Unfortunately, people have been killed, sometimes not far from the bases of the MONUSCO. The example of the Mavivi base, where people were killed less than 100 metres away from it, towards N’zuma, raised many questions. 2. Nexus between duration and perception of MONUSCO’s performance MONUSCO’s long duration further hurts the public’s perception of its mandate and track record: It has been here for a very long time. I can say that MONUSCO raised hopes when it became involved in organising the elections in 2006 and 2011, and until 2012 and 2013, we saw MONUSCO at work. A member of civil society interviewed in Butembo said: Look at the number of rebellions that have sprung up since it arrived. Instead of helping to put an end to them, they are multiplying; I don’t know how many there are now. So it has become a force that no one fears. It has lasted so long that we don’t know how long it was supposed to stay. A mission like this should come with a specific mandate. It acts within a predetermined timeframe, is evaluated, and then withdraws (...). It(MONUSCO) is not constrained by time. And that is one of the reasons for its failure. This long presence also fuels suspicions about a hidden agenda that MONUSCO might have in the DRC: It’s getting worse, and it makes people think they are here for business. It’s work for them. It is in their interest that the situation remains unchanged. And perhaps in the interest of the states that send them too. I believe that many of the decision­makers in the MONUSCO force are asking themselves the question: should the mission impose peace here and thus impose unemployment on its agents? Since 2014, several thousand civilians have been killed by the ADF, an armed group from Uganda that pledged allegiance to the Islamic State. Given the human toll of the ADF massacres, the Congolese expected MONUSCO to use its military resources to combat this group, as it did against the M23 in 2013. Rumours of alleged complicity between the Pakistani contingents and the ADF quickly spread in Beni, where ADF killings occur on a regular basis. At the beginning of the ADF crisis, civilians called on MONUSCO to take action to protect civilians. The population’s demands of MONUSCO have evolved over time. These demands have ranged from«protect us!» to «protect us or leave!» and finally to«leave!». This anti­MONUSCO rhetoric culminated in demonstrations against the mission in cities across eastern DRC. In April 2021, anti­MONUSCO protests broke out simultaneously in Beni and Goma with a clear message: MONUSCO must leave because of its failure to protect civilians affected by the ADF crisis. 3. Risk of MONUSCO being exploited in internal political debates Criticism of MONUSCO, by both the Congolese government and elements of civil society, intensified in the run-up to the 2023 elections 2023 elections. In the lead up to the elections, the Congolese government called for an accelerated withdrawal. In his letter to the Security Council, Congolese Foreign Minister Christophe Lutundula stated that despite MONUSCO’s mandate being Under Chapter VII since 2000, it has been conciliatory, defensive, closer to the principles of Chapter VI[...] Faced with this umpteenth tragedy, MONUSCO has been powerless and unable to protect the civilian population, one of its main statutory missions. The United Nations in general, and the Security Council in particular, have not done enough to reassure the Congolese people and convince them of their genuine political will to help the Democratic Republic of Congo end the crisis, for which its citizens are paying a heavy price. It is important to put this statement into context. In 2023, the Congolese President was seeking a new term of office while the east of the country faced foreign aggression. Demonstrations against the UN were organised in several cities across in the east. This speech was also aimed at Congolese domestic public opinion, which is largely critical of the UN presence. Christophe Lutundula is not the only Congolese politician to exploit MONUSCO’s unpopularity during election periods to win the sympathy of the masses. Bahati Lukwebo, then President of the Senate, declared during his visit to Goma: We are even asking ourselves whether it is worth keeping MONUSCO on our territory. 20,000 men have been in the country for more than 22 years, and we still do not have peace. MONUSCO acknowledges the presence of anti­MONUSCO sentiment among the public, but is keen to defend its record and contribution to peace. A UN official in Bukavu explained in an interview his view that the mission is a scapegoat. He claimed that despite political interference, those who benefit from MONUSCO’s services were against its departure:«We have improved conditions in many areas. I cannot say that there will be a security vacuum. Otherwise, it would be disrespectful to the security services that are our partners. I would rather say that there is still concern about security. Since the M23 took Goma and Bukavu, new discussions are being held on a possible redeployment of MONUSCO to areas which it withdrew in June 2024. In December 2024, the Congolese government asked the UN to postpone its departure in the face of the unfolding M23 crisis. The illusion of protection. Peace support missions in the DRC 15