promoting racialised narratives that pit native»insiders« against non-native outsiders. However, recent changes to union’s structural power are more commonly the result of global economic trends rather than focused anti-union strategy, making the immediate threat from the Far-Right less clear. Irish Far-Right Impact on Workers and Trade Unions Responses Applying the Power Resources Approach to the Irish context, it becomes clear how much of an outlier Ireland is, both as a result of its Far-Right being in a relatively nascent state (and thus having little institutional power), and the volun ­tarist nature of Irelands trade union movement. The Irish Far-Right’s most visible assaults are their attacks on frontline workers first. Such attacks can impact organi ­sational power by chilling participation, and making visible union activity more costly on an individual level. A 2024 UCD study of 26 library staff reported rising fear and de ­mands for extra security following far-right intimidation. 25 As well as removing and burning books they deemed to be »pornographic«, members of the Far-Right intimidated li ­brary staff directly, filming them, pushing them, and calling them paedophiles. Public-transport workers face similar abuse, with SIPTU noting a sea change in passenger be ­haviour, and documenting over 1000 cases of abuse since late 2023, 26 while schools and teachers are targeted with »grooming« accusations over SPHE reforms. Unions have responded to these escalations with increased security measures, dedicated training, policy resolutions, and public mobilisations, all of which emphasise the protection of vulnerable workers as being of utmost importance to the defence of organised labour as a whole. Beyond frontline abuse, Ireland’s Far-Right threatens or ­ganisational power by spreading narratives to sow division and threaten solidarity. Harmful narratives targeting migrant workers, blaming them for everything from low pay to grooming children, are used to isolate them, and exclude them from participating in society. This isolation bleeds into all aspects of life, including organisation. ICTU’s Stronger Together campaign prescribes training, tougher policies, and better representation, as a way to counter these tactics. 27 Among the training offered is Training the Trainers, which affords union employees and reps an opportunity to learn how to counter racism in ways that are sustainable and inclusive, while a leadership training programme specifi ­cally catering to ethnic minority union members helps to promote their participation in, and advancement through, union structures. Stronger Together has also produced a toolkit, designed to give affiliates a ready-made playbook for countering any far-right organising that breaks out within its constituent unions and organised workplaces. Ireland’s Far-Right have had some success in capturing the public narrative and pushing the boundaries of acceptable discourses rightwards, helping to build their societal power. They have staged high profile demonstrations in Dublin, and drawn media attention while protesting outside school, libraries, and proposed sites for refugee accommodation. The response of Ireland’s unions to the Far-Right attempts to demonstrate they speak for a»silent majority« have been somewhat successful. Public solidarity actions have played a key role, perhaps best exemplified by the Ireland for All demonstration in which ICTU were lead organisers, which took place in February 2023, and which was estimated to draw 50,000 attendees. 28 At a more local level, individual unions have participated in counterdemonstrations in flash ­point communities where anti-migrant demonstrations have mobilised. The Irish trade union’s movement’s role as leaders, organisers, or even just participants in these demonstrations has helped preserve the labour movement’s moral legitima ­cy, while building and maintaining cross-societal alliances. Ireland’s Far-Right currently holds little institutional power, and so counter to what is being observed in comparative European contexts, the institutional power of Ireland’s trade unions has gone largely untroubled. The Far-Right have no direct means to rewrite labour law or dismantle collective bargaining machinery. However, as previously discussed, they have demonstrated an ability to influence the rhetoric, and indeed the policy of more mainstream parties. Although the institutional framework remains broadly intact, vigilance is essential. Strategic Responses from Unions ICTU’s all-island structure ensures that racist or anti-migrant flash points in Dublin, Belfast, or smaller town s across the island, are all understood as part of the same problem, meaning solutions also need to be unified. The electoral weakness of Ireland’s Far-Right, for now, means that their impact on unions often targets organisational power, experi­enced as online harassment portraying unions – and in some cases specific high-ranking members – as members of an elite class, unconcerned with the day-to-day experiences of »normal« people. Attacks also come in the form of work ­place harassment and street violence. In the absence of any Far-Right threat of legislative rollback on institutional power for the time being, unions have responded by emphasizing security, training and education, and rapid response mobili­zation. Nevertheless, the increasing prevalence of Far-Right counter-strategies in core policy documents demonstrates that unions understand this threat is not episodic, but rather, an inevitable structural threat to organized labour which will require a collective response. An important lever in countering the Far-Right, will be taking advantage of trade union’s societal power, and foregrounding their ability to deliver economic justice, and telling a story that competes with dominant Far-Right narratives. Disillu ­sionment with the status quo, and the government’s failure on housing, the cost of living, and childcare, have left peo ­ple receptive to anyone offering to disrupt the status-quo. Trade Unions and Right-Wing Populism in Ireland 4