The following section therefore shifts the analytical lens from political actors to social norms and everyday expectations. It explores where gendered advantages and disadvantages are perceived; how participants interpret developments in key domains such as work and career advancement, the distribution of care and family responsibilities, and experiences of harassment and gender-based violence; and which values – fairness, individual merit, freedom of choice or security – guide these assessments. In doing so, it highlights not only lived experiences but also the normative frameworks through which young people make sense of gender relations in contemporary society. 3.4.1 Broad agreement on gender inequality but divergent salience There is broad consensus across most groups that men continue to occupy a structurally advantaged position in society. This assessment is shared by participants of different genders, though it is articulated with varying degrees of intensity. Young women, in particular, express this perception more forcefully and with greater immediacy, often linking it to concrete examples or personal observations. Beyond differences in intensity, gender also shapes how inequality is discussed. Young women tend to identify specific domains in which they perceive persistent disadvantages, such as career progression, care responsibilities and experiences of harassment, and appear more practiced and confident in articulating explanations and facts. Young men, by contrast, are often less equipped or less accustomed to speaking about gendered inequality, sometimes emphasising individual merit, generational change or isolated cases instead. Finally, there is a noticeable divergence in political salience: for many young women, gender inequality constitutes a meaningful and ongoing political concern, whereas for many young men it appears as one issue among many, and not necessarily a central one. When participants are explicitly questioned on which genders they consider to be advantaged or disadvantaged, the spontaneous responses show a wide range, as illustrated by these responses from different discussion groups in Stockholm: Leila, female, 26, Stockholm, all-female group: “Men! It has always been like that. It doesn’t matter if it is in Sweden or in any other country. Men have always had better predispositions; we are living in a patriarchy”. Alva, female, 26, Stockholm, mixed group: “It’s not like all men in Sweden are in a better position than all of the women. It all depends and there are also many other factors that may matter as well – like social class, skin colour etc. But I do think that men in general have a better situation in Sweden compared with women and non-binary persons.” Alexander, male, 25, Stockholm, all-male group: “We have equality on paper. The legislation is perhaps even favouring women, but it’s different in the real world. Women are typically the main victims regarding domestic violence; they can also be discriminated when searching for jobs. This is something that floats under the surface somehow; it’s not always easy to notice.” Overall, gender equality is perceived as an ongoing process rather than an achieved goal. Acknowledgement of the progress made is followed by an assessment of the extent to which this standard has already been achieved. This assessment makes a distinction between equal rights in law and the reality of everyday practice. Samira, female, 27, Berlin, mixed group: “I think that there is no equality, there are still differences. There are many guidelines, such as the quota for women. And Article 3 of the Basic Law also states that there is equality with regard to gender and religion, etc. So, there are already general requirements in place. People are trying, but it is still difficult to achieve justice.” EqualiZe 63