In addition, transparency in party-run election campaigns should be improved. One option is to introduce an online political advertising library that publicly discloses the funding sources and targeted audiences of campaign ads, while allow­ing researchers access to the data for public-in­terest purposes. This would also enhance trans­parency throughout the electoral process. Furthermore, to lower barriers for political minori­ties, reforms should extend beyond the current zigzag quota for proportional female candidates. A representation index should be developed for diverse minority groups—including youth, per­sons with disabilities, migrants, and sexual mi­norities—and tied to party nomination support mechanisms such as subsidies. This would pro­vide procedural guarantees for inclusive represen­tation, while expanding as well as strengthening diversity and democracy within political parties. 3. Amendments to the Framework Act on Education and the Teachers’ Status Act— Democratizing Classrooms and Strength­ening Democracy Education sations of political bias, teachers self-censor to the point that they shy away from teaching even basic democratic processes, such as the structure of the National Assembly or how elections work. The absence of democracy-related courses at the university level further illustrates how barren the landscape of democracy education has become. As noted in the Chuncheon forum, students are placed in an education system rooted in extreme competition, where peers are viewed not as col­laborators but as adversaries to defeat. Raised in a“political clean room” with little opportunity to experience debate, cooperation, conflict, or nego­tiation—the fundamentals of democracy—young people either fall into political apathy(as seen in Daejeon’s so-called“no-comment city”) or read­ily absorb simplistic and provocative far-right narratives encountered on YouTube and online communities(e.g., election-fraud claims raised in Busan, or the Everytime forum discourse in Chun­cheon) without critical reflection. b. Proposal ① : Making Democratic Civic Edu­cation Mandatory and Expanding Debate- and Cooperation-Based Learning a. Limitations of the Current“Politically Neu­tral” Education and the Harms of Competi­tion-Centered Schooling The political indifference of younger generations and their vulnerability to extremist narratives— repeatedly identified across nationwide forums— stem from structural failures in the public educa­tion system. As teachers and students testified at the Dae­gu and Chuncheon forums, and as a university professor confirmed in Seoul, the“political neu­trality” clause in the Framework Act on Educa­tion is being misapplied in practice as a de facto ban on political education or as justification for avoiding political topics altogether. Fearing accu­The sustainability of democracy depends on ed­ucation. The“political neutrality” clause in the Framework Act on Education and its enforce­ment decree must be reinterpreted and revised to clearly distinguish political bias and democratic civic education. As proposed in the Chuncheon forum, the current competition-driven education environment—one that frames peers as adversar­ies—should be eased, and a fundamental shift is needed toward education that teaches justice and cooperation. To this end, Korean-style democratic civic edu­cation that cultivates critical thinking should be made a compulsory subject throughout elemen­tary, middle, and high schools. Such education 14