ered the welfare state on the evaluationof its opponents. I wonder whetherthat evaluation is very accurate, eitherin theory or in practice. The welfarestate has a distinct and definable char-acter. Briefly, it is a system whereingovernment agrees to underwrite cer-tain levels of employment, income,education, medical aid, social security,and housing for all its citizens. Thegovernment does not try to do all thesethings itself; it seeks where possible tosupplement the initiatives of privatesociety. But it does accept the ultimateresponsibility of guaranteeing" floors"in certain crucial areas, below whichit conceives tolerable living to be im-possible. And it will intervene when pri-vate society demonstrates its incapacityto maintain these minimum standards.

posed to the welfare state today? I can-not believe that it has many seriousopponents left." England and theopponents left." England and theUnited States " one Senator recentlyremarked," have always recognized theinterest of the state in providing a de-cent minimum standard of living infood, clothing, medical care, and edu-cation for those unfortunate enoughnot to be able to pay for it in full them-selves. Housing is only an extension ofthe same principle to decent shelter,which certainly is absolutely necessaryif the children are to have anythinglike equality of opportunity." Thespeaker was Senator Robert A. Taft , aclear if sometimes grudging championof the essential principles of welfarism.

" We are all Hussites without know-ing it," Martin Luther cried centuriesago, suddenly discovering how far hehad drifted from Roman orthodoxy.So today we are all supporters of thewelfare state, as laissez- faireism hasreceded into the mythical past. Notevery single one of us, I suppose; notSenator Jenner, nor Senator Kem, norSenator Bricker, nor Senator Byrd;evidently not Mr. Hoover; but a close

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This is all that is meant by a wel-fare state. It should be added, perhaps,that western society came to the wel-fare state, not through an excess ofstarry- eyed do- goodism, nor, on theother hand, through a sinister desire tolull an unsuspecting people into total-itarianism. Western society was drivento welfarism by themost powerful andstark of all motives:fear. It became evidentearly in our centurythat any governmentthat rejected responsi-bility for the welfare ofall its citizens wouldforfeit the loyalty ofthose whom it neg-lected. It was the over-whelming need tobribe the masses intoremaining loyal- notsentimental idealism-that created the wel-fare state. In the lastanalysis, welfarism is aform of social Machia-vellianism designed toprevent the populationfrom being harried, byinsecurity, poverty, anddespair, into the armsof Fascists or Commu­ nists ." If you do notgive the people socialreform," as an English Tory has said," thepeople will give you so-cial revolution."

Who is really op-

examination of even Senator Bridgesmight disclose the first germs of infec-tion; and from Senator Taft leftwardthe disease becomes epidemic.

This agreement on the principle ofultimate government responsibilitydoes not, of course, mean that thereare no differences on domestic policybetween Senator Taft and President Truman . Their differences are largeand bitter; but they are not over thewelfare state. The two main points ofdebate are over the type of governmentintervention and over the level atwhich the minimum standards are tobe pegged. Senator Taft wants thestates rather than the Federal govern-ment to play the greater role in main-taining the" floors" under society.

Thus Taft accepts the principle ofthe minimum- wage law, but he bog-gled at the enlarged coverage which theAdministration tried to write into therecent bill. He accepts the principle ofgovernment support for medical care;but he wants the care to be dispensedas much as possible through the statesand to be confined to the needy ratherthan to be available to all. He may seek

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The Reporter, October 11, 1949

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