to extend coverage to such groups, instead of waiting several generations so that formalization may spread as the only way to increase the EAP coverage. 3. Social Solidarity and Gender Equity Reformers neither addressed social solidarity nor gender equality. The principle of social solidarity was replaced by the principle of equivalence: the pension is based on the fund accumulated in the individual account of each insured; therefore, there are no transfers between generations, income groups, and genders; if solidarity mechanisms are available, they are external to the private system, financed by fiscal authorities. In contrast to the neoliberal idea that the state must play a subsidiary role, it has been fundamental and, without its support, the private system could not exist: the state makes affiliation to the system mandatory, finances the cost of the transition from the public to the private system, sets a public body that regulates and supervises the private system, introduces or expands non-contributory pensions and finances them, makes contributions to improve low contributory pensions up to a limit at which such contribution ends, and finances inclusion measures in the contributory system intended for certain excluded groups. Also, reforms endured anti-solidarity elements, such as the elimination of the employer’s contribution in Chile and Peru. Therefore, the worker makes all contributions in violation of the minimum ILO standard that the worker must not contribute over 50% of the total contribution and, in the majority of countries, the worker also pays fees and premiums. Reforms excluded powerful groups with separate schemes providing generous benefits and receiving fiscal subsidies, such as the armed forces (in Chile they implemented the private system, but were excluded from it), as well as civil servants, congressmen, judges, teachers, etc. provoking a heavy tax burden. The average pension of the Chilean armed forces ranges between 3.2 and 7.3 times the average contributory pension of the regular private system and, compared to the non-contributory pension, between 6.4 and 14.6 times; military pensions are financed 90% by fiscal authorities and take 0.9% of the GDP, while non-contributory pensions take 0.7% from the GDP; 69% of Chileans oppose the armed forces having a system different from the rest of 183
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Evaluation of four decades of pension privatization in Latin America, 1980-2000 : promises and reality
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