president’s emergency powers should be reduced or abolished; and revisions to the Amnesty Act should be pursued to prevent abuse of presiden­tial pardon authority. (2) Stronger control over the executive branch: The National Assembly Act should be amended to check“rule by enforcement decree” that ex­ceeds statutory delegation. To ensure transpar­ent decision-making, bodies such as the National Security Council(NSC) must be required to keep written minutes as a rule and release them after­ward. (3) Reforming the military intelligence agen­cy: The Defense Counterintelligence Command (DCC), which participated in the insurrection, should be dismantled or reorganized, and demo­cratic oversight must be strengthened across all military intelligence bodies. (4) Protecting public officials: The duty of sol­diers and public officials to disobey unlawful orders should be explicitly codified, and robust safeguards must be established to protect whis­tleblowers who refuse or report illegal directives. 2. Amendments of Political Relations Laws: Electoral Reform to Reduce Polarization a. Limitations of the Current Single-Member District System and the Entrenchment of Re­gionalism The single-member district system, which con­stitutes the basis for elections to both National Assembly and local councils, is a winner-take-all structure that selects only one representative per district. Across regional public forums, this sys­tem was repeatedly identified as a core factor distorting democratic representation. As noted in Busan, Daejeon, and Seoul forums, this system enables a candidate to win 100% of representation with only 50.1% of the vote, while the remaining 49.9% of voters are effectively rendered wasted votes. This leads to severe dis­proportionality and, ultimately, regional seat mo­nopolization: in Busan, the People Power Party holds 17 of 18 seats; in Daegu, 32 of 33 seats. Gwangju City Council is effectively cemented under single-party dominance, and even the Seoul Metropolitan Council—functioning under overwhelming single-party control—has seen key checks and balances collapse, as demonstrated by the abolition of public broadcaster TBS and the repeal of the Student Human Rights Ordi­nance. This structure restricts voter choice and instead intensifies deep-rooted regional cleavages—such as Yeongnam hegemony and Honam marginal­ization. By virtually shutting smaller parties out of the legislature, it deprives the public sphere of diverse social agendas(e.g., climate, labor, mi­nority rights) and fundamentally erodes citizens’ sense of political efficacy. b. Proposal ① : Introducing Multi-Member Dis­tricts and Restoring/Expanding MMPR in Na­tional Assembly Elections To reduce extreme two-party confrontation in the National Assembly and ease regional political di­vides, the proposal raised at the Busan forum to introduce a multi-member district system merits active consideration. Electing two to four repre­sentatives per constituency allows not only the first-place candidate but also second- and third­place candidates to win seats. This provides an institutional foundation for a progressive candi­date to gain representation in Daegu and a con­servative candidate to do so in Gwangju, offering a practical means of breaking the regional mo­nopolies held by the two major parties. 12