ing of Brazil’s National Congress 2 . The discourse of these anti-constitutional forces is also deeply entangled with historical animos­ity rooted in the“red complex,” a legacy shaped by the division of the Korean Peninsula. Far-right YouTube channels and similar outlets have la­beled state-perpetrated atrocities—such as the Jeju April 3 Incident and the May 18 Democra­tization Movement—as“riots,” branding innocent civilian victims with outdated stigmas such as “Workers' Party of South Korea” or“reds,” thereby distorting historical fact. This constitutes a reviv­al of hate rhetoric once used as a tool of author­itarian rule, now redeployed as a logic to justify the current anti-constitutional behavior. 2 In Brazil, supporters of former President Jair Bol­sonaro stormed and occupied the Supreme Court, the National Congress, and the presidential palace in Brasília on January 8, 2023, in protest against the inauguration of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The following day, the Brazilian authorities announced that the riots had been fully sup­pressed, and on January 14, Anderson Torres—Bol­sonaro’s former Minister of Justice—was arrested on charges of involvement in the election-denial uprising. The Supreme Court later accepted the prosecutors’ request to open an investigation into Bolsonaro himself for incitement of the unrest. These groups have also expanded on a solid so­cial base built through the politicization of hate. At the core of the far-right and anti-constitutional forces defending the December 3 insurrection are conservative Protestant organizations that, over the past two decades, have cultivated powerful organizational networks and financial capaci­ty by mobilizing around sexual minority hatred, anti-feminism, and opposition to anti-discrim­ination legislation. Across regional forums—in­cluding those in Chuncheon, Gwangju, and Dae­jeon—groups opposing queer cultural festivals and the Student Human Rights Ordinance were consistently identified as key actors threatening local democracy. The December 3 insurrection represents the inevitable consequence of these hate-driven forces expanding their reach beyond the social sphere and into the political realm, where they ultimately moved to defend an at­tempted rebellion. Therefore, restoring democracy must begin with institutionally blocking the politics of hate that constitute their central source of power. II. Overview of Institutional Reform Pro­posals – Four Pillars for Strengthening and Advancing Democracy 1. Basic Direction of the Proposals: Isolating Anti-Constitutional Forces and Advancing Inclusive Democracy The December 3 insurrection incident revealed that democracy can regress at any moment, ele­vating the attainment of full resilience to a core national mission for a government grounded in 8