Europe is quite obviously more than the cheap slogan"Europe of capital" with which it is suggested that the"dog-eat-dog laws of capital" reign uncontrolled and have a deregulating effect. Many traditional, socialistoriented trade unionists use this caricature in order to preserve their comfortable position in a kind of"left-wing nationalism". Peculiar anti-European alliances of right-wing conservative parties and the left-conservative wings of certain parties and trade unions have arisen in a number of West European countries. The most prominent examples include: the Danish EC defence line consisting of the right-wing conservative Progressive Party and the traditional, socialist People's Party; the well-known rejection coalition in the EC Parliament consisting of British Conservatives and French Communists; and most recently the distinctive mixture of French rightists, Communists and the self-proclaimed left-wing of the Socialist Party. One could draw up a long list of similar anti-modem, anti-European constellations of traditional rightists and leftists. One point of special interest is to better understand the new fearfulness among many trade unions and trade unionists, particularly in the more prosperous West European countries. The fears that many trade union members have about losing the standard of living achieved in the postwar era is combined with fears of foreigners and a fear of the future. This new fearfulness is wide-spread within the traditional workforce; apparently the thrust of modernization and internationalization in the 1980s has given rise to massive uncertainty. There is an existing tendency to cling tenaciously to the trusted national context. Although all empirical data contradicts this"skepticism based on ignorance" and shows that the prosperity in West European countries is due to the successful concept of European cooperation, the anti-European mood in many unions is being nourished and strengthened by traditional leftists with their slogans about the"Europe of capital", the"Europe of the big corporations", and the"Europe of the bureaucrats". The ghetto of 4 conservatism stamped in a traditional left wing mold offers scarcely more than a backward-looking orientation. It has no future, unless perhaps the one it shares with nationalist, right-wing conservatism in Europe:"Lack of direction transforms itself all too easily into fundamentalism", Social-Democratic theoretician Peter Glotz wrote recently. The alternative to such a slide into the past consists in the continuation of the European modem age to which the trade union movement has made the decisive contribution; specifically, the civilizing of capitalism through welfare-state democracy under the rule of law. Only in Western Europe(and not everywhere here to the same degree) have the successes of the political and trade union workers movement led to the consolidation of the rule of law and the welfare state and their anchoring in trade union and political structures. In order to further guarantee that this political culture of Western Europe, its society and welfare-state character acts as a foundation for a pan-European perspective, the trade unions must overcome the fears of their own making. But this will only happen if the unions remain conscious of the fact that the European workers movement has definitively influenced Western political culture during the last hundred years, even during many setbacks. "Tamed capitalism" is a result of the workers movement; it is the historic compromise between capital and labour. The"softer" features of West European capitalism, its political civilizing through the establishment of civil rights for all and its economic. civilizing through welfare-state intervention in the market- all these developments should have taught the trade unions two things: First of all, that capitalism is capable of showing a high degree of political flexibility and social elasticity which can benefit the underpriveleged classes. Secondly, that the trade unions have repeatedly proved their innovativeness by adjusting their basic programme and their instruments for advancing their wages and working conditions to meet the demands of new circumstances.
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The case for social democracy as the trade union perspective in Europe
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