ERIC TEO The Emerging East Asian Regionalism A new paradigm of regionalism is emerging in East Asia. Within ASEAN , an appeal was heard to re-consolidate in order to face the challenges of its enlargement and of globalisation, and to cooperate more closely with Northeast Asia. Further north, a new triangular rapprochement appears to be emerging amongst the three North­East Asian protagonists(Japan, China and South Korea), thanks to converging internal and external factors – the process of Korean reunification, the post-Asian Crisis context, ASEAN ’s promotion of »East Asian regionalism«, the assertiveness of American policy in Asia, and domestic considera­tions in both China and Japan with regard to their respective roles in the 21 st century. Triangular Rapprochement in Northeast Asia The historic Korean Summit between Seoul and Pyongyang on 13–15 June 2000 has clearly brought an air of rapprochement to Northeast Asia. The five-point June joint declaration on reconcilia­tion and peace had led to a reunion of separated families on 15 August 2000 , bilateral meetings of Ministers of Economy and even Defense at Cheju Island, the re-establishment of a defunct railway (Kyongui Line) as well as a road link, the march­past of Korea as a»combined« team at the recent Sydney Olympics, the setting-up of a joint com­mittee to promote economic cooperation and trade, and the eventual establishment of a Seoul–Pyongyang hotline. These can be regarded as»major signs« of a political breakthrough. The nominal North Korean Head of State, Kim Yong Nam is set to visit Seoul in Winter 2000/2001 , ahead of a»return« visit of Pyongyang strongman Kim Jong II to Seoul. China has indeed played a key role in the success of the Summit and Korean rapprochement. In March 2000 , Prime Minister Zhu Rongji had reportedly played a critical role in encouraging Pyongyang to open up to the outside world, whilst President Jiang Zemin hosted Pyongyang leader Kim Jong II in Beijing a week just before the Summit. Seoul has come to realize that China’s support is primordial in»softening« Pyongyang’s hardline regime and prodding it towards com-pro­mise and reason. Much of President Kim Dae Jung’s political credibility and legacy(notably, his bold»sunshine policy«), will now depend to a huge extent on Beijing’s services as intermediary; China–South Korean relations should therefore continue to improve significantly in the months to come. Kim Dae Jung has been given the Nobel Peace Prize for 2000 for his peace efforts on the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, North Korea is now poised to get reintegrated into the region and will seek China’s guidance even more, as Pyongyang officially joined the ASEAN Regional Forum in July last year, welcomed Russian Presi­dent Vladimir Putin(also in July), re-embarked on crucial rapprochement talks with Tokyo and hosted American Secretary of State Madeleine Albright’s visit to Pyongyang in September 2000 . In another ground-breaking move, Jo Yong Park, the second man of the North Korean regime(after Kim Jong II) was received by President Clinton in the White House before Madeleine Albright’s visit. There is also now some possibility that Pyongyang may be joining the Asian Development Bank, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in the coming months, and hence re-entering the international financial circuit. China, fully aware of its crucial intermediary role, has hence emerged as the big power broker for both North and South Korea, as well as for Japan and even Western powers. Japan and South Korea have also found new reasons and a renewed impetus to come together. The Asian crisis saw Tokyo rushing to the assist­ance of a much-humbled Korea, but also from a IPG 1/2001 Eric Teo, The Emerging East Asian Regionalism 49