THE ALBANIAN PUBLIC'S TRUST IN SECURITY: STUMBLING BLOCKS TO EU NEGOTIATIONS 1. Introduction This paper will conduct an analysis based on finding and studying the public perception of the main security institutions and the public trust in the security sector in Albania. This analysis will be specifically focused on determining the integrity of security institutions with relation to reports from third parties, civil society, as well as reports from the security institutions themselves. This data will be compared to the public's perception of these institutions to understand the impact of the work of these security institutions on public order as perceived by the general public. The use of data on public perception as a method of studying the effectiveness of institutions in their work is very important if we want to get the most impartial and apolitical perspective on these matters from the general public. This data serves as a primary source for the study of the integrity of these institutions, which will be cross-examined with data provided by other sources in addition to publications by these institutions themselves. The public perception data that will be utilized for this paper will be provided from the Albanian Security Barometer(ASB), a survey conducted on the public by the Center for the Study of Democracy and Governance(CSDG), which contains important data on the public perception of security institutions from the State Police, the Judicial System, to other important institutions. This data will be compared to similar data provided by similar surveys carried out on a European level by EU institutions, such as the EU Special Barometer, and especially specific Barometers that deal primarily with matters of security. The security apparatus of the Republic of Albania has been a matter of constant discussion, reform, and political bickering during its 30 years of democracy. Hailing from a system of total state autocracy, much work has been done to reform a security apparatus that has historically served as a tool of political control and power. Simply put, these institutions were effective tools of absolute control with very little institutional oversight and very little integrity. This element has long contributed to a problematic culture of institutionalism even during the implementation of democracy in the country, as these institutions had a poor reputation of accountability vis a vis the public, with the voice and opinion of the public being largely ignored in the daily activities of these state organs. There have been important changes to this institutional culture in the recent past, with the introduction of community policing practices for the first times in the mid-2000s, the existence of constant reports and grievances being channeled by the Ombudsperson with regards to the work of these institutions(in particular the State Police), and the existence of several inner institutions that investigate wrongdoings and abuses in the institutions that are subservient to the Ministry of the Interior, such as Service of Internal Matters and Grievances. Over the last three decades, many changes have been made to the constitutional order of the country and the legal institutional organization of the security sector. Albania joined NATO in 2009, and its army, having been made a civilian organization, has participated in many peace­keeping operations per its obligations as a member. Law enforcement has undergone several reforms and changes to the legal basis organizing its work, in addition to constant changes of Chiefs of Police and upper echelons of management. On the other hand, the judiciary system has undergone a massive and chaotic justice reform, which has sought to fully uproot corruption and provide a fairer and more balanced justice system, as well as providing a sui generis justice platform for the prosecution of corruption in 65