2.3.1 Representation in Domestic Politics, Foreign Policy and Diplomacy Feminist perspectives underscore the vital role of women’s leadership and participation in shaping more representative, equitable, and effective governance. The inclusion of women in traditionally male-dominated fields such as diplomacy, security, and international policymaking broadens the range of experiences and perspectives that inform decision­making, ultimately enhancing institutional performance and legitimacy. As Goldstein and Pevehouse(2013) observe, advancing gender equality enhances“national capabilities by giving the state a better overall pool of diplomats, generals, soldiers, and politicians.” Representation extends beyond mere symbolism functioning as a transformative mechanism to ensure that public institutions genuinely reflect the diverse needs of the population they serve. While it is essential to recognise that not all women in leadership positions advocate for a feminist agenda or function as“transformational leaders”(D’Aoust& Châteauvert-Gagnon, 2017), many women across the Asia­Pacific have demonstrated leadership that has advanced gender equality through diplomacy, governance, and norm entrepreneurship. Figures such as Hansa Mehta of India and Begum Shaista Ikramullah of Pakistan—both instrumental in drafting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)—helped embed gender equality in the foundations of international law. Contemporary leaders such as Jacinda Arden, Fiamē Naomi Mataʻafa, Julia Gillard, Penny Wong, Retno Marsudi, Batmunkh Battsetseg, Sania Nishtar, and Sherry Rehman exemplify how women have shaped foreign, social welfare and climate policy agendas grounded in inclusivity, dialogue, and human security. Their leadership has often emphasised collaboration and empathy and has also challenged entrenched gender and heteronormative norms. Some have broken historical barriers, becoming the first women to hold senior diplomatic or ministerial positions or leading despite not conforming to traditional gender expectations or identities. Their visibility and advocacy, whether through public stands against misogyny or by normalising diverse forms of leadership, represent both symbolic and substantive progress towards transforming how power and authority are understood in political life. Recognising the lag in female representation in politics, many countries in the region—including India, Nepal, and Mongolia—have taken measures to institutionalise representation and establish precedents for inclusive governance. India’s 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments of 1992, which reserved one-third of seats for women in the Panchayati Raj institutions and urban local bodies(municipalities), represent perhaps the most significant legislative effort to promote gender parity in global history. The reform envisioned a transformative change in rural governance; by 2022, nearly 300,000 units of local self-government had been established, electing approximately 3.2 million representatives, of whom 1.2 million were women(Bose, 2022). Nepal incorporated gender equality into its 2015 Constitution, which guarantees women’s rights and mandates proportional inclusion in political, economic, and social institutions. Women are required to hold at least 33 per cent of parliamentary seats(Article 84(8))(UN Women, 2023a). Additionally, alternative arrangements ensure that executive positions—such as those of President and Vice President—are held by individuals from diverse genders and communities. Similarly, several other nations have initiated incremental reforms to encourage women’s participation in the workforce. Over the past five years, Malaysia has introduced legal reforms across several pay and parenthood indicators(World Bank, 2024c) to improve gender equality and work-life balance. Across the region, countries have committed to achieving gender equality in external relations, with some expressing this commitment in rhetoric and others implementing practical measures. For instance, Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar acknowledged the necessity of developing a “gender-balanced foreign policy,” identifying three primary priorities:“getting more women to engage with foreign policy issues, reflect[ing] women’s interests in foreign policy, and bring[ing] in a feminist perspective to foreign policy”(Panicker, 2021). Mongolia stands out as the only country in the region to have explicitly committed to adopting a“feminist” foreign policy(Stamm, 2023). The formal adoption of the“feminist” label is significant, as it establishes benchmarks and advances discourse beyond gender mainstreaming towards a deeper examination of power dynamics(Civil Society Dialogue Network, 2023). Several other countries have also introduced modest yet meaningful measures to integrate gender considerations within their foreign ministries and bureaucratic structures. Pakistan’s Wedlock Policy, for instance, which explicitly guarantees co-location for married diplomats 3 , embodies a feminist principle of equality by recognising caregiving and family responsibilities as shared rather than gendered burdens. Despite these gains, deep-rooted gendered hierarchies and inequities remain embedded within political and institutional systems. Women often face tokenism or structural barriers that limit their ability to exercise genuine power. Women diplomats are often confined to“protocol,” hospitality, and administrative roles(Pandey, 2025), functions stereotypically perceived as extensions of caregiving, rather than substantive policy domains. Furthermore, women leaders face heightened risk of 3 Pakistan’s Wedlock policy states that“Married Government Servants shall, as far as possible, be posted at the same station to enable them to live together, unless there are compelling reasons to do otherwise"(Government of Pakistan, Establishment Division, Office Memorandum No. 10/30/97-R-2, dated 16 March 2020,‘Wedlock Policy for Married Government Servants’). CH 2: Current State Analysis 23