Since the independence of Kosovo, the political realm has been plagued by disunity, even when critical national interests were in question, and in this light the future seems unsure for a population that so desperately needs a unified country rallied around the many paramount needs of its citizens. As it is, Kosovo still deals with the inability to meet the basic needs of its citizens, as above mentioned. Furthermore, Kosovo has yet to cross over the major barrier to progress, corruption and organized crime, and additionally be able to lay out in some realistic way the possibilities of solving ethnic disputes or even aiming at reconciliation but in a meaningful way. Nonetheless, the constant unstable governments, and what has become now a tradition of early elections are a major disruptor of progress in any area mentioned above(Global Security, 2017). The resulting government to have its mandate cut early right after independence is the government that ensued from the national elections of 17 November 2007. The mandate of this government was cut short when, after independence, Kosovo held its national elections on 15 November 2009. Subsequently, due to the Kosovo Constitutional Court ruling on President Sejdiu citing violation of "the constitution by simultaneously holding the position of president and president of his political party, the Democratic League of Kosovo(LDK)" and the 27 September resignation of President Sejdiu, which created a trickledown e ect that deteriorated the governing coalition relationship between LDK and PDK(Democratic Party of Kosovo), early parliamentary elections were once again a result. With the Kosovo Assembly no confidence vote against the Thaqi Government, early elections once again happened on December 12, 2010. While the international community/observers called the elections e ective, locally elections were scandalized with irregularities and electoral manipulations, irregularities in counting, intimidation and pressure of local observers, breeches of election procedures, falsification of signatures on the voters' list, and family voting, which lead to re-voting in some municipalities in early 2011(Global Security, 2017). Final results from these elections were certified February 7, 2011, and following inter party negotiations a new coalition government was created, with Hashim Thaci formed it in coalition with AKR, minorities and"Rugova's List". The coalition agreement made Behgjet Pacolli the new president and the new coalition government was led by then Prime Minister Hashim Thaci. All the aforementioned was set by February 22, 2011, but due to the complaint by oppositions parties and the Constitutional Court ruling that"the Assembly's election of President Pacolli violated the constitution because there was not a valid quorum to conduct the vote and due to the failure of more than one candidate to contest the election". This meant that Pacolli's mandate would end, and only by 7 April 2011 was an agreement reached for a consensus candidate, Atifete Jahjaga. The agreement was reached based on the promise of significant electoral reform which has not happened yet. All in all, this whole political instability, counting the pre-election craze, counted for a whole year of limbo and stagnation, for a country which cannot a ord a day of stagnation(Global Security, 2017). The following early national elections took place in 2014, before a full four-year term was completed, once again. After the break away of two senior leaders from PDK, Fatmir Limaj and speaker of the parliament Jakup Krasniqi, who announced they 8