the allocation of adequate financial resources for these initiatives”(KII, October 2025). Nevertheless, persistent gaps in political will, financing, and institutional capacity remain. As one expert observed, “Implementation gaps are primarily due to weak political will and a lack of dedicated finance. Gender issues are viewed through a limited lens, with the government relying heavily on donor-funded programmes. Sectoral policies remain as documents rather than actions due to limited funding and reluctance to implement”(KII, October 2025). This donor dependence underscores the fragility of Mongolia’s progress: policy sophistication has not yet translated into systemic institutionalisation. Institutional barriers, entrenched cultural norms, and policy implementation deficiencies further constrain progress. One expert explained: Institutional barriers within public organisations and systems perpetuate gender disparities and restrict opportunities for women’s advancement. These impediments can manifest as gender bias in recruitment and promotion processes, a lack of gender-sensitive policies and practices, and the insufficient allocation of resources for initiatives aimed at promoting gender equality(KII, October 2025). Similarly, one KII respondent noted that“cultural norms surrounding family, marriage, and caregiving often prioritise male authority, thereby creating and reinforcing unequal power dynamics within households and communities”(KII, October 2025). Another respondent highlighted persistent legal-practice gaps:“While laws designed to protect women’s rights and ensure gender equality may be in effect, legal loopholes and CH 3: Case Studies 39