of the world, so we have no adequate names to ex-press it. We don't want colonies, we don't want todominate nations. We want to re- define the rangeof their independence, to determine those condi-tions for their well- being that will let them live se-curely. Our Communist opponents, on the contrary,have the advantage of all the old- established namesand practices. To the Russians and to the peopleunder them," empire" and" sphere of influence"mean exactly what they used to. For these Johnny-come- latelies of international politics have adopted,with a pedantic vengeance, all the patterns that theold imperial powers have relinquished.

Most of our liberals keep a careful account ofwhat they call American mistakes and failures inGermany . They shake their heads, and predict theworst. Actually," mistake" and" failure" are incor-rect words when applied to something for whichthere is no corresponding precedent of achievementor success. Most American liberals seem to act on theassumption that their abhorrence of extremes en-titles them to sit in sour judgment of everythingthat is being done. This sitting habit does not rep-resent the liberal tradition at its best. For there isa great difference between a sitting posture and therisky, purposeful effort of every muscle and nerve,aimed at lifting a nation from the horror of tyranny

and defeat.

This Removable Government

Here we are now, confronted, at the end of mili-tary government, by this newly- assembled Western Germany that is learning how to speak, think, andact as a nation. We have before us this big, trun-cated section of what was once Germany . The Ger­ man nation has been split in two by the conflictbetween East and West, just as three centuries agoit was broken up by the schism between Protestant­ ism and the Roman Catholic Church . As a resultof that division, it was not until 1871, after theFranco- Prussian War , that the unity of the German nation could be achieved. Since then the German state has proved to be a peril to its own people andto the world.

The best thing that can be said about the newGerman government is that it is weak. The partiesthat form it won the election by a slim margin, andAdenauer became the Chancellor by a majority ofone vote- his own. To rule a divided Germany , stillunder allied control, is a rather unsavory task, thatunfortunately has fallen on not very savory people.But this is probably the best government that Ger­ many could have, for it is removable, at the mercyof a fractional shift of opinion. It is an interim gov-

ernment, for everything- parties, rulers, and politi-cians- is interim, precarious, and improvised in anation that is just starting to live again.

Business, Not Love

Our officials have to do business with the German leaders who won the election, as they have to dealwith the industrialists of the Rhineland and ofthe Ruhr , still the same men who ruled the Ger­ man economy before Hitler , for Hitler , and withHitler . Perhaps this is necessary, for, as the sayinggoes in some of our government circles, they are themen who" know their jobs." They are powerful,callous, cynical men, thoroughly impervious tomoral scruples and to sentimental idealism. But theydo know their jobs. They also speak English , knowhow to dress, eat, and drink. They do all these thingsso well, in fact, that some Americans are inclined toconclude that they are" our kind of people."

The art has been developed in America - onlytoo well, at times beyond the point of decency- ofkeeping a strict line of demarcation between busi-ness contacts and social connections. In our workinglives, there is a fair measure of equality and de-mocracy, regardless of race and creed, enjoyed fivedays a week between 9 A.M. and 5 P.M. Duringoff- hours, on vacation and recognized holidays, somebarriers of discrimination are raised. It would bea good thing if the system could be abandoned athome and adopted, in some instances, abroad.

Actually, there is no reason why business inter-course with the German industrialists and politicalleaders should be accompanied by fraternization ordeclarations of eternal love. There are, on the con-trary, all possible reasons for keeping the closestwatch on the people with whom we have to deal.When those people give evidence that, in doingtheir jobs, they are only after greater and greatereconomic and political power, they must be sacked.

It is a very difficult task to introduce democracyin a nation- much more difficult than many of ourwell- meaning liberals seem to assume. The generousintention to help the non- Communist left in a for-eign country is sometimes crudely challenged by thefact that there are not many non- Communist left-wingers to be helped. Sometimes, on the contrary,we may risk being trapped by the reactionary poli-ticians of the country we help, as our experience inGreece proves.

It is a hard job we are up against, a job that re-quires an extraordinary degree of sophistication andhard- headedness. We can do business with this newrightest Germany , provided, of course, we are notgoing to marry her.

-M.A.

The Reporter, October 11, 1949

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