were leaving PDK to form a new party(NISMA), the governing coalition started becoming really weak and the political situation unstable. As a result, once again, early national elections happened on 8 June 2014, after which the winning party, PDK could not form a parliamentary majority, which led to a political standstill. At the same time, the opposition parties, LDK which placed second in the election, Vetevendosje(VV), the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo(AAK) and NISMA formed an opposing coalition with the intent to form the government. What resulted was an unprecedented move which led to a weak and troubled governing coalition. The LDK split from the opposing coalition and united with PDK to form a government. This led to another extremely short-lived government term, plagued with a very active and even violent opposition, and a dysfunctional assembly which could not pass laws and make decisions of vital national importance. The political freeze that followed the 2014 elections, together with the lack of a much expected political “era” in light of LDK breaking away from the opposition coalition, only further fed into the desperation of a socially exhausted population, which debatably was one of the underlying causes of the migration wave of 2015. Here we have yet again another political stalemate which put the whole country in a developmental limbo from spring 2014 when the situation started deteriorating until a new government was in place and going in fall 2014. What followed was yet another weak and highly contested coalition government that would be challenged from the get go and that could not do much as far as passing decisions and laws through the parliamentary process. This term also ended half way through, with the following break away of PDK from the coalition and the no confidence vote, in May 2017, which then led to the latest early elections on June 11, 2017(Global Security, 2017). Despite the results of these elections showing promise as far as how people have seemed to vote di erently as opposed to previous elections, and how that could signify and more aware and active citizen willing to punish elected o cials who have not delivered on their promises, the question remains, if the new government will be created fast enough as not to allow the vicious cycle of political stalemate and country wide stagnation to continue. Lastly, every time Kosovo has political instability, another dysfunctional government, another set of early elections and an unfinished governing term, severe consequences follow for its people. In all such cases, it is the people of Kosovo who su er the consequences of: all normal government business being put on hold; a much slower functioning of state institutions and local institutions; the trickle down e ects of foreign relations slowing down as a results of a government who cannot make any more executive decisions, and finally, the consequences of losing funding because of the inability to make executive decisions once a government term has been cut short and until the new government is in place. Add to this the complete lack of a tradition of handing over between administrations, a new administration starting almost from ground zero, and the result is a loss of anywhere from 3 months to 6 months of normal government business until a new government is consolidated, but maybe up to an additional year, to put it modestly, until the new government gets a grip of their new tasks and is aware of challenges and how to solve them, which can turn into a regular one a half year stagnating for every two years of“progress”. Considering the challenges that Kosovo and its people face, this is not only negative but also completely detrimental to the 9