The videos worked particularly well among the young and politically uninterested, the very groups most often dismissed as apathetic. Moreover, further research in Türkiye found that, respondents who watched a positively framed video promoting civic rights adjusted their perception of the country’s democratic quality closer to objective democracy indicators. This suggests that online videos can also help address the problem of misjudging democracy. Correcting these evaluations, in turn, reduced support for the ruling AKP(Öztürk et al. 2025). These findings challenge the assumption that civic educa ­tion must be deeply localised to be effective. When content focuses on universal liberal principles rather than partisan or national narratives, it resonates across cultures and po ­litical systems(Yameogo et al. 2025). Reclaiming democracy online Figure 3 Paid social media ads Reach beyond echo chambers Increase understanding of liberal democracy Why online civic education matters The internet is often portrayed as democracy’s downfall, a place in which polarisation and disinformation thrive. But it can also be democracy’s classroom. Digital platforms make it possible to reach audiences traditional education cannot: young people, those outside formal institutions and citizens in authoritarian contexts(Boas et al. 2020). Our research shows that digital civic education works be­cause it is accessible, visual and emotionally engaging. Short, well-crafted videos prompt curiosity rather than defensive ­ness. They invite reflection instead of resistance, making them powerful even in polarised settings(Eroglu et al. 2025). Moreover, online civic education is cheap and scalable . Paid social media campaigns can reach millions for the cost of a single public event and can be repeatedly tested and adapted. Not all messages are equally effective, however. Videos highlighting rights and institutional constraints , rather than economic outcomes, produce stronger and more dura ­ble democratic support(Neundorf et al. 2025). Positive, hopeful content performs better than fear-based appeals. People are inspired by democracy’s achievements, not by its decline(Öztürk et al. 2025). Breaking the bubble A major challenge for pro-democracy actors is that organic online content rarely escapes its own audience. Paid adver ­tisements, by contrast, can reach those who would never encounter democratic messages otherwise, including citi­zens sympathetic to populist or far-right narratives. In Turkey, our partnership with Vote and Beyond , a civil society organisation promoting electoral integrity, showed that targeted paid ads during the 2023 election campaign increased volunteer sign-ups for election monitoring by 20 per cent in the districts involved(Öztürk et al. 2024). Foster engagement and defense democracy Note: Digital platforms can be reclaimed as civic spaces. Digital civic education is not just about awareness; it can mobilise citizens to act. Yet the regulatory environment is becoming more restrictive. New European rules on digital political advertising, designed to combat disinformation, risk silencing non-partisan civic education campaigns. Well-intentioned as they are, such policies may inadvert ­ently prevent democrats from communicating about de ­mocracy itself. If we want to defend democracy, we must also defend the ability to talk about it. Policy takeaways (i) Reclaim digital platforms for democracy Authoritarian and populist actors dominate online spaces. Pro-democracy educators and institutions must actively re-enter them with credible, creative, and emotionally ­engaging content. (ii) Invest in civic education, especially online Digital civic education is one of the most cost-effective tools for strengthening democratic resilience, particularly among young and politically disengaged citizens. (iii) Protect paid civic content Regulations on political advertising should distinguish ­between manipulative campaigning and non-partisan, pro-democratic education. Reclaiming democracy through ­online civic education 4