3.2.3.1 Sweden and Germany: Pragmatic optimism Swedish and German participants often display pragmatic optimism or reflective ambivalence. They acknowledge structural problems while maintaining confidence in their own agency and at least a basic level of trust in societal institutions. Vanessa(female, 24, Berlin, mixed group) reflects this tension: “I’m an optimistic person and I always think that when you’re so far down, you can only go up. But lately I’ve experienced it differently and I don’t really know where to start. Because somehow it always goes in the opposite direction than the direction I would like it to go. Especially when it comes to social policy and health policy.[…] I’m actually a very optimistic person. I think being pessimistic doesn’t get you anywhere. You have to aspire to the ideal. It’s getting more and more difficult, unfortunately.” Elias(male, 21, Stockholm, mixed group) notes: “Sweden is a very good country and one has to be thankful about all the possibilities we have here. I really don’t have much to complain about. The salaries are rather equal; most of the people are earning roughly the same amount of money. Something that may feel unfair, even if you need to take this with a bit of precaution, is that people are born into different families with different social classes and status.” 3.2.3.2 Spain and Poland: Pragmatic frustration In Spain and Poland, participants frequently express pragmatic frustration and resignation. Political dysfunction and polarisation are acknowledged, yet personal adaptability remain central. Irene(female, 19, Madrid, mixed group) states: “But as for me, I think that in the end, each individual can find a way to make a living or… I do not know. I think that I will be happy in a few years, but not thanks to politicians, but because of my own actions.” Notably, participants in Madrid, where youth unemployment rates are comparatively lower, express more measured concern and cautious optimism. More pessimistic tones might have been observed in other Spanish regions, suggesting that local opportunity structures significantly shape perception. Kamil(male, 28, Warsaw, mixed group) remarks: “PiS accuses PO[Platforma Obywatelska], PO accuses PiS; one side blames the other, then the cycle repeats. This whole spectacle has become so ingrained in my subconscious that it seems almost stereotypical. Someone does something, someone else points fingers, and the whole thing turns into a circle of mutual self-gratification. Yet despite all the accusations, there are rarely any real consequences, and I am not convinced there ever will be. At this point, I watch it with a certain detachment, almost as if it were theatre.” 3.2.3.3 Greece: Anxiety and constrained agency Greek participants articulate, by far, a distinctly more anxious tone, emphasising structural blockage rather than manageable difficulty. Dafni(female, 23, Athens, all-female group) states: “Exceptional young people come out – highly educated, very smart, very hard-working – and Greece cannot support them. It offers them a job that is, at best, degrading for the studies they’ve completed and the capabilities they have, and it pushes them more and more to leave.[…] I feel there is no hope and no solutions.” Here, societal dysfunction is strongly perceived not as a challenge to navigate, but as a direct barrier to opportunity. Economic precarity, bureaucratic inefficiency and limited career prospects are seen as constraining agency itself. EqualiZe 57