to measure the movement’s popularity solely by Oireachtas seats. Far-right narratives on immigration have already per ­meated mainstream discourse, and are being shared by some established political parties and independents, who appear to be moving rightward on the issue. 9 The Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael led government has shifted visibly on this position, expanding the‘Safe Countries of Origin List’ and accelerated processing, while tripling deportation order in the first months of 2025. 10 Following criticism of being »too soft« on immigration, and a disappointing result in the 2024 local elections Sinn Féin began pivoting toward firmer control, promising an Immigration Management Agency, tighter rules on where centres go, and formal community consultation. Independents, most notably the Rural Inde ­pendents group, have also tabled Dáil motions calling for caps on asylum, while attacking the EU Migration Pact. Although Far-Right parties appear to be in crisis, the move ­ment more broadly remains strong. Leadership vacuums will close, and new strategies will emerge. The Far-Right has continued positioning themselves as being anti-government disruptors of the»status quo«. They have also leaned further into republicanism, the belief that Ireland should be a single, independent republic, ending British rule in Northern Ireland. However, this has been compli­cated by recent incidents of Far-Right figures allying themselves with unionists – who explicitly oppose Irish unity – to jointly oppose immigra ­tion. 11 Street violence and intimidation targeting migrants continue with minimal legal consequences. The Far-Right are also moving further into civil society with The National Party and Clann Éireann visibly present in a pro-life rally which drew over three thousand participants. 12, 13 Unity talks are still on the table, although leadership disputes and controversies over engagement with unionists have slowed things down. The National Party has been conspicu­ously absent from these talks, although its presence has been observed elsewhere in Europe. Members of the youth wing Óige Náisiúnach have met with Italian nationalist’s Casaggì, where they discussed»the importance of the dis ­tinct identities of European peoples«. 14 They also spoke at an»Irish Night« in Ghent with Flemish nationalists about their common enemy –»International finance and the par­asites that uphold it«. 15 These proactive attempts to con ­nect with likeminded allies across Europe appear to be unique to the National Party for the time being. Such links illustrate the emerging»global radical right« 16 : a transnational web of rallies, media, and online channels coordinating a shared»civilizational fight« against elites and immigration. Cross border collaboration has also been identified in a recent UNISON report, which found that Far-Right networks in Britain and the Republic of Ireland played a key role in amplifying anti-immigrant activity in Northern Ireland. 17 Outside of Europe, the Irish Far-Right’s closest right-wing alliances appear to be with American movements and figures. Former KK Grand Dragon Frank Silva has spoken with members of the Far­Right, and shared strategies for going viral. 18 Right-Wing US media figures like Steve Bannon, Tucker Carlson and Nick Fuentes have also regularly amplified Ireland’s Far­Right, and helped spread their narratives to American au ­diences. 19 This exposure has had tangible benefits for fig ­ures like Keith Woods, 20 an Irish Far-Right influencer who monetizes a predominantly US audience, and former Na ­tional Party leader Justin Barrett, who has been revealed to have received many small donations from US donors. 21 This closeness is also reflected in Far-Right narratives and tactics originating in the US finding their way into the Irish Far-Right’s Playbook, including seeding doubts about election integrity and calls to»Stop the steal« following unsuccessful elections. 22 This trans-Atlantic exchange of Far-Right narra ­tives is not a new phenomenon, and has already identified in France and Germany(Institute for Strategic Dialogue 2020). 23 The Power Resources Approach – How the Far-Right is Targeting Trade Union Movements across Europe The Power Resource Approach views union power through four interconnected resources – structural, organisational, institutional and societal. Using this lens, the Friedrich­Ebert-Stiftung published the findings of twelve individual country reports analysing how their respective trade union movements have been targeted by the Far-Right, identify ­ing broad trends in strategies and responses. 24 Institutional power, rooted in unions’ influence over legal agreements and labour policies, is currently the central point of attack for Europe’s Far-Right movements. Attacks here undo decades of union progress instantaneously. It is generally far more difficult and politically costly to re-establish these frameworks, than it is to dismantle them, and so unions first instinct has been to defend existing legal scaffolding, rather than renegotiating. Societal power derives from unions’ capacity to shape public opinion through alliances, campaigns and storytelling. Far­Right movements undercut this power by portraying unions as elitist and branding them as»too political« for comment­ing beyond workplace disputes. Unions are responding by joining anti-racist coalitions, and staging mass rallies on issues such as living costs and housing, to grow networks, and establish trade unions legitimacy beyond the workplace. Organisational power flows from membership, finances and participatory structures. Far-Right groups are under ­mining this power by creating»patriotic« trade unions which frame common workplace issues as consequences of migrant workers»undercutting« native workers. However, these approaches require sustained effort to maintain, and have met mixed successes to date. Unions have responded by leaning into recruitment drives and shop-floor education programmes. Structural power hinges on workers’ market position – their ability to halt production and their replaceability, and is undermined by Far-Right actors fragmenting workplaces by Trade Unions and Right-Wing Populism in Ireland 3