FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG AWAITING THE GERMAN EU PRESIDENCY: CHALLENGES AND OPTIONS FROM AN EASTERN EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE INTRODUC TION As Germany is preparing to take over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union on 1 July, the unprecedented nature of the COVID-19 crisis conditions a need for strategic alignment and cautious assessment of priorities for the Presidency. Berlin's opportunity to forge a common EU response to the effects of the pandemic may have overshadowed strategic thinking on the EU's post-Brexit consolidation, which dominated the EU agenda in the months before COVID-19 broke out. It may have also raised the question of possible»one-size-fits all« recovery solutions in the medium and long term, such as the many facets of transition to a»greener« economy. With crisis­management currently at the core of policy-making priorities, European capitals' expectations from the German EU Presidency may prove to be significantly higher in terms of substantial and inclusive leadership. Eastern Europe is a much-needed ally if Berlin is to succeed in its ambitious plans in 2020: the lessons learnt from the previous crisis and the rift between the North and the South of the Club recommend keeping the East close. Central and Eastern Europe is a region of striking inconsistencies and incongruities. It was only mildly affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, in comparison with Europe's West and South, while in the past few years it has become more self-assertive and ambitious, demanding for itself a strong voice, not just a seat, at the table. It is also afflicted by internal tensions and external criticism revolving around the rule of law, which is partially weakening these countries' power in negotiations. Bridging the gap between updated expectations and domestic vulnerabilities has been a defining feature of the region's membership in the EU. Currently, the EU's post-crisis narrative makes scant reference to the opportunities arising from CEE's positive results in handling the crisis and specific expectations. But it does grant capitals flexibility in dealing with the economic fallout from COVID-19. At the same time, the CEE should not be looked upon as a monolithic bloc – from the Baltic to the Black Sea, there are striking differences when it comes to preferred alliances, levels of EU integration and domestic realities. At the same time, perceiving Eastern Europe merely as a space marked by under­development, corruption, obstinacy and a region where EU influence is relatively weak fails to see the diversity of characteristics and expectations exhibited by the different states, at different moments in their history, inside and outside the EU. This paper seeks to stimulate a discussion on urgent issues that the upcoming German Presidency of the EU Council needs to address in the current epidemiological context in order to help bring about a more inclusive future for the European Union while ensuring a solid understanding and full acceptance of the notion of»shared risks« that EU policy-making is to be based on in the near future. Authored by an Eastern European, it is meant to provide an Eastern European perspective on the German EU Presidency. to be successful, the EU's response to coronavirus – under the German Presidency – needs to focus on a mobilisation of policy­making efforts and integrate all available instruments into a medium and long-term vision that finds broad acceptance and eventually becomes internalised as a common European approach, including by Central and Eastern European countries. Simultaneously, putting in place a solid crisis-response mechanism at EU level may also imply an extension of the Union's prerogatives and strategic sovereignty in areas such as healthcare, energy, information technology, logistics, supply of food and raw materials, as Foreign Minister Heiko Maas recently noted when addressing the heads of German diplomatic missions abroad. Although the German Government has not yet published the official EU Council Presidency program, key priorities have already been communicated as part of a mapping exercise meant to accommodate previous plans and current developments. At the top of the German EU Council Presidency agenda will undoubtedly be the Union's response to the COVID­19 pandemic, with special attention being devoted to immediate crisis-management and further economic recovery, which to be effective require greater coordination and cohesion across the EU. Secondly, the German EU Presidency needs to address key dossiers within the framework of the wider debate on Europe's future, such as negotiations on the next Multiannual Financial Framework and the future relationship with the UK, as the current transitional period terminates at the end of the year, as does the so-called»green recovery« of the European economy, an effort to help economic recovery policies align with the European Green Deal. Thirdly, the EU's flagship objectives before the crisis are expected to round off the German agenda: the EU's industrial strategy, digital transformation, reform of the common migration and asylum policy, the EU's geopolitical dimension and internal security, the rule of law and democracy. In most of these dossiers, Eastern EU members have a stake and will try to either communicate overtly or behind the scenes that their interests need to be taken into consideration. German success is first of all tantamount to EU success: the club must move forward and be seen, by our citizens, as moving forward in addressing the multifaceted COVID-19 crisis. In order 2